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LIBRARY 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

SANTA  BARBARA 

PRESENTED  BY 
MRS.  GEORGE  CLIFFORD 


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HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 


FORT  WORTH 


AND  THE 


TEXAS  NORTHWEST  EDITION 


EDITED  BY 

CAPT.  B.  B.  PADDOCK 


VOLUME    I 


THE  LEWIS  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 

CHICAGO  AND  NEW  YORK 

1922 


COPyRIGHT,  1922 

THE   LEWIS  PUBLISHING   COMPANY 


OAINIA    CAHBAltA 


38  b 

V.I 


The    i'UBLISHERS 

In  behalf  of  tiis  friends  in  Texas 
Dedicate  these  Volumes 

TO 

CAPTAIN  B.  B.  PADDOCK 


January  22,  1841 
January     '',  1922 

No  Citizen  of  Athens 

IN  Hkr  Greatness  Surpassed  Him 

IN  Loyalty  and  Devotion  to  City  and  State 


.S.    ilASTIXCS 


Major    Richard    I".    Burgess 


BuooKii  Smith 


Jlu.v.  11.  P.  Brelskord 


^Iakio.n   Sa.nso-M 


Hon.  W.   I'.  Sebastian 


J.  A.  Kemp 


W.    H.   FUQUA 


PREFACE 


These  viilunies  are  the  result  of  plans  fonmilated  early  in  1920  to 
piihlish  a  concise  general  history  of  Texas,  supplemented  by  an  account, 
more  restricted  in  geographical  scope,  and  with  greater  local  detail,  on 
l-'ort  Worth  and  the  Texas  Northwest. 

In  planning  the  publication  Captain  B.  B.  Paddock  as  editor  took  an 
active  interest  from  the  first.  Week  after  week,  and  at  each  successive 
stage  of  the  enterprise,  his  interest  increased.  While  he  had  agreed  to 
do  no  writing,  his  enthusiasm,  amid  the  intervals  of  pain,  led  him  to 
attack  first  one  subject,  then  another,  until  eventually  nearlv  all  the 
matter  published  in  the  second  volume  had  been  dictated  by  him  or 
compiled  and  edited  under  his  personal  supervision.  He  regarded  it  as  a 
duty  he  owed  the  city  and  state  he  so  ardently  loved  that  he  should  say, 
while  strength  and  time  permitted,  what  he  could  say  regarding  men 
whom  he  considered  founders  and  builders,  and  measures  and  activities 
in  which  he  had  participated.  It  should  be  added,  that  he  was  especially 
concerned  that  the  rewards  of  honor  be  justly  parcelled  among  all  who 
merited  them  and  whose  representation  he  could  by  utmost  diligence 
secure 

The  publishers  feel  justified  in  emphasizing  the  services  rendered  by 
Captain  Paddock,  and  ascribing  the  merits  of  the  publication  to  him. 
But  had  he  written  a  preface  he  would  have  made  acknowledgment  of 
the  many  personal  sources,  by  correspondence  and  otherwise,  from  which 
he  had  obtained  data.  The  members  of  his  .Advisory  Editorial  Board 
are  represented  by  portrait  groups. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 
Introductory   1 

CHAPTER   II 
Colonization'    hv    Americans 7 

CHAPTER  HI 
The  Colonization   System 17 

CHAPTER  TV 
The  Fredomax  War 21 

CHAPTER  \' 
General  Survey  of  the  Texas  Colonies 28 

CHAPTER  \T 
F.   W.  Johnson's   Rkminlscences 47 

CHAPTER  \T1 
Federal    Relations    68 

CH  \I*T]'.R   VIH 
Conventions    oe    1832-33 82 

CHAPTER   IX 
Austin's  Mission-    88 

CHAPTER  X 
State  of  Coaiiuila-'I'icxas,    1833-35 93 

CHAPTER  XI 
I'all  of  Anahuac 108 

CHAPTER  XH 

The  Struccle  Between  Conservatues  and  tiii"  War   Party....  118 

CHAl'Tl'.R   XIII 

Battle  of  Gonzales 1 54 

vii 


viii  CONTF.N'IS 

CHAPTER  Xl\' 
THK   CONSULATIO.N    OF    1835 173 

CHAPTER   XV 

Ihi.  I'kovisioxal  Govekxment 199 

CHAPTER  XVT 

Tm-;  Cai'titrk  ok  San  Antonio 225 

CHAPTER  XVH 

The   Matamoras    Expedition    and   the    Quarkki.    lii/rwEEx    the 
Governor  and  the  General  Council 245 

CHAPTER  X\[ll 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  Establishment  of 
the    Republic    266 

CHAPTER  XIX 
The  1'\\ll  or  the  Alamo 275 

CHAPTER  XX 
Johnson   and  Gkaxt  and  Fannin 297 

CHAPTER  XXI 
San   Jacinto   Campaign 308 

CHAPTER  XXII 
The  Republic  of  Texas 323 

CHAPTER  XXI II 
The  Tkanshion    irom    Republic  to  State 350 

CHAPTER  XX1\' 
Texas   in   the   Mexican   War 357 

CHAPTER  XX\" 
TiiK    Tkxas-Xkw    Mexico    Boundary ^61 

CHAPTER   XX\  1 
'liir.    Public    Debt 366 

CHAPTER  XXVn 
Prosi'kkitv  and  Progress,  1846-1860 369 


CONTENTS  ix 

CHAPTER  XWIII 
BoRDKR  AMI   l-RoNTiKK    TRorni.Es.   1849-1860 375 

ch.-\i'T1-:k  xxix 

Poi.fras.    1851-1860    387 

CHAPTER  XXX 
Secession    396 

CHAPTER  XXXI 
Texas  in   tiik  War 406 

CHAPTER  XXXII 
Recoxstrictiiin-     416 

CHAPTER  XXX III 
Raduai.  Rri.i;  and  Its  Overthrow 429 

CHAPTER  XXXIV 
Aktkr  War  and  RrxoxsTRUcrroN 441 

CHAPTER  XXXV 
Men    AM)    Mkasures 475 

CHAPTER  XXXVI 
Railroad   IUii.dixi;   and  General  Development 507 

CHAPTER  XXXVII 

I'riU.ir    Hir.IIWAYS    517 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII 
Till.   I.ivi:   Stock   Industry 525 

CHAPTER  XXXIX 
Minfrai,  Ri-sorRCEs   547 

CHAPTER  XI. 
Petroleu  m    562 

CHAPTER  XI, I 

TiMliKR     AND     I    I'MIIKR 575 


X  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   XLII 
Irrigation   577 

CHAPTER  XLHI 
The  South   Plains  of  the  Texas  Panhandle 583 

CHAPTER  XLIV 
Public  Instruction   591 

CHAPTER  XLV 
l-'oRT   Worth    Beginnings 599 

CHAPTER  XLVI 
Fort  Worth   Becomes  a  City 608 

CHAPTER  XLVII 
Educational  Facilities   615 

CHAPTER  XLVTII 
Public   Service  Organizations 623 

CHAPTER  XLIX 
The   Courts.    Bench    and    Bar 630 

CHAPTER  L 
Institutions  and  Organizations 632 

CHAPTER  LI 
Fort    Worth    Indttstries 657 

CHAPTER  LI  I 
\\'ar  Activitu:s  ni-  Fort  Worth 680 

CHAPTER  LlII 
Pioneers   and   Builders 683 

The  Texas  Northwest — County  Subdivisions 701 

Reminiscences 870 


INDEX 


Ab  initio  controversy,  I,  418,  419 

Ab  initio  question,  I,  425 

Ab  initio  views,  I,  423 

Abbott,  lo,  II,  501 

Abilene.  II.  84.?.  844.  845 

Acme  Brick  Company,  II,  (j/O 

.■\d  interim  government.   I.  27,>,  .324 

Adams,  Francis,  I,  Zl ,  6,i 

Adams,  H.  J.,  Ill,  74 

Adams,  Thomas  P.,  Ill,  129 

Add-Ran  College,  II,  620,  689 

Agee,  Howard  L.,  Ill,  .?29 

Agee  Screen  Company,  II,  676 

Agricultural  and  Mechanical  College,  II, 

459,  482 
Agriculture.  IT,  452.  458.  577:  in   South 

Plains.  II.  58.3 
Agua.  Dulce.  I,  298 
Alabama  Indians,  I.  378 
Alaman.  Lucas,  I,  71 
Alaman's  Report  on  Texas.  I,  Ti 
Alamo,  The,  I,  36,  37,  54,  226,  234,  235, 

237,  275,  288;  fall  of  the.  T.  275;  plan 

of  I,  287 
Alamo  Canal.  I.  170 
Albany,  II,  826 
Alexander.  Jacob,  IV,  731 
Alexander,  Julia  D..  IV.  731 
Alexander.  W.  W..  Ill,  147 
Alexander  Lumber   Companv,    II.   671 
Alford,  Robert  W.,  Ill,  ,346  ' 
Alford's  School  II,  617 
Alfred,  L  124 

Alien  ownership  of  land.  IT.  471 
All-Church  Press,  II,  656 
All  Saints  Hospital,  IT,  646 
Allday,  Martin  L..  IV.  373 
Allen,  A.  C,  T,  127 
.Mien,  Ebenezer,  I,  .347 
.Mien,  Eugene  S..  III.  17 
Allen.  T.  K..  I,  65,  127 
Allen.  "Martin.  I,  123 
Allen,  Reece  S..  Ill,  86 
Allen.  Samuel  P..  L  63,  78 
Allen,  S.  R,  I.  187 
Allen,  S.  T.,  I,  173 
Allen.  Thomas  R..  IV,  414 
.MIev.   lohn.  I,  120 
Allev,  Captain.  I.  163 
•Mlc'v,  William,  I,  124 
Allison.  Bruce.  III.  253 
Allison.  James  H..  II.  655;  IV.  740 
.Mmontc's  report  on  Texas,   I.  28 
Alpine.  II.  712 
Alvarado.  II,  779,  783 


Amarillo,  HI,  513,  585,  812,  813,  814 
Ambler,  E.  T.,  IV,  661 
American  invasions,  early,  I,  6 
American  National  Bank,  II,  632 
American  party,  I,  ,3.38;  II,  500 
Anahuac,  T,  .30,  62,  63,  77,  78,  80,  108 

109;  fall  of,  I,  108 
Anderson,  Austin    P.,    Ill,   346 
Anderson,  A.  J.,  Ill,  110 
Anderson,  J.  L,  II,  601 
Anderson,  Neil  P.,  II,  602 
Anderson,  N.   P.  &  Company  Building 

II,  658 
Anderson,  William  W.,  IV,  615 
Andrews,  Walter  R.,  IV,  468 
Andrews,  Warren  P.,  Ill,  308 
Andrews  county,  II,  703 
Annexation  of  Texas,  I,  328,  3.34,  343, 

344,  345,  346 
Anti-Trust  Law.  II.  482,  497 
Archer,  B.  T.,  I,  78.  149.  160.  187.   192 

198,  216.  218 
Archer  City.  II,  70S 
Archer  countv,  I,  369,;  II,  703 
"Archive  War."   I,  3.34 
Argyle,  II,  738 
Arlingrton,  II,  838 
Arlington  Heights,  II,  635 
.•\rmour  &  Co.,  659,  662 
Armstrong,  George  W..  IV,  726 
.\rmstrong,     George    W.     &     Companv, 

Inc.,  II,  666 
Armstrong,  M.  L.,  I,  401 
Armstrong,  Ramsev  C.   Jr..  Ill,  62 
Armstrong  County,'  II,  512,  705 
Army,  I,  325 
Armv  of  Provisional  Government.  I.  201. 

204 
Army  of  Reserve,  I,  205 
"Army  of  the  people,"  I,  211 
Armv  of  the  revolution,  I,  206 
Army  ordinance  of  1835,  I.  259 
Arncson,  Axel,  TV,  402 
Arnold,  Ripley  A.,  IT,  599 
.\rnold-Walden  Institute.  II,  617 
Arrington.  William,  I.  187 
Arrington,  W.  W.,  I,  157 
Art.   loseph  L..  IV,  635 
Ashe.  Eugene,  IV,  7.32 
Aston,  W.  Edward,  IV,  512 
Asylums,   II,  480 
.•\tascosa  county,  T,  ,369 
.Atascosito,  T,  43 
Atascosita  ford,  I,  310 
.\thens  Polterv  Companv,   II,  670 


XI 


INDEX 


Aiibrty.  II.  738 

August.  Alfonsc.  III.  104 

Augustin.  Henry,  I.  187 

Aurora.  IT.  859.  861 

Austin,  Henry.  I.  118 

Austin,  Tames  B..  I.  11.  58 

Austin.  John.  I.  58.  80.  82.  93 

.Austin.  Moses.  I.  7:  in  Texas  I.  9;  death 
of,  I.  11 

Austin,  San   Felipe  de,   I.   IS.  26 

Austin.  Stephen  F..  I.  7.  8.  12.  14.  15. 
21.  25.  26.  32.  41.  57.  59.  68.  75.  82.  84. 
86.  87.  88.  98.  150.  152.  154.  155.  162. 
163.  173.  186,  189.  192.  214.  216,  218. 
221.  226,  227,  266,  324.  343;  II.  11: 
mission  to  Mexico  in  1833.  I.  88:  atti- 
tude toward   Mexico,   I.  91 

Austin,  William  E.,  Ill,  154 

Austin,  \V.  T.,  I,  127,  149,  160,  169.  235. 
241.  309 

Austin  citv.  I.  331.  3.33,  350.  .^7^.  476 

Austin  College.  II.  595 

.Austin's  colony,  location.  I.  13.  15:  land 
distribution.   I,   14;   29,  41 

Australian  Ballot  System,  II,  483 

Automobile  .Association  of  South  Texas, 

II,  518 

Automobile  Factories.  II.  665 
Axtell.  Fred  W..  TV.  391 
.Axtell  Company,  II.  676 

Baber,  James  M.,  IV,  625 

Bachman,  Grover  C.  IV.  616 

Bacon.  John.  IV.  661 

Bacon.  Sumner,  IV,  659 

Badgett,  Jesse  B„  I,  271 

Baglev,  W.  H..  IT.  655 

Bailey,  Joseph  W..  IT.  499.  502.  505 

Bailey  county,  II.  707 

Bailev  investigation.  II.  503 

Baird.  IT.  717 

Baker.  Alonzo  L..  IV.  623 

Baker.  A.  T..  II.  490 

Baker.  Daniel.  II.  595 

Baker.  Tames  B,.  TV.  378 

Baker  tohn  W..  IV.  747 

Baker.  Mars   N..   TIT.  ,37 

Baker,  Moselv,  I,  127,  1.35,  162.  174.  310 

Baldridge.  W.  H.,  IT.  617 

Ball,  David,  TV,  676 

Ball,  Ed,  TIT.  237 

Ball.  F.  W..  IT.  608 

Ball.  Thomas  H.,  II,  498 

Ballard,  Edward  R.,  TV,  453 

Ballard,  J.  J..  ITT,  177 

Ballinger,  IT,    508.    821.    822 

Ballinger.  W.  P.  IT.  477 

Bandera  county,  I,  469 

Bankers    &    Merchants    Petroleum    Co.. 

III.  131 

Bankhead  Highway.  II.  521 


Banks.  I,  352.  632;  of  Wichita  FalU.  IT. 

856 
Baptist  Theological   Seminary,   II,  615 
Barbed  wire,  IT,  457,  .5.36 
Bardon.  John.  IT.  601 
Barker.  Bob.  TV.  588 
Barker.  J.  D.,  TV',  497 
Barnard,  Tack  C.  IV.  612 
Barnes.  Evan  J..  IV.  379 
Barnes.  Lee  A..  TIT.  1()() 
Barnett.  G,  W.,  I,  271 
Barnett,  Thomas,  1,  bO,   186,  271 
Barnett,  W.  Young.  III.  200 
Barr,  Clinton,  III,  261 
Barrett.  D.  C.  I.  118.  1.32.  1.34,  187.  108. 

215 
Barron  Field.  11.  681 
Barry.  James,  I,  385 
Bartlett,  Jesse.  I  123.  134 
Barwise.  Joseph  H.,  Ill,  5 
Baskin.  Albert  J..  III.  248 
Bastrop.  I,  45.  118;  II.  552 
Bastrop,  Baron  de,  I,  10,  15,  41 
Bastrop  County,  II,  547 
Bates.  Ed  F..  IV.  692 
Battle  of  Gonzales.  I,  154 
Battle  of   Mission   Concepcioii.   I,    1()7 
Baxter  Spring  Trail,  IT.  531 
Baylor,  John  R.,  I,  407 
Baylor  County,  I,  369;   II,  707 
Baylor  University.  IT.  595 
Beall,  Elias  J.,  IT,  601,  699 
Bean,  Bert   ]..  TIT,   106 
Bean,  Ellis,   I.  22 
Bean.  Peter  Ellis,  I,  5 
Beard,  James  A.,  IV,  674 
Beason,  B.,  I.  124 
Season's  Ford,  I,  309 
Beauchamp,  Thomas  D..  T,  83 
Beaumont,  IT.  562,  563 
Beavers,  A.  J.,  TIT.  43 
Beck,  Walter  H„  TIT,  32 
Beckham,  R.  E..   IT,  601.   609.  686 
Bee.  Barnard  E..  I,  336 
Bee  County,  I,  369 
Beggs,  George,  Sr,.  TV.  451 
Belcher.  Elbert  M.,  HI,  121 
Belew,  Levi  G.,  TV,  556 
Bell,  Albert  M.,  TV,  722 
Bell,  C.  K.  IT.  493 
Bell,  Dean.  IV.  522 
Bell,  James  H..  I.  27 
Bell.  J.    H..    I.    119 
Bell,  Josiah  H..  I.  127.  134.  146 
Bell,  P,  H..  I.  363,  375,  377 
Bell  Countv,   I,  369.  .382 
Benbrook.  IT,  842 
Benevolent  Home,  II,  648 
Bennett,  David  C.  IT,  601,  632,  700 
Bennett.  George  E..  IV,  585 
Bennett.  Octavia  A..  IV,  585 
Bennett,  Walter  H..  IV.  715 


INDEX 


xiu 


Bennett.  Walter  R.,  11,  670;  HI,  33 

Bennett,  W.  A.,  Ill,  164 

Bennette,  Howard,  III,  276 

Bergman,  Max,  III,  20 

Bernard,  Joseph  H.,  I,  306 

Berney,  Morris  E.,  IV,  516 

Berry,  Edgar  L.,  IV,  718 

Bevil,  John,  I,  173,  187 

Bevil's  settlement,  I,  30,  44,  175 

Bewley,  Edwin  E.,  HI,  66 

Bewley,  M.  P.,  II,  667;  IV,  734 

Bibb,  Sumptcr  T.,  II,  601 ;  IV,  398 

Big  Spring.  II,  773,  774 

Bilyeu.  John  R.,  IV,  743 

Bingham.  Francis,  I,  149 

Binns,  Xorman  N..  HI,  159 

Binyon.  Roy.  HI,  136 

Bird,  John  M.,  HI,  317 

Birdville,   II,  475,  600;  pioneers.   H,  838 

Bishop.  Otho  L.,  HI,  251 

Black  republican  party,  I,  394 

Blakeney,  James  C,  IV,  424 

Blanco  County,   I.  369 

Bland.  John  M..  IV,  702 

Blitch.  John  B..  HI,  331 

Blount.  James   P..   IV.  681 

Blount.  John  H.,  I.  173,  187 

Blount.  Stephen  W.,  I,  271 

Boaz.  H.  A.,  II,  618 

Boaz,  William  J.,  II.  514.  601.  608,  632; 

IV,  438 
Bogart.  Sam.  I.  401 
Bohning,  William,  IV.  442 
Bomar,  David  T.,  II,  650;  IV,  445 
Bond,  George  D..  Ill,  132 
Bonham,  J.  B.,  I,  280 
Bonner.  William  N..  Ill,  48 
Borden,  Gail,  I,  152,  185.  213.  218 
Borden.  John  P.,  I,  59 
Borden,  Thomas  H.,  I,  59 
I'.ordcn  County.  II.  709 
Bosque  County.  I.  369 
Bostaph.  FredD.,  HI,  168 
Bottorff,  Fred  M.  HI,  222 
Boulware,  T.  C,  II,  601 
Boundary  of  Texas,  I,  325.  337 
Boundary  questions.  I,  361 
Bowdry,"P.    I.,   II,  601 
Bowdry,  William  P.,  HI.   152 
Bower,  John  W.,  I.  271 
Bowie.  II,  511,  797 
Bowie,  James.  I,  62.  65,  99,  104,  139,  166, 

170,  225.  229.  246.  255,  257,  275,  285, 

286,  292 
Bowles,  Delos  T..  IV.  582 
Boyd.  Ellis  H.,  IV,  475 
Boyd.  Frank  D.,  HI.  62 
Boynton,  Charles  A.,  II,  499 
Bradhurn,  J.  D..  1,  43.  62,  63,  78 
Bradford,  Charles  C,  III.  197 
Bradley,  John  W..  IV,  436 
Bradley,  Stephen  M..  IV,  539 


Bradley,  Tom  C.  HI.  64 

Bradly,  John  M..  I.  83 

Bradshaw,  James,  I,  129 

Brady,  II.  793 

Braswell,  Radford  O.,  Ill,  31 

Brazoria,  I,  29,  40,  81,  93,  98,  160 

Brazos,  department  of,  I.  70 

Breckinridge.  II,  516.  568,  569,  571,  827. 

828 
Breckinridge,   |.  C.   1.  395 
Breckinridge  field.  II.  828 
Brelsford.  Homer  P..  HI  320 
Brenham.  R.  F..  I,  339 
Brewer,  Floyd,  III,  308 
Brewster  County.   II,  710 
Bridgeport,  II.  547.  861 
Bridwell,  Joseph  S..  IV.  615 
Brigham.  Asa,  I.  122 
Bright,  Marcus  M..  HI.  63 
Briscoe,  Andrew,    I.    111.    112.    166.    169 

225,  271 
Briscoe  County.   II.  712 
Brister,  Adjutant,  I,  232.  299 
Britain,  Alexander  H..  IV.  588 
Britton.  Ed  S..  IV,  666 
Britton.  Forbes.  I.  378. 
Britton.  W.  K..  II.  558 
Brock.  James  A.,  II,  538 
Brooks,  S.   P.,   II,  493,  502 
Brooks.  W.  B..  II,  628 
Brown,  Emmett.  IV,  405 
Brown,  George  W.,  IV,  506 
Brown,  Henry  S.,  I,  58,  83 
Brown,  Ira  D..  HI.  342 
Brown.  Jesse  M.,  IV,  523 
Brown.  John  Henry.  I,  379,  391,  401,  413 
Brown,  Joseph  H..  II,  574,  601,  667,  685 
Brown,  P.  Walter,  III,  278 
Brown,  Robert  F..  Ill,  310 
Brown.  R.  R..   I.  298 
Brown  County.  I.  .369;   II.  713 
Brownfield.   it.  585.  847 
Browning.  J.   N.,  II,  492 
Brownrigg,  R.  T.,  I,  .399;   II,  475 
Brownsville.   I.  380,  381 
Brownwood.   II,  508,  596,   625.   715.   878 
BrufT,  Samuel.     I.  83 
Bryan.  Guy  M.,  I,  395,  ,397 
Bryan.  Joseph.  I,  173 
Bryan,  Louis  J.,  Ill,   126 
Bryan.  Moses   A..   I,    169 
Bryan.  William.  I.  323 
Bryco,  William.    II.  666.  670 
Bryce.  William.   HI.  7 
Buclianan  County.   I,   369 
Buchncr  A.  C,  I,  57 
Bucna  Vista,  I,  358 
Buffalo,  II,  545 
Buffalo  Bayou,  Brazos  &  Colorado  R.  R  , 

I,  .371.  .372 
Bugg,  Benjamin  N..  IV.  .376 
Buie.  James   .\.,  Ill,  65 


INDEX 


Bullington,  Orville,  111,  100 

Bullock,  James  W..  I,  79 

Burchill's  School.  II,  617 

Burdett  Oxygen  Company.  11,  674 

Burges,  Richard  F.,  IV,  439 

Burkburnett,  II,  567,  573,  851,  853 

Burkburnett  Building.  II,  634 

Burke,  William  E.,  Ill,  332 

Burkhart,  Charles  B.,  Ill,  173 

Burkhart.  George  W.,  II,  493 

Burks,  Joseph  B.,  IV,  518 

Burks,  Will  D.,  Ill,  274 

Burleson,  II,  783 

Burleson,  A.  B.,  I,  385,  475 

Burleson,  Edward.  I,  118,  158.  163,  187. 

204,  212,  228,  230,  235,  239.  308.  317. 

340,  358,  Z7i,  382,  385 
Burleson,  Rufus  C,  II,  595 
Burnet,  David  G.,   I,  20,  27,  44,  58,  86. 

125,  130,  178,  187,  273.  iZi,  324.  iiZ. 

420 
Burnet  County,  I,  369;  II,  558 
Burnett,  Samuel    B..    II,    540,    632,    665. 

874;  111,92 
Burney,  Hance  M.,  Ill,  14 
Burney,  I.  H.,  Ill,  14 
Burnham.  Jesse,  I,  83.  124,  186 
Burnham's  Crossing.  I,  309 
Burnside,  Alfred  W.,  IV,  524 
Burnside,  J.  B.,  II,  601 
Burroughs,  George  W.,  Ill,  64 
Burroughs,  Lewis,  IV,  445 
Burton,  J.  W..  I.  271,  331 
Burton,  W.,  II.  554 
Burton.  Willard.  II.  601  ;   III.  6 
Burts,  William  P.,  II.  601.  608.  686.  879 
Bushong.  Elizabeth  J..  IV,  748 
Bushong.  George  E..   IV.  748 
Buster.  John  E,.  IV.  456 
Butcher,  Charles  M..  IV,  517 
Butler.  Anthony.   I.  7i.  89,  92 
Butler,  George,  I,  83 
Byers,  II,  719 
Byers,  Andrew  T.,  Ill,  102 
Bynum,  W.  H.,  I,  127,  149 
Byrne,  Henry  E.,  III.  45 
Byrne,  Thomas  S.,  IV,  591 
Byrom,  John  S.  D.,  I.  173,  187,  271 

Cabell.  W.  L.,  II,  880 
Cabiness,  C.  C,  IV,  618 
Caddo.  II.  827 
Cade,  John  R.,  IV,  392 
Caldwell.  Hershal  V..   IV.  707 
Caldwell,  Matthew.  I.  157.  271.  .^41 
Caldwell,  Thomas  J.,  IV.  745 
Caldwell.  Walter  H..  IV.  745 
Caldwell  County,  I,  369 
Callahan.  J,   H..  I.  377 
Callahan  County.  I.  369;  II.  716 
Callaway.  Sam  J..  111.  176 
Cahert.  Roy  P..  I\'.  436 


Calvit.  A.,  I,  127 

Cameron,  John,  I,  65,  102.  224.  242 

Cameron,  R.  A.,  II,  870 

Cameron  County,  I,  369 

Carney  Spur,  II,  739 

Camp,  L.  B.,  I,  401 

Camp  Colorado,  II.  722 

Camp  Cooper,  II.  866 

Campaign  of  1835.  I,  154 

Campbell,  Isaac,   I.  331 

Campbell,  Thomas  M..  II.  493,  502 

Campeachy  Indians,  1.  303 

Canals,  I,  370 

"Canary  Island"  settlers.  I,  35 

Candy  factories,  II.  674 

Canning  factory,  II.  673 

Cantey,  Samuel  B.,  Ill,  151 

Cantrell,  Robert  C.  III.  134 

Canyon.  II.  499 

Capital,    location    of.    I.    331.    .5.U    i7i: 

controversy  over.  I.  350 
Capitol.  I.  37i:  II,  458.  463.  478 
Capps.  William,  II.  636.  655.  666 
Caps,  Sterling  B..  IV.  409 
Carb.   I..   II.  601 
Carb.  M.  R..  III.  31 
Carbajal.  J.  M.,  II.  63.  135.  l.?9 
Card.  Lewis  P.,  Ill,  368 
Carithers.  Dan  J.,   IV,  680 
Carlock.  Robert  L.,  Ill,  57 
Carnegie    Public    Library.    Fort    Worth. 

II.  640;  IV.  740 
Carnes.   Henry.   I,  237 
Carrigan.  A.  H..  III.   1% 
Carrigan.  Pat.  III.  194 
Carroll.  B..   IV.  381 
Carruthers  Field.  II.  681 
Car  Shed  Convention.  II.  484 
Carson.  Sam  P.,  I.  271.  27i.  311 
Carson  County.  II,  717 
Cart  War.  I.  .380 
Carter.  C.  L..  II.  540 
Carter.  E,  H..  IV.  587 
Carter.  Robert  A.,  III.  182 
Casey.  Martin.  II.  602 
Castleman.  J.  W..  III.  329 
Castro  County.  II.  718 
Cattle,   II.  457;    rtr.-,t   registered,    11.   537 
Cattle  corporations,   II.  457 
Cattle  industry.   I,   M.   .33;    II.   456,   481. 

511.  525 
Cattle  Raisers'  .\ssociation  of  Texa<,  11. 

542.  868 
Cattle  trails.   II.  458.   528 
Chadwick,  Captain.  I.  305 
Chamber  of  Commerce.  II.  651 
Chamber  of  Commerce  Building.  II,  6U1 
Chambers.  A,   I..  II.  601 
Chambers.  John  T..   IV,  720 
Chambers.  Thomas  J,.  I.  59.  77.  KM).  103. 

104.  205.  408.  412 
Chambers  County.   I.  369 


INDEX 


Champ,  J.  W.,  Ill,  17.5 

Charbonneau,  Alexis  W.,  III.   U5 

Charbonneau,  W.  F.,  Ill,  135 

Chase,  Ira  C.  Ill,  144 

Chastain,  Claud  P.,  IV,  434 

Cherokee  Indians,  I,  22,  24,  175,  192,  224, 

330 
Chesley,  John  E„  IV,  505 
Chesley,  John  I.,  Ill,  318 
Chevallie.  Major,  I,  359 
Chevrolet  Motor  Company,  II,  665 
Chicago  syndicate.  II.  478 
Chico,  II,  860 

Childress,  George  C.  I,  268,  271 
Chilton.  Horace,  II.  501 
Chilton.  William  E.,  III.  148 
Chipps.  D.  Elliott,  III.  38 
Chisholm  Trail,  II.  532 
Cholera  in  1833,  I,  64,  93 
Chriesman,  Horatio.  I,  65 
Chrisman,  Oscar  O.,  IV,  465 
Christensen,  J.  V.  C.  T.,  IV,  621 
Churches:   Fort  Worth.  II,  636 
Churchill,  E.  E.,  IV,  737 
Cigar  Factories,  II,  673 
Cinnabar,  II.  551 

Cisco,  II,  572,  744,  746.  747.  748,  749 
Ci.sco  &  Northeastern  R.  R..   II.  516 
City  and  County  Hospital.  II,  636 
City  National  Bank  of  Commerce.  Wicli- 

ita  Falls,  II,  856;  HI,  113 
Civil   war,   I.   396,  406 
Clarendon,  II,  512,  742 
Clark,  Edward,  I,  392.  400,  406.  408.  415 
Clark.  George,  II,  468,  472,  484.  486.  505 
Clark.  John  H.,  I.  365 
Clark,  Lee.  IV.  467 
Clark,  L.  T.,  II,  540 
Clark,  S.  George.  IV,  592 
Clark.  William.  Jr..  I,  271 
Clark,  W.  T..  I.  434 
Clarke,  George  C.  IV.  581 
Clarke.  W.  T.,  I,  434 
Clarkson.  Wiley  G.,  Ill,  110 
Claude,   II.  512.  706 
Clay.  Henry,  I.  12,  345 
Clav,  Nestor.   I.  82 
Clav.  Wiley  D..  TV,  492 
Clay  County,  I.  ,369;    II.   719 
Clayton.  George  R.,  IV.  564 
Cleburne.  II.  461,  508,  779,  780,  781.  782 
Clement.  I.  B.,  I.  187 
Clements,  J.  D..  I,  198,  252,  254,  257 
Clendenen,  Andrew  J.,  TIT,  38 
Cleveland.  John  H.,  IV,  564 
Clifford,  George  H.,  Ill,  58 
Clifford,  Nace   M.,  IV,  60S 
Cline.  Walter  D..  III.  189 
Clopper.  Nicholas,  I.  44 
Clopper's   Point.   I,   115 
Clothing  factory,  II,  669 


Coahuila  —  Texas    Departments.    I,    69 ; 

state  government,  1833-35,  I,  93 
Coal,  II,  547 

Cobb,  Horace  H.,  Ill,  69 
Cobb,  Leslie  M.,   IV,  404 
Cobb  Brick  Company,  II,  670 
Cobden,  Alexander,  HI,  135 
Cochran,  A.  M.,  II,  481 
Cochran,  John  H.,  II,  488 
Cochran,  Lieutenant,   I,  384 
Cochran  County,  II,  720 
Cocke,  William  A.,  II,  503 
Cockrell,  E.  R.,  HI,  102 
Coe,  Philip,  I,  187 
Coffee  and  Spices,  II.  676 
Coke,  Richard,  I,  437;  II,  441,  453 
Coke  County,  II.  721 
Colbert,  C.  v.,  II,  546 
Cole,  David,  III,  174 
Cole,  Howard  S.,  IV.  735 
Coleman.  II,  508 
Coleman,  R.  M.,  I.  187,  271 
Coleman,  William  T.,   IV,   649 
Coleman  City,  II,  723 
Coleman  County.  I,  369;  II.  121 
Coleto.  battle  of.  I.  302,  303,  304 
Collard,  C,  I.  187 
College  of  Arts,  Denton,  II,  740 
College  of  Industrial  Arts,  II,  7.39 
Collett,  James  D.,  Ill,  54 
Collier,  John,  II,  840 
Collinsville  Manufacturing  Company,  II, 

677 
Collinsworth,  D.   C,  I.   164 
Collinsworth,  James,  I,  271,  343 
Colonial  .Administration  of  Texas.  I.  69 
Colonial  judiciary,  I.  93 
Colonies  in  1825  and  1826.  1.  21  ;  general 

survey  of.  I,  28 
Colonization   by   Americans,   I.  7 
Colonization  laws,  I,  14,  17,  18,  19 
Colonization  law   of   Coahuila-Texas,   I. 

15 
Colonization  system,  I.  17 
Colony  contracts,  list  of.  I.  19,  30.  59 
Colorado,  II,  796 
Colorado  County,  I,  .380 
Colquitt,  O.  B.,  II,  493,  495.  502.  6.^4 
Colston,  J.  W.,  II,  540 
Columbia,  I.  29,  .W.  411,  ''8,  111     119    Ml, 

127,  146,  147,  208,  323 
Columbus,  I,  309 
Colvin,  George  H.,  HI.  11 
Colvin,  O.  v.,  Ill,   176 
Comanche,  II,  725 

Comanche  County,  1.  .)69.  384;   II.  724 
Comanche  Indians,  I.  54,  330,  378 
Comer,  Luther  B.,  111.  57 
Commerce  of   1806,  I,  30 
Concho  County.  I,  369;  II.  726 
Confederate     soldiers     from     Tc.xa^.     I, 

407,  408,  409,  413 


XVI 


INDEX 


Congress  ot  the  Republic.  I.  350 

Connell.  Giles  H.,  Ill,  15 

Connell.  James  F.,  Ill,  139 

Connell.    John.  I.  83 

Connell.  Wilson  E..  Ill,  161 

Connellee.  Charles  U..  IV.  637 

Conner.  Earl,  III,  335 

Conner,  Emmett  R.,  III.  356 

Conner.  John  H..  I,  382 

Conrad,  Edward,  I,  268,  271 

Conservatives  and  the  War  Party,  strug- 
gle between.  I.  118 

Constitution  bv  the  Convention  of  1833, 
I,  87 

Constitution  of  1824.  support  of.  I.  78 

Constitution  of  1876,  II,  443 

Constitution  of  the  Republic,  I,  271 

Constitutional  Convention  of  1875.  11, 
442 

Consultation  of  1835.  I.  173 ;  members 
of,  I,  186 

Conventions  of  1832-33,  I,  82;  of  inde- 
pendence. I,  268;  of  1845,  I.  351;  of 
Secession.  I.  398.  399;  of  1866.  I.  417; 
of  1868,  I,  424 

Cooke,  Louis  P..  I,  331 

Cooke,  William  G.,  I,  339 

Cooke,  William  S.,  III.  352 

Cooke  Countv.  II,  728 

Cooper.  1.  F..  II.  601 

Cooper,  J.  L..  II.  601 

Cooper.  Lorenzo  D.,  Ill,  206 

Cooper.  Vespasian  V..  III.  324 

Corbett,  J.  I.,  II,  491 

Corinth,  II,  738 

Corley.  T.  Ben,  III,  358 

Corn,  James  W.,  IV,  653 

Coronado  Expedition,  I,  2 

Coronal  Institute,  II,  596 

Corpus  Christi.  I.  357 

Corsicana.  II.  562.  574 

Cortina.  Juan  N.,  I.  ,381 

Cortina's  rebellion,   I,  381 

Coryell  Countv,  I,  369,  382 

Cos,  General,"!,  106,  108.  112,  UO.  135. 
154.  166.  174.  228.  240,  314 

Cottle  County,  II,  731 

Cotton.  I.  29.  31.  33.  344.  412;  II.  458. 
668 

Cotton  acreage  reduction.  II,  496 

Cotton  Belt.  II.  613 

Cotton  Belt  System.  II.  509 

Cotton  Oil   Mills.   II,  669 

Cotton  Seed  Products.  11,  669 

Couch.  Burr  W..  III.  13 

Council  House  fight,  I.  330 

Counties,  creation  of.  I.  356;  created 
from  1848  to  1858.  1.  369;  with  irriga- 
tion. II,  580 

County  of  Santa  Fe,  I,  362 

Courtright,  Jim,  II.  875 

Courts.  II.  444 


Covert.  John  DcL..  IV,  537 

Covert,  Joseph  S..  IV.  535 

Cow   Bayou  Settlement.   I.  44 

Cowan.  E,  P.,  II.  624 

Cowan,  Samuel  H„  III,  169 

Cowart,  Robert  E..  II.  607 

Craddock.  John  B..  Ill,  85 

Crandall,  Stewart  A.,  IV,  666 

Crane,  M.  M.,  II.  486.  490.  492 

Crane.  William  C.  II.  596 

Crane  County,  II,  732 

Craven,  James  M.,  IV..  729 

Crawford,  William  C,  I,  271 

Creager,  R.  B..  II.  498 

Crockett.  Davy.  I.  285.  286.  292;  II.  470 

Crockett  County.  II.  732 

Crosby  County.  II,  733 

Crosbyton,  II,  585 

Cross,  Wallace  J..   I\'.   526 

Crowley.   II.  842 

Crutcher.  George  W..  III.  338 

Culberson.  C.  A..  II.  456.  473.  486.  488. 

489,  490,  502 
Culberson  County,  II.  734 
Culbertson.  John  G..  IV.  619 
Cullinan.  J,  S.,  II.  562 
Cumberland  Rest,  II.  648 
Cummings,  C.  C,  II.  630.  883 
Cunningham.  Xewton  A..  III.  38 
Cunningham.  Ozro  W..  Ill,  287 
Cunningham,  William  F..  Ill,  280 
Curiton.  C.  M..  II.  499,  500 
Curlee.  Walter  S..  III.  51 
Curtright,  H.  C.  III.  139 
Custom  houses  in  Te.\as.  I.  109 

Dabnev,  Guv,  III,  327 

Daggett,  Bud.   IV,   712 

Daggett,  Elizabeth  M.,  IV.  748 

Daggett.  Ephraim   B..   II.   611;    IV.   748 

Daggett,  E.  M..  II.  599.  600,  601  ;  IV.  712 

Daggett.  John   P..   W.  749 

Dahlman  Brothers.   II.   601 

Dahlman.  Isaac.  II.  658 

Dalhart.  II.  735 

Dallam  Countv,  II,  734 

Dallas,     II.  605 

Dalrvmple.  W.  C.  I.  382.  3?.? 

Darnell.  Nicholas.  II.  611 

Darnell.  \.  H.,  I,  354;  II.  612 

Darrah.  Robert  R..  III.  74 

Darter.  W.   A..  II.  601 

Darter.  William  A..  Ill,  41 

Davenport.  .\..  IV.  472 

Davenport.  George  L..  III.  356 

Davidson.  A.  B.,  II,  494 

Davidson,  LjTich,  II,  500 

Davidson,  R.  V..  II,  494 

Davidson,  Sam.  II.  493;  III,  52 

Davis  .^dministration.    II.    441 

Davis.  "Cyclone."   II.  501 

Davis.  Daniel.  IV.  662 


INDEX 


Davis.  Edmund  J.,  I.  414.  417.  4-'4,  4.'6. 

429.435.  437.  4,?8;  11.477 
Uavis.  George  \V..  I.  187 
Davi.s,  Joe  H..  IV.  703 
Davis.  Sam  W.  III.  129 
Davis.  Theo   G..   W.   579 
Davis.  William  Henrv,  II.  601.  685 
Dawson  County.  I.  369;  11,  736 
Day.  Clem  H..  Ill,  311 
Day.  G.   H  .   II,  609 
Davton.  F.  Hannan,  III.  267 
Dayton,  George  W..  III.  188 
Dayton.  James  E,.  III.  268 
Deaf  Smith  County.  II.  760 
DeArredondo.  Joaquin.  I,  9 
Deavenport.  Berry  H..  IV.  677 
Deavtiiport.    Marv    E..    IV.   678 
Decatur.  II.  510.  859.  861 
Declaration  of  Causes  in   1835.  I.  189 
Declaration  of  Independence.  I.  266.  268 
Decree  of  April  6.  1830,  I.  71.  74,  76 
Dedmon.  Perry  G.,  III.  150 
DefTebach.  A..  II.  554 
DefTebach.  Thomas  G.,  III.  178 
De  Leon.  Martin.  I,  19.  42.  93 
De  Leon  Expedition,  I.  3 
Democratic  convention  at  Charlestf)n.  I, 

395 
Democratic  ccjnvcntiim>.  1.  .587.  4.U,  437; 

01    1878.   II.  476 
Democratic  party.   II.  475 
Denison.  II,  507 
Denton.  II,  739 
Denton  County,  II,  738 
Department  of  Brazos,  I,  70 
Desdcmona,  II.  568,  746 
De  Soto  expedition.  I.  2 
de  Ugartcchea.  Dominga.  1,  1118 
De  \'aca.  Cabcza.   1.  2 
Dc  Vaux.  H.  A..  III.  194 
Devine.  Thomas  J..   I.  402;   II.  4/(i 
DeVitl,  P.  M..   I\'.  708 
DeWitt.  Green.   I,  19,  27.  38.  51.  58.  103 

157 
DeWitt  Colon V,   I.   1"',  29.  .58.  51 
Dexter,  II,  730 
de  Zavala,   Lorenzo.    I.  20.   44,    135,   143, 

162.  173.  187.  271,  27?,.  310 
Dickens  County.  11.  740 
Dickenson,  Lieutenant.  I.  293,  294 
Dickenson,  Mrs,.   1.  308 
Dickinson.  Cliarles  I,,  I\'.  7.56 
Dickson,  D,  C.  I.  ,588 
Diggs.  Hubb.  III.  1.58 
Dill.  I.  R..  IV.  492 
Dillingham.  Olic  D..  111.  2<J7 
Dillion,  Mount.  IV,  728 
Dimmit,  Phillip,  I,  54,  164,  165,  212.  243, 

246.  255;  II,  719 
Dimmit  Countv,  I.  360 
ningec,  Arthur  S.,  II.  601  ;  111,  (i7 
Din<morc.  Silas,   I,  82 


Division  ol   Texas.   I.  418 
Doan's  Station.   II,  862 
Dobson.  .Archibald  B..  I.  »2 
Dodge.  Grenville  M„  II.  604 
Donald.  D.  Stephen.  IV,  419 
Donavan,  A.  G.,  11,  661 
Donley  County.   11,  741 
Donnell.  Archibald  .\..  111.  ii? 
Donnell.  Ben  D„   IV.  435 
Donovan.  A,  G,.   IV,  714 
Donovan.  W,  Jonah.  III.  318 
Dorset.  Douglas  H..  III.  337 
Double  Seal  Ring  Company,  II.  677 
Douglas,  Levander  P.  III.  .54(1 
Douglas,  Stephen  .\..  I.  395 
Douglass.  Robert.  IV.  703 
Douglass,  Samuel  C„  I,  83 
Doyle.  William  S„  IV,  689 
Dresing.  J.  F„  Jr„  IV,  710 
Drumni,  Robert,  IV,  645 
Dublin,  II,  751 

DuBose.  Leonard  H.,  Ill,  120 
Dueling,  I,  352 
Duke,  Thomas  M.,   I,  56 
Dukes,  Andrew  J.,  IV,  569 
Dulaney.  R,  O,.  IV.  536 
Duncan,  .Andrew  J,.  Ill,  142 
Dunn,   lohn.  I.  211 
Dunn,  \V.  W..  II.  601 
Dunnam.  W.  V,.  IV.  742 
Durbin,  Warren  E,.  IV.  49o 
Duringer.  William  A..  III.  70 
Durst,  John.  I.  75.  101 
Duval  County,  I,  369 
Dyer.  Clement  C.  I.  173.  187 

Eagle  Ford,  II.  605 

Early  Texans.  character  of.  I.  68 

Easley.  .'Alexander  C.  III.  88 

East  Line  &  Red  River  Railroad,  II.  4(i7 

East  Line  Railroad,  II.  455 

East  Texas  missions.   I.   3 

East  Texas,  settlement  of.  1,  15 

Eastern  Texas  Railroad.  I.  372 

Eastland.   II,  746.  747,  748 

Eastland    Countv.    I.    .569,    384;    II,    .547. 

568.  742.  885 
Economic      and      social      conditions      in 

Texas.  1.  47 
Economic  Readjustment,  II,  452 
Ector  Countv,  II.  749 
Eddlcman.  E..  H..  IV.  378 
Eddv.  I,  M,.  II.  510.  612 
Edrington.  H.  C.  II.  632 
Edrington.  William   R,.   Ill,   135 
Education,   public.    I.   .529.   353;    II.   451, 

591 
Educational  Facilities  in  Fort  Worth.  II. 

615 
Edwards.  B.  W..  I.  ^^.  24 
I'dwards.  Havdcn.    I,    19,  22.  24.  27.   50, 

103 


XVIII 


INDEX 


Edwards,  Mary  J.,  Ill,  b9 

Edwards,  Monroe,  I,  63,  78 

Edwards,  Patrick  H.,  Ill,  77 

Edwards  County,  I,  369 ;  II,  547 

Eldredge,  Alva  R.,  Ill,  86 

Election  of  1800,  I,  395 

Elections  under  military  rule,  I,  433 

Electra,  II,  565,  850,  851,  853 

Electric  Light  and  Power,  II,  672 

Eliasville,  II,  574,  868 

Elks,  II,  639 

Ellett,  William  A.,  I,  401 

Elliott,  Ross,  IV,  538 

Ellis,  James  F.,  II,  599,  601,  693;  III,  119 

Ellis,  Lea  R.,  Ill,  364 

Ellis.  Merida  G.,  II,  693 

Ellis,  M.  G.,  II,  601 

Ellis,  Richard,  I,  58,  268,  271 

Ellis  County,  I,  369 

El  Paso.  II,  518,  754 

El  Paso  Modern    Business    Blocks,     II, 

752 
El  Paso  County,  I,  369;  II,  753 
Elser,  Max.  if,  510 
Encinal  County,  I,  369 
England  and  Texas,  I.  344.  346 
English.  William,  I,  83 
Epperson,  B.  H.,  I,  401 
Erath.  George  B.,   I,  378 
Erath  County,  I,  369,  384:  II.  544,  750 
Essex,  Winfield  S.,  IV,  457 
Estes,  John  W„  IV,  475 
Evans,  A.  N.,  IV,  516 
Evans,  B.  C,  II,  601,  698;  III,  149 
Evans,  J.  B..  I,  294 
Evans,  Joseph  I.,  IV,  494 
Evans,  Robert,  I,  294 
Evans,  Sam.  II,  601 
Evarts,  G.  A.,  II,  690 
Everett,  Robert  M.,  Ill,  216 
Everett.  Stephen  H.,  I,  173,  187.  271 
Ezell.  Ubert  D..  IV,  440 

Fair  Plains,  II,  730 

Fairfax,  C.  K..  II,  601 

Fakes  &  Co.,  IV,  396 

Falls  County,  I.  369 

Fannin.  J.  W..  I,  160,  166,  167,  203,  204, 

212,  214,  225,  227,  248,  249.  254,  256, 

260,  264.  279,  297.  306 
Farmer,  G.  P.,  II,  599 
Farmers'  Alliance,  II,  461.  482 
Farmers'  Union.  II.  459.  498 
Farmers  and  Mechanics  National  Bank. 

II,  632 
Farmers  &  Merchants  Bank.  II.  606 
Faught.  John  W..  IV,  442 
Federal  relations.  I,  68 
Fee.  Charles  H..  III.  312 
Feild,  Julian.   II.  638.  697.  839 
Fence  cutting.  II.  457.  481.  543 
Fender,   I.  E.,  II,  670 


Ferguson,  James  E..  I.  498,  499 ;  im- 
peachment of,  II.  499 

Ferguson.  William  T.,  II.  696 

Ferguson,  W.  R..  IV.  631 

Ferrell,  J.  Mike.  IV,  672 

Field,  E.  Stanley,  III,  248 

Field,  James  H.,  II,  601 

Field,  J.  T..   II.  696 

Fields,  Richard,   I,  25 

Finances:    State,  11,446 

Finances  of  Republic,  I.  213.  214.  325. 
332,  366 

Finley,  George  P.,   II,  501 

Finley,  N.  W..  II,  484 

Finley,  R.  W.,  II,  490 

Fire  Department.  Fort  Worth.  II,  626 

First  cotton  compress,  II.  668 

First  National  Bank.  II.  632,  633 

First  Sabbath  school.  II,  593 

Fishburn.  William  B..  III.  71 

Fisher,  John,  I,  271 

Fisher,  S.  Rhoads.  I.  271 

Fisher.  William  S.,  I,  187 

Fisher,  W.  C,  I,  341 

Fisher  County,   II,  756 

Fitch,  Jacob  T.,  IV,  527 

Fitzsimmons,  Robert,  II,  491 

Flanagan,  J.  W..  I.  417.  427 

Flanagan,  Webster,  I.  436 

Flannigan.  J.  W.,  II,  500 

Flannigan.  Webster.  II.  483 

Fleming.  T.  R..  II.  489 

Fleming,  VV.  R.,  III.  300 

Fletcher,  Joshua,   I,   123 

Fletcher,  Josiah   H.,   I.  215 

Floore,  John  W.,  Jr..  III.  250 

Flouring  Mills.  II,  667 

Flournoy,  George,  I.  401 

Flournoy,  George  M.,  I,  401 

Flournoy,  Robert  W..  III.  55 

Flowers.  Lee.  IV,  393 

Floyd  County.  II.  757 

Floydada.  II,  585,  758 

Foard  Countv.  II,  758 

Forbes.  John.  I,  125.   128.  224 

Forbess.  W.  C.  III.  81 

Forcier.  L.  M.,  IV.  546 

Ford.  Henry  S..  III.  101 

Foreign  Relations  of  the  Republic.  1.  M^ 

Forester.  Ed  W..  IV,  50<5 

Fort  Belknap,  I.  378.  385;  II.  599.  865. 
866,  867 

Fort  Bend,  I,  39,  310 

Fort  Chadbourne.  II.  721.  821 

Fort  Davis,  II,  778 

Fort  Davis  scene,  I.  338 

Fort  Elliott.   II.  451 

Fort  Graham,  II,  833 

Fort  Griffin,  II.  602.  824,  825 

Fort  Lipantitlan,  I.  40 

Fort  Phantom.  II.  509 

Fort  Phantom  Hill.  II.  865 


INDRX 


Fort  Richardson.   11,   776 

Fort  Stockton,  II,  810 

Fort  Worth,  II,  456,  475,  507,  508.  s2\. 
546,  559;  beginnings  of,  II,  599;  be- 
comes a  city,  II,  608;  water  supply,  II, 
623;  postal  matters,  II,  628;  post- 
masters, II,  629;  institutions  and  or- 
ganizations, II,  632;  churches,  II,  636; 
parks,  II,  642;  newspapers,  11.  652; 
press,  II,  656;  statistics,  II,  656;  in- 
dustries, II,  657;  livestock  market,  II, 
660;  pioneers  and  builders.  II.  683; 
chief  city  of  Tarrant  County.  II.  833; 
population,  II,  835;  Reminiscences,  11. 
870 

Fort  Worth  Board  of  Trade.  II.  651 

Fort  Worth  Club.   II.  648 

Fort  Worth  Fat  Stock   Show.   II.  664 

Fort  Worth  Life  Insurance  Company. 
II,  633 

Fort  Worth  National  Bank.  II.  603 

Fort  Worth  Record,  II,  655 

Fort  Worth  Star-Telegram,   II.  655 

Fort  Worth  Stock  Yards  Company.  II, 
660 

Fort  Worth  &  Denver  City  Railroad.  II. 
510,  612,  860 

Fort  Worth  &  Xew  Orleans  Railroad, 
II,  509,  612 

Fort  Worth  &  Rio  Grande.  II,  514.  613 
873 

Foster,  John  F.,  IV,  645 

Foster,  L,  L.,  II,  483 

Fonts,  .Andrew  J.,  IV.  548 

Fox,  George,  IV,  573 

Foye,  Frederick,  I,  83 

France,  I,  2 

Francis.  Charles  I.,  Ill,  123 

Fraser.  A.  B.,  II,  601 

Fraternities,  II,  638 

Frcdonian  Rebellion,  I,  21,  50 

Free  Babv  Hospital,  II,  647 

Free  grass,  II,  457,  481,  542 

Free  silver  issue,  II,  473,  490,  880 

Free-silverites,  II,  492 

Freedmen.   I,   420 

Freeport,  II,  547 

Freestone  County.  I.  369,  4.30 

Friberg,  George  E.,  IV.  658 

Frio  County,   I,  369 

Frisco  System.  II,  509,  515 

Fritz,  Cliflford  O.,  IV.  607 

Frizzell.  Rista   H..  IV,  6.56 

Frontier  counties  in  1863,  I,  410 

Frontier  defense,  cost  of,  I,  386 

Frontier  protection,   I,  382,  406;   II,  450 

Frontier  troubles,  1849-1860,  I.  375 

Frost,  C.  L.,  II,  510,  612 

Fry,  Charles  H.,  Ill,  150 

Fulton,  Edward  L..  III.  345 

Fulton,  George  A.,  IV.  593 

Fund,  permanent   school,   11,  495 


Fuqua,  Benjamin.  I,  187 
Furr,  H.  Byron,  IV,  580 

Gaines,  Andrew  W.,  Ill,  155 

Gaines,  General,  I,  311,  312 

Gaines,  James,  I,  268,  271 

Gaines,  Milton  J.,  IV,  608 

Gaines,  Samuel  M.,   IV,  381 

Gaines,  Sydney  A.,  IV,  608 

Gaines,  S.  K.,  II,  628 

Gaines  County,   II,  759 

Gainesville,  II,  507,  537,  729,  730,  731 

Gaither,  J.  C.  Ill,   138 

Galveston,  I,  42,  77,  109.  310,  323,  325, 
413,   416,   421 

Galveston  Bay  &  Texas  Land  Company, 
I,  30 

Galveston,  Harrisburg  &  San  Antonio 
Railway,  II,  454 

Galveston,  Houston  &  Henderson  Rail- 
way, I,  372,  454 

Galveston   Storm,   II.  492 

Gambling.   II,  879 

Gamer,  Charles,  IV.  482 

Ganse.  W.  R..  II,  601 

Gardner,  Daniel  B..  II.  601;  IV,  447 

Gardner.  Hunter  E..  III.  84 

Gardner,  J.   Alvin.    IV,  719 

Garrett.  Alexander  S.,  IV,  565 

Garrett.  Clyde   L.,   III.   357 

Garrett.   lacob.  I.  83.  173,  187 

Garrett,  Percy  C,  III.  152 

Gartner.  Herman.  III.  84 

Garza.  II.  738 

Garza  County.  II.  760 

Gas  production.  II.  850 

Gas  Works,  II,  671 

Gaston,  Thomas  L..  IV,  ,W8 

Gates.  Frank  J.,  IV.  463 

Gazley.  Thomas  J..  I.  271 

Gee.  Alexander  H.,  HI,  303 

General  Council,  I.  200,  247,  266;  quarrel 
with  Governor  Smith,  I,  250 

Gentry,  Lieutenant.  I.  384 

German  immigrants.  I.  335 

Germany.  Julius  A..  IV.  579 

Gernsbacher.  Henry,  III.  324 

Gernsbacher.  Laurence,  HI,  132 

Gibbs,  Barnett,  II,  481.  492,  501,  654 

Gibbs,  Bert.  IV,  429 

Giddings.  D.  C,  I,  417.  434;  H,  481,  485 

Gilbert,   L.    G..    IV,   441 

Gillespie,  O.  W.,  II,  501 

Gillespie,  Oscar,  II,  840 

Gillespie  County,  I,  369 

Gil  Ybarbo,  I,  5,  46 

Gilvin,  Paul,  III,  326 

Givens,  J.  M.,  IV,  473 

Glascow,  Sam,  II,  540 

Glasscock  County,  IT,  762 

Glen  Garden  Country  Club,  II,  650 

Glen  Rose,    II,   831 


INDEX 


Glenn,  Frank  M.,  Ill,  192 

Godley,  II,  783 

Goetz,  Arthur  S..  IV.  531 

Goldbugs.   II,  492 

Goldsmith,  William  H.,  III.  306 

Goliad.  I,  4.  28.  37.  88.  163.  164.  300.  305. 

340,  381 
Goliad  declaration    of    independence.    I. 

266 
Goliad  massacre,  I.  306 
Gonzales.  I.  19,  29.  38,  60,  121.  308;  battle 

of,  I,  154 
Goode,  James  H.,  IV,  493 
Goodnight.  Charles,  II,  546 
Goodrich,  Benjamin  B.,  I.  271 
Goodwin,  J.  S.,  II,  601 
Googins.  J.  B.,  IV.  585 
Gordon,  Robert  D.,  IV,  473 
Gordon,  William  K..  IV.  606 
Gorman.  II.  746 
Gough.  Roy  H..  III.  53 
Gould  interests,  II.  454 
Governor's  office,  II.  444 
Gracey,  William  T.,  IV,  501 
Graham,  Edwin   S.,  II,  867 
Graham,  Elmer,  IV.  654 
Graham.  T.  H.,   II.  540 
Graham.  'Malcolm  D..  I.  401 
Graham.  Malcolm  K..   IV,  714 
Graham.  II.  516,  540.  868,  86Q 
Grain  elevator,  II,  659 
Grain  market,  II,  667 
Granite,  II,  558 
Granburv,  II.  514 
Grand  View,  II,  779 
Grange.  The,  II.  458.  482 
Granger.  Gordon.  I.  416 
Grant.  Ben  R..  IV.  531 
Grant.  James.   I.  65,   102,   Zii.  2i7.  245. 

255.  258.  263.  297 
Grant.  Ulysses  S..  I.  427.  438 
Grapevine.   II.  835,  839 
"Grass  Fight^"  I,  229 
Graves.  F.   N'..  III.  147 
Gray.  James  W.,  IV.  517 
Gray  Countv.   II.  762 
Gravson,  P.  W.,  I,  90.  167,  .M3 
Great  overflow  of  1833.  I.  64 
Green.  Thomas,   I,  413 
Green.  Thomas  J..  I  341 
Greenback  partv.   II.  447.  462.  477.  481. 

881 
Greene.  S.  P.,  II,  601 
Greenville,   II,  455 
Greenway,  Horace  W.,  Ill,  89 
Greenwood,  William  H.,  IV.  684 
Greever.  Burnice  B..  IV,  651 
Gregg,  John,  I,  401 
Gregory,  Isaac,  III,  269 
Gregory,  Joseph,  III,  264 
Gresham.   Henry  C.  III.  228 
Grcsham,  Walter.  II.  501 


Griffin,  Charles,  I,  421 

Griffith,  Atkinson,   III,  208 

Grimes.  Barney  A..  Ill,  144 

Grimes,  Jesse,  I,  187,  198,  271 

Grimsley,  James  H..  II,  885 

Griswold,  Stephen  M.,  III.  348 

Griten,  Edward,  I,  121,  133.  135.  13b,  137 

Groce.  Jared  E.,  I  57,  82 

Groce's  Landing,  I,  309,  310,  311 

Groesbeck.  I.  430 

Gross,  Leon,  III,  17 

Grubbs  Vocational  College.  II.  838 

Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe  Railroad,  II. 

508.  613 
Gulf.  Texas  &  Western  Railwav.  II,  516 
Gunsight.  II,  827 
Guthrie.  William  C.  III.  44 
Gutierrez.  Bernaro.  I.  6 

Hadly,  Joshua.  I,  82 

Hagaman.  Matthew   H..  \\     47t 

Haggard.  H.  H..  IV,  569 

Haggard,  Walter  W..  Ill,  3 

Hale  Countv,  II.  584.  763,  765 

Halev.  O.  F..  IV.  705 

Hall."  Charles  M,.  IV.  546 

Hall.  Edward.  I.  189,  191.  214 

Hall.  John  W..  I.  41 

Hall,  Thomas  R.,  Ill,  335 

Hall,  W.  D.  C.  I.  119.  127.  149.  IbO.  1(.9. 

187 
Hall,  William  S..  I.  26.  173 
Haltom.  George  W..  Ill,  80 
Hamblin.  E.  P..  II.  485 
Hamilton.  A.  T..  I.  414.  416.  417.  423,  425, 

426.  434 
Hamilton.  James.  I.  334.  337 
Hamilton.  M.  C.  I.  423.  427 
Hamilton.  Robert.   I.  271 
Hamilton.  William   B..   III.  204 
Hamilton  Countv.  I.  369.  382 
Hamman.  W.  H..  II.  477 
Hancock.  John.  I.  401.  414.  417 
Hancock.  W.  S..  I.  423 
Handley.  II.  841 
Handv.  R.  E..   I.  308.  309 
Hanger.  William  A..  III.  51 
Hanks.  Wvatt.   I.  83.   173,   187.   108.  257 
Hann.  Harrv   E..   IV.   671 
Hanna.  John.   II.  601.  6lS.  617.  653 
Hansford   County.  II.  766 
Hantz.  Truman.  I.  83 
Harbin.  L.  Dow.  IV.  401 
Harbors.  II.  466 

Hardeman,  Bailev.  I.  268.  271.  273 
Hardeman  County.  I.  369;  II.  547.  767 
Hardin.  A.  B..  I.  173.  271 
Hardin.  William.  I.  111.  178 
Hardin  County.  I.  369 
Harding.  R.  E..  II.  670 
Harding.  R.  Ellison.  III.  58 
Harkev.  Reuben  M..  IV.  400 


INDEX 


Harkrider,  Coke  W..  Ill,  122 

Harmonson.  George  W.,   III.   182 

Harmonson,  John  A..   III.  2iA 

Harper.  L.  C,  I\',  523 

Harpool.  Charles.   III.  29! 

Harreld,  E.  B.,  II,  540 

Harrcll  Frank  E.,  III.  312 

Harrell,  Lewis  H..  Ill,  236 

Harris,  Abe.  II,  599 

Harris,  DeWitt  C,  I.  112 

Harris,  Harvey.  IV.  605 

Harris,  John  R.,  I,  44 

Harris,  Temple.  IV.  521 

Harris,  W.  D.,  II,  624 

Harris.  William  P.,  I.  173.  187.  198 

Harris  Sanitarium,  II,  647 

Harrisburg,  I,  29,  44,  48,  115,   124,  310. 

313,  323 
Harrison,  Hubert  M..  HI.  170 
Harrison,  Jonas,  I.  83 
Harrison,  Sidney  M..  Ill,  311 

Harrison.  Thomas.  I.  385 

Harrison.  WiUord.  IV,  431 

Hart.  Hardin,  II,  630 

Hart.  M.  D..  I.  401 

Hartley  Countv,  II,  769 

Hartman.  Charles  H..  III.  297 

Hartman.  John  W..  III.  297 

Hartsfield,  J.  M..  II,  601 

Harvey.  Ralph  O.,  IV,  621 

Haskell  County,  I,  369 

Hastings,  Frank  S.,  IV.  699 

Hastings.  Thomas.  I,  83 

Hatcher,  R.  N.,  II,  601 

Hatfield,  Reuben  C,  III,  178 

Haynes,  Al,  II.  872.  401.  414 

Hawes.  Lownian  L..  IV,  738 

Havs.  John  C,  I,  358 

Havs  County.  I.  369 

Head,  Charles  W,.  HI.  61 

Head.  T.  W.,  IV,  592 

Head.  Lon  D..  IV,  499 

Heard.  John   L.,   IV.  412 

Hearnc,  Robert  C,  III,  46 

Heath.  John  C.  IV,  553 

Hebron.  II,  739 

Heflev.  William  J.,  HI.  19 

Helium,  II,  559.  560 

Helium  plant,  II,  558 

Hemphill.   lohn.   I.  .■^90.  401 

Hemphill  County.  11.  770 

Henderson.  John  P.,  III.  140 

Henderson,  j.  Pincknev.  I.  .W.  352.  ,^54 
355.  358.  390.  .392 

Henderson.  J,  W,.  I.  417 

Henderson.  Mercer  L.,  IV.  550 

Henderson,  Samuel  C,  IV,  559 

Henderson  County,  II,  547 

Hendricks.  Harrison  G..  II.  601.  611.  690 
Hcnncn,  George  W.,  IV.  458 

Hennen,  Henry  V.,  IV.  510 
Mcnrietta.  II.  507,  719 


Henry.   I.  E.,  I,  401 
Henry.  Reese  H.,  IV,  595 
Henry,  R.  L.,  II,  502 
Hensley,  William  R.,  I.  83 
Hereford,  II,  737 
Herndon.  W.  S.,  II,  47o 
Hewitson.  James,  I,  20 
Hewitson  &  Power  colony.  I.  20 
Hevdrick.  Lawrence  C,  HI,  245 
Hickman,  John  E..  IV.  498 
Hidaldo  County.  I.  .%9 
Hier.  Absalom,  I,  83 
High  School,  Fort  Worth.  II,  616 
High  .School.  Gainesville,  II.  728 
Hightower,  Leonard   A..    HI.   168 
Hill,  Edward  A.,  IV.  681 
Hill,  George  W.,  IV,  662 
Hill.  James  R„  IV,  589 
Hill,  W.  G..  I,  127 
Hill  County,  I.  369,  430 
Hines,  H.  B„  III,  90 
Hirschi^eld,  John   S..   11.  OUI.  bH 
Hittson,  Samuel  E..  HI,  321 
Hobbs.  Henry,  IV,  600 
Hobby,  W.  P.,  II,  498,  499 
Hockley.  George  W.,  1.  317 
Hockley  Countv,  II,  771 
Hodge,  Clark  T„  IV,  423 
Hodge,  F.   P.,  Ill,  315 
Hodge,  James,  I,  187 
Hodge,  Tohn.  I.  149 
Hodgson.  Arthur  D..  III.  61 
Hoffman.  James  S„  IV,  407 

Hoffman.  Luther,  IV,  613 

Hoffman,  Robert  H..  IV.  687 

Hogg,  Alexander.  II.  617 

Hogg    I    S..   II.  455.  466.  467.  468.  472 
482.  483,  486 

Hogg-Clark  Campaign,  II,  469.  472 

Hogg-Clark  contest,  II,  484 

Hogsett.  John  Y.,  11.601.695 

Holcomb.  Guy  R.,  IV.  629 

Holland,  Kirk  D„  III,  296 

Hollinger,  Robert  H.,  IV,  435 

HoUingsworth,  O.  N..  II,  596 

Hollowav.  H.  C,  II,  601.  659.  (,(,4,  690 

Holmes.  Thomas.  I.  173.  187 

Holt.  Benjamin.  I.  S3 

Honian  Tohn  E..  W.  520 

Home  rule  law.  II.  497 

Homestead  law.  I.  331.  352 

Hood.  John  B,.  I.  413 

Hood.   I.  L..  I.  173 

Hood.  I.  S,.  L   187 

Hood's  Te.xas  Brigade,  I,  408 

Hood  County,  II.  772 

Hooper.  John  I...  IV,  685 

Hopkins.  Robert  H..  IV.  503 

Horse  Show.  11.  665 

Horses.  II.  543 

Horses  and  MuIcs.  II.  ii'd 

Morton,  Alexander.    1.   45.    187 


XXll 


INDEX 


Horton,  A.  C,  I.  300.  302,  331.  354 
Hospital  for  the  Insane.  I.  373 
Hospitals,  n.  646 
Houston.  .Mmanzon.   I.  255 
Houston.  Andrew  I..  H,  486 
Houston,  A..  I.  45.  173,  187.  198 
Houston.  Felix.  I.  324.  330 
Houston.  Sam.   I.  85.   86.   127,   129.   170, 

173,   187.   189.   190.  202.  203.  206,  224. 

246.  254.  264.  265.  271.  308,  316,  324. 

325.  332.  340.  342.   349,  355,  364,  382. 

388.  389.  390.  391.  392.   396.  399.  402. 

414.  550 
Houston.  Temple.  11.  470 
Houston  City.  I.  45.  333 
Houston  Tap  &  Brazoria  R.  R..  371.  372 
Houston  &  Te.sas  Central  R.  R..  I.  371, 

372:  H.  509 
Hovenkamp.  F.  J..  H.  664 
Howard.  Willoughby  J..  HI.   158 
Howard  County.  H.  773 
Howard  Payne  College.  H.  596 
Howell,  Jesse  V..  IV,  381 
Hoxev,  Asa.  I,  187 
Hoxie,  John,  II,  632 
Hoxie.  John  R..  II,  650 
Hoxie,  Thomas  M..  IV,  393 
Hubb  Furniture  Company.  II.  675 
Hubbard.  Richard  B..   II'.  447.  476 
Huddle.  William  H..  II.  479 
Hudson.  Taylor.     III.  114 
Huey,  B.  S.l  IV.  527 
Huffman.  Walter.  II,  653.  654 
Huffman.  Walter   A..   II.   510.   601.   bll. 

625.  684.  870 
Hughes,  Tohn  H..  IV.  716 
Hulkev.  S.  H..  II.  60 
Hull.  M.  R..  IV,  713 
Humane  Society.  II.  648 
Humble.  II.  562 
Humphrey.  Leslie.  I\'.  437 
Hunt.  W.  C.  II.  540 
Hunter.  lohn  Dunn.  I.  22.  25 
Hunter.  R.   A..  III.  336 
Hunter.  R.  D..  II.  555 
Hunter.  Sam  J..  HI.  20 
Hunter.  Thomas  F..  HI.  43 
Huntsville,  I.  373 
Hurley.  Thomas  I..  II.  870 
Huster.  W.  E..  HI,  161 
Huston.  A..  T.  181 
Hutchinson  County.  IT.  775 

Ice  Factories,  II.  674 
Ikard.  W.  S,.  II.  540 
Impeachment  of  Ferguson.  II.  499 
Independence  moyement.  I.  68.  76.  82.  94, 

95.  108.  189,  266 
Indians.  T.  3.  52.   54.  57.  58.  61.  64.  65. 

129.   154.   175.   184.   188.   192.  200.   224. 

303.  313.  327.  328.  330.  332,  357.  375. 

379.  382.  391.  404:  II.  450.  602.  873: 

mission  among.  I.  3;  hostilities.  T.  37fi 


Indian  Reseryations.  I.  377.  378;  II.  866 

Indianola  Railway.  I.  372 

Industrial    Problems.    II.   455 

Inge.  James  M..   IV.  507 

Ingram,  Ira.  I.  82 

Inmon,  Isaac  D..  III.  210 

Inmon.  Joseph  M..  IV'  650 

Insurance.   II,  633 

Insurance  Law.  Robertson.  II.  494 

Intangible  assets  law,  II,  493 

International  Railway  Company.  I.  432 

International  &  Great  N'orthern  Railway. 

II.  454.  468.  509 
Iowa  Park.  II.  567.  853 
Ireland.   Tohn.   I.  417:   II.  452.  455.  463. 

464.  477.  481.  500 
Irion.  J.  W..  II.  63_5:  HI.  46 
Irion  County.  II.  775 
Irrigation.   II.   577 
Irrigation  project.  II.  857 
Isaacs.  Elijah.  I.  83 
Isbell.  Lieutenant.  I.  384 
hey.  Abney  B..  IV.  683 

lack.  Patrick  C.  I.  63.  78.  83 

lack,  Spencer  H.,  I,  90 

lack,  William  H..  I.  60.  95.  120.  149.  160 

"lack  County.  I.  369.  385:  II.  776 

lacksboro.  II.  516.  777 

Jackson.  Andrew  L..  HI.   100 

Jackson.  President.  I.  72 

Jackson.  John   P..  III.  210 

lackson.  Thomas  R..  I.  123 

laryis.   T.   I..   II.  60,  612.   617,  630,  632, 

653,  688 
Taryis,  Van  Zandt.  III.  7 
Teff  Dayis  County.  II.  778 
Jefferson.  II.  455 
lenkins.  Peter.  IV.  388 
Tenkins.  Zeb.  IV.  581 
Jennings.  Hyde.  IV.  586 
lennings.  Kl'eber  V..  IV.  483 
Jennings.  Thomas  L.  II.  601.  611.  694 
Jensen.  G.  C.  III.  124 
Jersey  Creme  Company.  II.  674 
"Tester.  George  T..  II.  489 
Tohnson.  A.  E.  C.  I.  173.  187 
Tohnson.  Bob  B..  IV.  448 
Tohnson.  Charles  C.  ITT.  192 
Tohnson.  Cone.  1 1.  498 
Tohnson.  C.  W..  II.  495 
Johnson.  D.  F..  IV.  733 
Tohnson.  Francis  W..   I.  47.  78.  82.  95. 

100.   103.   104.   106.   127.   135.   174.  204. 

230.  234.  238.  241.  247.  256.  260.  273.  297 
Johnson.  Hugh  B..  I.  173.  187 
Johnson.  Jesse  L..  III.  314 
Tohnson.  J.  F..  I.  401 
Johnson,  John  B..  I.  211 
Tohnson.  Jonas  L..  III.  357 
Tohnson.  M.  T..  I.  .W5.  388:  IT.  599.  626. 

835.  838 


INDEX 


lohnsoii,  VV.  A.,  II,  49y 

Johnson,  W.  H.,  I.  401 

Johnson.  W.  W..  II.  553,  555 

Johnson  &  Beall   Sanatorium,   il,  646 

Johnson  County,  I,  369;  II,  779 

Johnson's  Station,  II,  835 

"Johnston.  Albert  S..  I,  340,  357,  377.  413 

lohnston.  R.  M.,  II.  502 

lohnston.  William  \V..  III.  293 

■|ones,  Anson,  I,  282,  334.  353,  354.  353 

Jones,  Frank  D.,  IV,  386 

lones.  George  W.,  II,  463,  475.  481 

Jones.  Henry  T..  III.  97 

Jones.  Horace  K.,  IV,  484 

lones,  Jesse,  II,  601 

Jones,  John  Rice.  I,  123.  \^A.  184 

Tones.  Joseph  H..  Ill,  166 

Jones,  J.  Riley,  IV,  557 

Jones,  Lester,   IV.  632 

lones.  Lieutenant.  I.  384 

'lones.  Morgan,  II,  510.  515.  611.  624.  625 

"lones.  Oliver,  I,  58.  94 

Jones.  Oral  A..  IV.  470 

lones.  Preston  F..  IV.  371 

Jones.  Randall.  I.  152.  186 

Jones,  Thomas   H..   IV.  669 

Jones.  Will  C,  Jr.,  IV,  516 

Jones,  William  A.,  IV.  554 

Jones.  William  V.,  IV.  370 

Jones  County.  I,  .%9 ;  II,  783 

"Jopling,  John  C,  IV,  635 

loseph.   Sam  A..   IV,  519 

Joshua.  II,  783 

■judd.  Burt  A..  IV.  574 

Judd,  H.  A.,  II,  659 

Judicial  System,  II,  444 

Judiciary,  first  state,  I.  351 

ludiciarv  Reform.  II.  441.  471 

Justin,  il.  738 

Karnes,  Henry.  I.  308.  309.  318 

Karnes  County.  I.  369 

Kaufman.  David  S..  I,  387 

Kaufman  Countv.  I.  369 

Kearby.  Jerome  C,  II.  474.  492 

Kcarnv,  Stephen.  I.  361 

Keel.  John  Z.,  III.  344 

Keel.  "R.  A.  J..  III.  243 

Keeler.  Mrs.  D.  R..  II.  640 

Keim.  F.  D..  IV.  578 

Keith,  Ben  E..  IV.  698 

Keith,  John  K.  IV,  725 

Keith,  J.  Robert,  IV,  448 

Kellar,  II.  841 

Keller.  Ewald  H..  II.  601;  III.  153 

Kellog,  A.  C.  I,  187 

Kelly.  Jack.  II.  612 

Kemp.  Joseph  A..  III.  8 

Kemp  fJotel,  Wichita  Falls.  II    857 

Kendall.  Robert  L..  III.  117 

Kennard,  Mark  L..  III.  184 

Kennerly,  Samuel  J..  IV.  488 


Kent  County,  IL  786 

Kerr,  Edgar,  IV,  665 

Kerr,  James,   I,   51,  55,  83,   145.    187 

Kerr,  William  M..  IV,  471 

Kerr  County,  I,  369 

Key,  Joseph  S.,  II,  618 

Kilgore,  Jerome  G.,  IV,  638 

Kimball,  H.  S..  I.  268 

Kimble  County,     I,  369 

Kimbrough.  Gideon  H..  IV.  657 

Kindel,  Richard  W.,  IV.  710 

King,  Captain,  I,  300.  301 

King,  John  P..  Ill,  17 

King,  Porter,  II,  601 

King,  Thomas  B..  IV.  576 

King  County,  II,  786 

King's  Highway.  II,  518 

Kinney,  J.  W.,"l,  123 

Kinney  Countv.  I.  .369 

Knepley.  Samuel  J..  IV.  670 

Knight.  James.  I,  IM 

Knights  of  Labor,  II,  455 

Knights  of  Pythias,  II,  639 

Know-Nothing  party,  I,  .380,  388 

Knox  County.  I.  369;  II.  787 

Kouri,  Shekar   S.,   III.   105 

Kretz.  W.  T.  Scott.  III.  .348 

Krum,   II.  738 

Kuvkcndall.  Abner.  I.  58.  60.  61 

Kuvkendall.  Pere  M..  III.  301 

Kuykendall.  Robert,  I,  57 

Labor  Organizations.  II.  640 

La  Branche.  Alcee,  I,  344 

Lacey,  William  B..  I.  271 

Lacy.  William  D..  I.  83 

Ladd.  W.  T.,  HI.  35 

Lafitte.  I.  42 

La  Grange.  I,  341.  359 

Lake.  W.  F.,  II.  514 

Lake  Wichita.  II.  855 

Lake  Worth  Dam.  II,  623 

Lamar,  Mirabeau  B.,  L  317.  324.  .327.  337, 

358 
Lamb  County.  IT.  787 
Lamcsa.  II,  585,  7.36 
Lampasas  Countv,  I,  369 
Land   Board.  II.  482 
Land  claims,  I,  353 
Land  corporations,  II,  471 
Land  grants  by  legislature  in  1835.  I,  98. 

99.  184.  188,"  272 
Land  grants  to  railroads.  I.  371.  432 
Land  grants  to  Revolutionary  volunteers. 

I,  204 
Land  law  of  18.34,  T.  100 
Land  law  of  1887.  II.  512 
Land  ownership.  II,  470 
Land  system,  I,  326 
Lands,  ",)ublic,  II.  480 
l.andrcth,  E.  A..  HI.  315 
Lane.   Jmiathan.  II,  484 


XXIV 


IXDKX 


I-ane,  Walter  P.,  I,  359 

Laneri,  John  B..  IV.  587 

Laneri  College.  II,  622 

Lanev.  Robert  D..  IV,  604 

Lang'  W.  W.,  II,  462.  476 

Langford.  W.  S„  IV,  622 

l.anham.  S.  W.  T..  II.  473,  488,  493 

Lard,  Stephen  S..  III.  Ill 

Laredo.  I.  341 

Larkum.  Hugh  M.,  Ill,  224 

La  Salle,  explorations  of,  I.  2;  in  Texas. 

I,  2 

La  Salle  Countv.  I,  369 

Lassiter.  N.  H.,  II.  627.  635 

Latimer.  Albert  H.,  I,  271 

Lauderdale.  Ben  H..  III.  322 

Lauritzen.  V.,  III.  104 

Lavender.  Elbert  L..  III.  19 

"Law   and   Lager  west  of   the   Brazos.' 

II,  884 

Law  of  April  6.  1830.  I.  84.  89 

Lawrence.  \VV  W.  H..  II,  510 

Lea.  P.  J.,   IV,  652 

LeBus,  George  F..  IV,  460 

Lee,  Robert  Q.,  IV.  683 

Leeper.  James  D.,  IV.  384 

Leftwich.  Robert,  I,  20 

Legislature,  II,  444 

LeGrand.  Edwin  O..  I,  271 

Leonard.  John  T..  Ill,  360 

Lesassier.  Luke,  I,  60,  82 

Lester,  J,  S..  I.  187 

Leverett.  Will  W..  III.  277 

Levy,  Sam,  III,  174 

Lewis,  Ira  R.,  I,  173 

Lewis,  John  E.,  Ill,  355 

Lewis,  J.  R..  I,  187 

Lewis,  Samuel,     I,  187 

Lewisville,  II,  738 

Liberty.  I.  30.  43,  63,  78,  111,  176 

Lignite,  II.  552 

Lignite  coal.  II,  547 

Lillian,  II.  782 

Lily-Whites,  II,  490 

Limestone  County,  I.  430 

Lincoln.  Abraham.  I.  395 

Lincoln.  Robert  A.,  III.  121 

Lincoln.  Robert  D..  Ill,  167 

Lindsay,  James  M;,,  IV,  469 

Lindsay,  Lewis  B.,  IV,  470 

Lindsey,  II.  730 

Lingenfelter.  L.  M..  IV,  533 

Link,  Gustave  W..  Ill,  34 

Lipantitlan.  I.  77.  229.  243 

Lipscomb.  Joseph  P.,  IV,  570 

Lipscomb  County,  II.  513,  788 

Liquor  traffic,  II,  505 

Littleton,  Charles  C.  Ill,  96 

Live  Oak  County.  I.  369 

Livestock.   I.   30.  3i:   II.  451.  525,  657; 

registered.    II,    794;    regulations,    II, 

458;   values   in   1806,   I,  29 


Live  Stock  Reporter  II,  656 

Llano  County,  I,  369;  II,  547 

Loans  from  U.  S.  for  revolution,  1,  219 

Lockett,  Osborne  L.,  Ill,  224 

Logan,  J.,  I,  125 

Logsdon,  Harry  A.,  IV,  488 

Lomax,  S.  W..  II,  514 

Lone  Star  Flag,  I.  401.  403 

Long,  Andrew  J..  Ill,  78 

Long,  Henry  F.,  Ill,  298 

Long,  James,  I,  42;  expedition.  1.  6 

Long,  Joseph  B..  IV,  451 

Long,  Lawrence  I..  III.  80 

Looney,  a  F.,  II,  495,  497,  499 

Looney,  James.   I,  83 

Looney.  Joseph  K.,  I,  83 

Loonev.  Samuel,  I.  83 

Lord,  Harry  R.,  IV.  422 

Lord.  Joseph  C.  III.  321 

Losh.  Sam  S..  IV.  482 

Lost  Valley,  II.  777 

Louisiana  cession.   1.  5 

Loving.  George  B..  II,  653.  777 

Loving,  James  C,  II,  540,  602,  777 

Loving.  John  S.,  II.  608 

Loving   Coynty.   II.   789 

Lowdon.  Edmund  C.  Ill,  177 

Lowden,  J.  G.,  II.  493 

Lowdon.  \V.  C,  IV.  480 

Lowe.  Lieutenant.  I,  384 

Lovd.  M.  B..  II,  601.  608.  624.  626.  632. 

687 
Loyd,  Marklee  &  Companv.  II.  632 
L'Rov,  R.  E..  II,  630 
Lubbock,  II,  412.  583.  791 
Lubbock.  F.  R..  I.  389.  391.  395.  396.  410; 

II.  476 
Lubbock  County,  II.  584.  588.  789 
Lubbock's  message.  I.  410 
Lubin.  H.   F.,  III.  220 
Lucas.  A.  F..  II.  564 
Luckett.  P.  N..  I.  402 
Lumber.  IT.  575.  671 
Lvnch.  Nathaniel.  I.  44 
Lvnchburg.  I.  44,  47.  115.  310 
Lvne,  Homer,  III.  104 
Lvnn  County,  II.  791 
Lyttle.  John  T..   II.  541 

Maben.  N.  M..  II,  608 

Mabrey.  Seth.  II,  542 

Maceo,  J.  R.,  IV.  5.18 

Macomb.  David   B..   I.   125.   169,  204 

Maddox,  E.  P.,  II.  601  ;   III.   137 

Maddox,  J.  H..  II,  601 

Maddox,  )..  M.,  II.  601 

Maddox,  R.  E.,  II,  601 

Maddox.  W.  T.,  II.  601 

Madero.  Francisco.   I.  43.  63.  77 

Madison  Countv,  I.  369 

Maer,  O.  E..  HI.  131 

Maer.  W.  Xewton.  IV.  521 


INDEX 


XXV 


Magee,  Augustus,  I.  6 
Mail  Order  houses.  II,  675 
Makin,  Fred,   III,  103 
Malone,  James  E.,  IV,  432 
Manlove,  B.,  I,  187 
Manly,  J.  H.,  I.  395 
Manning,  E.  Claude,  IV,  416 
Mansfield,  II.  835,  839 
Mansfield  College,  II,  840 
Manuel,  Charles  G.,  IV,  598 
Manufactured  goods,  imported,  1.  83 
Manufactures  in  war  times,   I,  411 
Manufactures,  II,  454,  858 
Manufacturing  and  mills,  I,  i.^ 
Marble,  II,  558 

Marble  and  Granite  Works.   II,  672 
Marfa,  II,  551,  816,  884 
Marion  County,  I,  439;  II,  547 
Marklee,  Jeremiah,  II,  601,  699 
Marks,  Henry  M.,  IV,  743 
^farriagc  under  difficulties,  II.  883 
Marrs,  John  P.,  IV,  629 
Marshall,  John,  II,  475 
Marston,  Edgar  L..  II.  558 
Martial  law.  I.  430 

Martin.  Albert  C.  I,  157 
Martin,  Ben  H.,  Ill,  37 

Martin.  Fred  A.,  IV,  396 

Martin,  Marion,  II,  481 

Martin,  Noros  H.,  IV,  729 

Martin,  Robert  C,  III,  78 

Martin,  Sidney,  II,  514;   IV,  739 

Martin.  Wallace  P..  IV.  600 

Martin.  Wilv.    I.   82,   95,    116,    1.34,    136, 
152,  186,  310 

Martin  County,  II.  793 

Martinez,  Governor,  I,  9 

Maryville,  II.  730 

Mason.  Charles,  I.   157 

Mason.  J.  T.,  I.  65.  100.  103 

Mason  County.  I,  369 

Masonic  Home  and  School,  II.  638 

Masonic  Order,  IT,  638 

Massie,  William  M.,  Ill,  130 

Matagorda,  I,  29,  39.  93 

Matagorda  Bay.  I,  2 

Matamoras  expedition.  I.  245.  297 

Mathis.  Ralph  P..  IV.  633 

Matlock.  A.  L..  IT.  484,  486 

Maverick,  Samuel  A.,  I,  271,  402 

Maverick  County,     I,  369 

Maxcv,  Samuel  B.,   I,  413;   II,  464.   .500 

May, 'Clarence  E.,  ITT,  333 

Mayer,  Max  K.,  Ill,  227 

Mayes,  Will  H.,  II.  495 

Mayhew,  Aran  L..  IV.  555 

Mayne.  Grover  C.  IV.  505 

McBridc.  George  G..  III.  217 

McCall.  John  D.,  II,  473.  486.  488 

McCart.  Robert.  111.  52 

McClendon.  G.  I.ee.  IV.  .389 

McCleskey  well.  II.  745  • 


McClure,  Joseph  L.,  III.  351 
McCollum,  H.  K.,  IV,  520 
McComb.  David  B.,  I.  187 
McConkev,  James  L.,  IV,  707 
McCook,  Joel  J.,  Ill,  165 
McCoy,  Frederick  L.,  Ill,  333 
McCoy,  Jesse.  I.  157 
McCroskey,  William  J.,  IV,  428 
McCulloch  Ben.  I.  359,  402 
McCulloch,  Henry  E..  I,  378 
McCulloch  Countv,  I,  369;   II.  792 
McCune.  Hesten  L.  III.  337 
McDannald,  Clarence   E..   Ill,   .341 
McDermett.  J.  E„  III,  257 
McDonald,  Donald,  I,  83 
McDowell.  M.  Overton.  IV.  373 
McFarland.  William.  I,  83 
McGaughey,  W.  L..  II.  486 
McGehee.  John,  I,  118 
McGregor,  Stanley,  III.  345 
McGregor.  T.  H..  II.  500 
McGregor.  William  M.,  IV,  370 
McGuffin,  Hugh.     T,  83 
McHenry.  L.  A..  II,  593 
McKee,  Lloyd  H..  HI,  115 
McKenzie,  lohn  W.  P..  IT,  594 
McKinley,  Ray  H,  H.  661  ;  IV.  508 
McKinnev.  Collin,   I,  268,  271 
McKinney,  Thos.  F.,  I,  59.  99,  184.  210. 

213,  217.  222,  234 
McKinsey,  F.  O.,  IV.  444 

McKinstry.  George  B.,  T.  58.  78.  82.  119. 
120 

McKnight.  Frank.  III.  12 

McKnight.  William  B..  IV,  570 

McLean.  John  H..  III.  79 

McLean,  William  P..  II.  483;  III.  158 

McLennan    Countv.   I.   369 

McLeod,  Hugh,  I,  339 

McMahon,  John  L..  III.  109 

McManis,  G.  R.,  Ill,  325 

McMillan,  Angus,  IV,  408 

McMullen.  John.  I,  252 

McMuUen's  colony,  T,  20,  40 

McMullen  County,  I,  369 

McNairn,  Spencer  P.,  IV,  403 

McNeel,  J.  G.,  I,  120 

McNeil.  Sterling,  I,  134 

McPherson.  Charles  E.,  III.  222 

McRac,  John  D.,  IV,  481 

Mcadowmere   Club,   H,  650 

Meak,  E.  R.,  II,  631 

Means,  Henry  M.,  Ill,  240 

Medina  County,  I,  369 

Medina  River,  battle  of,  I,  6 

Meetings  and  Resolutions  in  1835,  I,  118 

Memphis,  II,  766 

Memphis,  El    Paso    &    Pacific    Railway. 
I.  372 

Men  and  Measures.  II.  475 

Menard.  M.  N..  I,  271 

Menard.  Peter  J..  I.   173,   187 


XXVI 


INDKX 


Menard  County,  I,  369 

Menczer,  S.  A.,  Ill,  105 

Menifee,  William,   I,   83,    186,    198,   271, 

331 
Meridian  Highway,  II,  521,  522 
Merkel.  II,  844 
Merkle,  George  L.,  IV,  623 
Mexia,  J.  A.,  I,  80,  222 
Mexia  Oil  field,  II,  574 

Mexican  cartmen,  I,  380 

Mexican    Liberals    and    the    revolution, 

I.  222 
Mexican  war,  I,  357 
Mexico,    independence    of,    I,    14;    suc- 
cessive governments  in,  I,  68 

Miami,  II.  820 

Midland  City,  II,  794 

Midland  County,  II,  793 

Mier  Expedition,   I,  340,  341 

Milam.  B.  Rt,  1,  65.  99,  103,  140,  163,  234, 
238,  241 

Milam  County,  II,  547 

Milholland,  Clarence  V.,  IV,  615 

Military  occupation  of  Texas,  I,  IG 

Military  rule  in  Texas.  I,  421 

Militia  organization.    I,  202 

Millard,  Henry,  I,  173.  187.  198.  204.  211. 
215,  317 

Miller,  Bert  U.  IV,  537 

Miller.  James  B.,  I.  56.  87.  95,  112.  113. 
130.  134.  138,  354 

Miller,  Thomas  R..  I.  187 

Miller,  Walter   M.,   IV,  694 

Miller,  Washington  D.,  I,  387 

Millers'  Insurance  Company.  II.  635 

Millican,  M..  I,  187 

Millican.  William,  I.   120 

Milligan,  John  W.,  IV.  664 

Mills.  I.  ii;  II.  453 

Mills.  Roger  Q..   II,  477.   501.   505 

Milwec,  W.  H.,  II.  599.  615 

Mina   (Bastrop),  I.  29,  45.  9,1,  120 

Mineral  resources,  II.  547 

Mineral  wells,  II,  804 

Mingo,  II,  739 

Mission   Concepcion.   I.   166.  167.  225 

Mission  Espada.  I.   166 

Mission  .San  Jose.  I.  166 

Mission  San   Juan.    I.    166 

Missions  in  Texas.  I.  3.  4;  earlv  Span- 
ish, I.  3,  34,  37.  40.  43.  46 

Missouri.  Kansas  &  Texas  R.  R.,  II,  454, 
497,  507.  531 

Mitchell.  Asa.  I.  187 

Mitchell.  lohn  W..   III.   146 

Mitchell,  i.onnie  M..  III.  136 

Mitchell.  Robert  E..  IV,  594 

Mitchell  Countv,  II,  547.  795 

Mobeetie.  II.  512.  585 

Modlin,  D.  O..  III.  181 

Money.  K  H..  I,  217 

Monnig,  William,  III,  5 


Monroe,  \.  O.,  IV,  566 
Montague  County,  I,  369,  797 
Montgomery,  Julian,   IV,   611 
Montgomery,  R.  E„  II,  510 
Montgomery,  Thomas,  IV,  742 
Montgomery,  William  B.,  IV,  410 
Montrief,  Buelle  E..  IV,  610 
Montrief,  J.  Oldham,  IV,  610 
Montrief,  William  J.,  IV,  609 
Moody,  Thomas  P.,   IV  572 
Moon,  Thomas  S.,  IV,  597 
Moore,  E.  Lvnwood  Jr.,  HI,  181 
Moore,  E.  W.,  I,  334 
Moore,  James  M.,  Ill,  225 
Moore,  John  H.,  I,  53,  55,  135,  157,  158, 

330 
Moore,  John   W..   I,   124.   146.   164.    187. 

211,  271 
Moore,  Roger  Q,  IV,  498 
Moore,  William  N.,  Ill,  332 
Moore,  Wrightman  W..  HI,  313 
Moore,  W.  Lee,  HI,  263 
Moore  Countv,  II.  798 
Moores,  William  W.,  IV,  708 
Moran,  H.  S.,  IV,  444 
Moreland,  J.  N..  I.  Ill 
Mortit,  Henry  M.,  I,  344 
Morgan,  James.  I.  44,  83 
Morgan.  John  F.,  IV,  646 
Morgan.  Walter  P.,  HI.  98 
Morgan's  Point.  I,  44 
Moriartv,  Fergus.  HI,  39 
Morlang,  Harry  J.,  HI,  56 
Morrell,  J.  D..  IV.  673 
Morris.  L.  Austin.  IV.  450 
Morris.  Retson,  I,  115 
Morris,  Robert  C,  I,  242,  255.  297    209 
Morris,  Walter  L.,  IV,  545 
Morrison,  Moses,  I,  57 
Morter,  John  L.,  Ill,  362 
Morton.  E  W..  II.  481,  668 
Moses,  W.  A.,  II.  482 
Motley  County.  II.  799 
Mottley.  William,  I,  271 
Mueller,  Fred  P.,  Ill,  146 
Muenster,  II,  730 
Mulkey,  Geo.,    II,   601 
Mumbower,  I.  H„  HI,  47 
Mundine,  T.  H.,  I.  401 
Municipalities,  government  of,  I,  70 
Murphv,  Walton  W..  HI,  101 
Murrah.  Pendleton.  I,  .196.  412.  415 
Mvnatt.  Bart.  I\^  4.16 
Myra.   H.  730 
Mytingcr.  James  C,  III,  94 

Nacogdoches.  I.  4.  5.  22.  23.  .10.  46,  69. 
77,  79,  125,  127,  175,  217.  313:  cap- 
ture of  in  18.12.  I.  79 

Mash.  Z.  E.  B..  II.  601 

Nashville  Colony.  I.  20,  64 

N'avarro.  J.   .Antonio.   I.  271.  339 


INDEX 


Navarro  House,  I,  236 

Navy,  I,  325,  326,  334 

Navy  of  Republic,  I,  212.  213 

Neal,  George  D.,   II,  493 

Neflt,  Pat  M.,  II,  499 

Negro  delegates,  I,  424 

Negroes  as  voters,  I,  422 

Negroes  in  legislature,   I,  430 

Negro  labor,  I,  420 

Negro  suffrage,  I,  418,  423 

Neighbors,  R.  S.,  I.  363 

Neill,  J.  C,  I,  204,  236,  240,  250,  275,  278 

Nelson,  Lieutenant,    I.   384 

Nelson,  Martin  P.,  IV,  427 

Neutral  ground,  I,  22 

New  Washington,  I,  311,  313 

Newby,  William  G.,  II.  602,  692 

Newell.  Greene  E.,   Ill,  354 

Newman,  George.  II.  601 

Newnham.  Morris  R..  III.  316 

Newspapers.  I,  41 

Newton,  Clay,   IV.  464 

Newton,  George  W.,  IV,  525 

Nichols.  Clifford  R..  IV.  .596 

Nichols.  John,   II.  601 

Niles  City,  II,  841 

Nisslev  Creamery  Company,  II.  673 

Nixon.  Rav.    Ill,   .W 

Nixon,     Rhea  S.,  III.  911 

Nixon.  Zebulon  V..  III.  _'il 

Nolan.  Philip.   I.  5 

Nolan.  Robert   M..  III.  28(1 

Nolan  County,  II.  799 

Nonpartisans,  II.  465 

Norris,    alcade    of    Nacogdoches.    I.    2.''t. 

24.  25 
Northern  Texas  Traction   Conipativ.   II 

626 
North  Texas  State  Normal,  II,  7.W 
Norton.  A.  B..  I.  395.  401:   II.  477.  481 
Norwood.   Sidney   B..   III.  265 
N     P.    .Anderson   &   Company    Huildiiiu. 

II,  658 
Nugent.  Thomas    U.    II.    472.    473.    48(i 

490.  500 
O'Brien.  lohn  R..  III.  ,366 
Obuch.   Kwald  W..  Ill,  283 
Ochiltree.   Thomas  P..   II.  475.   476.   51)1 
Ochiltree.  William   B..   I.   401 
Ochiltree.  William    I..    III.  .142 
Ochiltree  County.  II.  801 
O'Connor.  Con    T..   IV.   474 
O'Connor.  I.   S.."  IV.   416 
Odom.  Coke.   IV.   530 
Odom.  William  H..  IV.  529 
Officers    of    Proyisional    Ciciveriinu-nt.    I 

198 
Offutt.  lames  W.,  IV.  481 
Oil.  II.  5.=;7.  .590.  613.  745.  855 
.  Oil  and  gas  production,  11.  850 
Oil  Belt  Power  Company.  III.  355 
Oil  companies.  ])rosecutions  of.  II,  497 


Oil  development,  II,  516 

Oil  fields,  II,  562 

Oil  money,  in  Wichita  Falls,  II,  857 

Oil  production,  II,  565,  568,  572 

Oil  refineries,  II,  566,  672 

Old  Spanish  Trail,  II,  518 

Oldham,  Frank  M.,   IV,  717 

Oldham,  William,  I.  204 

Oldham.  W.  S.,  I,  401 

Oldham  County,  II,  801 

Olson,  Albin  J.,  Ill,  303 

Olson,  L.  Eric,  III,  207 

Olton,  II,  788 

O'Neal,  Ben  G.,  Ill,  107 

Orange  County,  I,  369 

Ordinance  of  secession,  I,  400 

Orth,  Thomas  R.  T.,  IV,  450 

Osborn,  James  D.,  Ill,  255 

Our  Lady  of  Victory  College.  II,  621 

Ousley,  Clarence,  II,  655 

Outlaw,  Rex  C,  IV,  371 

Outlawry,  II,  876 

Owen,  George   F..   III.  2.?2 

Owens,  Bryant  W.,  Ill,  202 

Owens,  James  M.,  I,  401  :  IV.  544 

Owens.  John  B..  III.  .343 

Packing  house.  II,  657 

Paddock,   B.   B.,   II,  476.   514.  609,  624. 

626.  651.  653;  reminiscences.   II.  870; 

IV,  750 
Paddock  viaduct,  II,  836 
Padilla.   Tuan  Antonio,  I,  77 
Pafford.  Walter  F.,  Ill,  249 
Page,  Charles  R.,  IV,  566 
Painted  Rocks,   II,  727 
Painter.  Robert  A.,  III.  99 
Palestine.   II,  494 
Palo  Alto,   I.  357 

Palo  Pinto  County.   I.  369.  .384;   II.  803 
Pangburn.  H.  T..  IV.  506 
Panhandle,  I,  365;  II,  451.  457,  478,  481. 

512.  .542.  583.  585 
Panhandle  cattle  industry,   II.  511 
Panhandle  Trail.  II.  532 
Panic  of  1873.  II,  530,  604,  608 
Panic  of  1893,  II,  473 
Panther  Citv,  II,  607 
Park,  Edward  F..  III.  87 
Parker,  Alexander  G.  Ill,  290 
Parker,  Cynthia  A.,  II.  873 
Parker.  Daniel.    I.    17.3.    187.    198 
Parker.  Isaac  D.,  II.  695.  881 
Parker,   Jesse,   I,  83 
Parker,  J.  W.,  I,  173,  187 
Parker.  Quanah.  11.  768.  873 
Parker.  Silas   M..   I.  209 
Parker  County.  I.  .369.  ,385;   II.  805.  873 
Parmer.  Martin.    I.   25.   27.   62.   77,    198. 

268.  271.  273 
Parmer  County,    II,  811 
Parrent,   Evcret   J.,   I\',   711 


XXVIll 


INDEX 


Harrish,  Lucian  W.,  IV,  430 

Parrott,  T.   F.  L..  I,  204 

Parties,  political,  I,  387 

Paschal,  I.  A.,  I,  401,  417 

Paschall,  Benjamin  F.,  Ill,  241 

Pate,  Charles  J.,  IV,  626 

Patrick,  George  M.,  I,  124,  187 

Pattison,  Charles  H.,  Ill,  61 

Paxton,  Carl  C,  III,  163 

Payne,  Henry  Dy,  IV,  483 

Payne,  Norflet  F.,   IV,  584 

Payne  (Howard)  College,  II.  5% 

Peacock.  Captain,  I,  239 

Peak,  Carroll  M.,  II.  599,  601.  615.  617, 

689 
Peanut  factory,  II,  674 
Pease,  E.  M„  I.  368.  377,  381.  388,  392. 

414,  418.  422,  434 
Pecos  City,  II,  819 
Pecos  County,  II,  808 
Pecos  Valley,  II,  578 
Peebles,  Robert,  I,  65,  95,  100 
Peeples,  Homer,  III,  165 
Peers,  J.  M..  II.  601 
Pelton,  Bruce  D.,  IV,  721 
Pemberton.  Jesse  T.,  IV,  478 
Pendery  Brothers,  II,  601 
Pendleton,  George  H.,  II.  483 
Peniston,  T.  J.,  II.  601 
Penitentiary,    I,  i7i.  411.   450.   494 
Penn.  L.  R..  II.  558 
Pennington,  Harry,  IV,  568 
Pennington.  Riggs.  IV.  417 
Pennington.  Sydney  S.,  I.  271 
Penry.  J.  L.,  IV,  543 
Perkins.  Duncan  M^,  III,  213 
Permanent  council.  I.  163,  174.  184 
Permanent  school  fund.  II,  494,  592 
Perry.  A.  G..   I.  173.   187,   198 
Perry.  James  F„  I,  93.  98,  119 
Perrv.  Mrs.  James  F..  II.  11 
Perryton.  II.  801 
Peters,  L.  E..  Ill,  110 
Peters,  Melville  E.,  Ill,  105 
Peters,  Noah  M..  IV,  552 
Peters,  William,  I,  139 
Peterson.  Andrew  G..  III.  286 
Petroleum.  II.  562 
Petrolia.   II.   559.  850 
Pettus,  William,  I,  95.  152,  212.  222 
Phelan,  John  C.  IV.  4.38 
Phillips,  Reuben  S..  HI.  35 
Phillips.  T.  Lee,  IV,  561 
Philp,  John  W..  II.  498 
Pickens,   Mell,  III,  214 
Pierce-Fordvce  Oil   .^ssociatinn.   II.   505 
Pierson.  I.  G.  W..  I.  173.  187 
Pike,  Zebulon,  I.  37 
Pilgrim.  T,  J..  II.  593 
Pilot  Point.  II,  7.38 
Pipe  line  companies.  II.  569 
Pipe  lines.  II,  672 


Pitner,  Roy  M.,  IV,  532 

Pitts.  D.  D.,  Ill,  231 

Plainview,   II,  584,  765 

Plan  of  Cuernavaca,  I,  93 

Plan  of  the  Provisional  Government,  T. 

193 
"Plan  of  Vera  Cruz,"  I,  69 
Poe,  Geo.  W.,  I,  255 
Poindexter,  John  B,  III,  244 
Poindexter,  J.  W.,  Ill,  108 
Poindexter,  Lissa,  IV,  628 
Poindexter,  William.  II.  498,  503,  840 
Poindexter.  William.   IV,  626 
Poinsett,  Joel  R.,  I,  72 
Political  contests,  II,  500 
Political  conventions,  I,  426,  436;  II,  475 
Political  issues  and  reforms,   II,  463 
Political  parties,  II,  462,  475 
Politics.  1851-1860,  I.  387;  II,  475 
Polk,  James  K.,   I,  345 
Polk.  William   A.,   IV,  385 
Pollitt,  George.  I,   125 
Polytechnic  College,  II,  618 
Ponder.  II,  738 
Poole,  Oatis  H..  HI,  239 
Poole,  Robert  A..  HI.  238 
Population,  I,  1.  28,  32,  335,  369;  11.  454 
Populist  party,  II,  468,  472 
Port  Arthur,  II,  563 
Porter,  R.  Walter.  HI.  160 
Porterf^eld.  Frank  A..  IV.  513 
Post,  II,  761 
Post,  Willis   H.,  II.  870 
Post  City,  H,  585 
Postoflfice  department,  I,  ?i3i 
Postal  system  in  1835,  I.  184,  .325 
Potter,  Robert,  I,  271.  273 
Potter.  R.  M.,  I,  287 
Potter  County.   II,  812 
Powell.  Charles  M^,  IV,  741 
Power,  .Andrew  J..  HI.  36 
Power.  James.  I,  20.  271 
Powers.  Dan.  HI,  258 
Powers,  James  W.,  IV,  382 
Powers.  Joseph  O.,  HI,  162 
Power's  Colony,  I,   20.  40.  229 
Practical  jokes.  II.  877 
Presidio  County,  I,  369;  II,  815 
Preston.  Lyman  J.,  HI.  .307 
Price.  Lieutenant,  I.  384 
Price,  Walter  W..  IV.  498 
Price.  William    I..   HI,  363 
Primary  election   law,   II,   473,  491.   886 
Prince.  Robert  P..  IV.  461 
Printing  and  publishing.  II,  675 
Procela.  Luis.  I.  23 
Prohibition.    II,  465,   505 
Prohibition  party,  II.  464 
Protestant  Hospital.  The,  II.  646 
Provisional  government.  I.  166.  191.  193. 

199 
Public  debt.  I.  ii^.  .344.  .366,  413;  II.  445 


INDEX 


XXIX 


Public-  highwavs,   II.  517 

Public  lands.   \.  35.3;   II,  4-1'»,  480 

Public     service    organizations     of     Fort 

Worth,  II,  623 
Puett,  Walker  H..  IV.  486 
Purvis.  DutT  H..  IV.  491 
Pyron.  Walter   H..    III.   Wt 

Quanah,  II.  511.  709 
Uuarles,  John   E.   III.    IV 
Quicksilver.  II.  551 

Kaab,  Bessie.  IV,  590 

Kaab.  J.  Herman,  IV,  59(1 

Radford,  Peter,  II.  498 

Radical   rule  and  overthrow.   I,  429 

Railroad  building.  II,  507 

Railroad     Coinmission.  11,  46fi,  468.  482. 

483,  516 
Railroad  land  grants,  II,  456 
Railroad  loans.   I,  371 
Railroad  mileage,  I,  372;  II,  454 
Railroad  rates,  II,  454 
Railroad  regulations,  II,  460,  46/ 
Railroad  strikes,  II,  455 
Railroads,  I,  371,  431,  432,  453,  459,  464, 

469,  482.  487,  536,  569,  611.  858 
Railway  map,  II,  872 
Raines,  C.  W.,  I,  331 
Rains,  Emery,   I,  401 
Rains,  Ji  D.,   I.  401 
Rains.  J.  S..  II.  477 
Rail,  Elbert  G.,   Ill,  34 
Ralston  Purina  Company,  II,  668 
RaiTiming,  Leonard  F..  fll,  252 
Ramon.   Diego.   I.  4 
Ramsey,  R.  E.,  Ill,   148 
Ram.sev,  W.  F..  II,  495 
Randafl  County,  II,  817 
Range  cattle  business,  II,  526 
Ranger.  II.  567.  569.  745.  746.  748 
Ranger  Field.  II.  557 
Rangers.  I,  199,  204,  357,  3.S9,  406.  431  ; 

II,  450.  456 
Rangers  for  Indian  defense,  I,  184 
Rankin.  Melinda.  II.   596 
Ransonc.   lulian  R..   Ill,  260 
RatclifT,  Edward  H..  IV.  .382 
Rav.  Felbert  A..  III.  97 
Ray,  Robert    I...    IV.   490 
Rav's  Sheet  Metal  Works.  I J  I.  98 
Reagan.  John    H..    I.   .397.   401;    11.   453. 

460.  464.  467.  473.  476.   477.   483.   485 

488,  500 
Reagan  County.  II.  818 
Real  estate  promotions,  11.  635 
Recognition  of  the  Republic.   I.  342 
Reconstruction.   I.  416.  420 
Rector.  M,  D..   II.  475 
Redgate.   Sam    I.,   I,  401 
Reed.  George  W.,  IV,  673 


Reed.   Ralph.   IV,   535 

Reeves,  Frank  W.,  IV,  590 

Reeves  County,   II,  818 

Reform,  efforts  at,  II,  879 

Refrigerator  car,   II,  533 

Refugio,  1,  40,  297,  300,  340 

Refugio  Mission,   I,  255 

Reid,  Bretz  H„  111,  176 

Reimers,  Charles  D.,  Ill,  185 

Relief  association,  11,  648 

Reminiscences   of   Captain   Paddock,   II, 

870 
Ken  fro,  Elmer,   IV.  644 
Ren  fro.  Elza  T..  III.  47 
Republic,   establishment    of   the,    1,   266; 

constitution,    I,   272;   domestic   history 

of,   1,  32.^ 
Resaca  de  la  Palnia,  1,  357 
Revolution.  I,  68,  76,  154,  210 
Revolutionary  correspondence,  1,   154 
Revolutionary  loans.  I,   184 
Reynolds,  General,   1,  427 
Reynolds.  George  T.,  Ill,  81 
Reynolds,  William  D.,  Ill,  82 
Rhome,  II,   511 

Rhome,  Byron  C,  II,  664;  IV,  602 
Rhome.  Romulus  J.,  IV,  604 
Richardson,  Arthur  G.,  IV.  668 
Richardson.  George  F.,  I,  82 
Richolt.  John  A.,   Ill,  33 
Ringling,  Eastland  &  Gulf  R.  R.,  11,  516 
Rio  Grande,  I,  431 
Rio  Grande  border,  I,  379 
Rio  Grande  frontier,  I.  376 
Riplcv,  Henry,  I,  303 
Rising  Star.  II,  746 
Ritchie,  E.  B..  II,  554 
River  and  harbor  imjirovement,  I,  370 
River  Crest  Country  Club,  II.  649 
River  traffic,  I,  33,  34,  42 
Road  bond  issues,  II,  521 
Roads,   1.  .34;   II,   517,  835,  858;   list  of, 

11,  522 
Roanoke.  II.  738 
Ruberson.  John  W.,  Ill,  271 
Robert,  Jack  B..   III.   145 
Roberts.  1.  H.,  Ill,  254 
Roberts,   lames  C„  III,  173 
Roberts,  John  S.,  I,  27,  59,  80,  128,  271 
Roberts,  O.  M.,  1.  399,  408.  417.  420;  11. 

442.  448.  462,  477 
Roberts  Countv,   II,  820 
Robertson,  H.  N..  Ill,  211 
Robertson    John  C,  I,  402 
Robertson.   lohn  J.,  IV,  534 
Robertson.     J.  B.,  II,  481 
Robertson.  Louis  P..   Ill,  334 
Robertson.  Marshall  G..   IV.  433 
Robertson.  Sterling   C,   I,  20,  271 
Robertson.  Wiley  L.,  Ill,  200 
Robertson  Countv.    II,   547 
Robins,  Nat,  I,  173,  187 


XXX 


INDEX 


Robinson.  Budd  M.,  IV.  420 
Robinson,  James    W..    I,    173.    187.    198. 

209,  251.  253.  343 
Robinson.  Milt,  II,  599,  615 
Robinson,  Thomas  D.,  III.  218 
Robinson.  William,   I,  82 
Roby,  II,  757 
Roche.  I.   I..  II,  601 
Rock  Island  Railroad,  II,  509.  513 
Rockdale.   II,   552 
Rodgers,  Conrad  E.,   IV,  614 
Roe,  A.  J,.  II,  601 
Rogers.  E.  W.,  I.  385 
Rogers.  Guy.    III.   91 
Rogers.  James  H.,  I.  402 
Rominger.  Henry  C.  III.  323 
Rose,  A.  J..  II.  460 
Rose.  Web.  IV.  583 
Rose.  W.  H.,  IV,  583 
Rosen.  Sam.  II.  635 
Rosen  Heights.   11.  635 
Ross,  lohn  W..  IV.  534 
Ross.  "T.  Ben.  IV.  702 
Ros.'i.  L.    S..   I.   .385 :    IT.   464.   466.   479. 

481.  873 
Ross.  Oliver  H..  IV,  389 
Ross.  W.  A.,  II.  510 
Rotary  Club.  II,  652 
Rowan.  Thomas  H.,  IV,  527 
Rowland.  Charles  T..   HI.  67 
Rowland.  Robert  M.,  III.  76 
Rowland.  W.  H..  II.  883 
Rovall.  R.  R..  I.  163.  173.  174,   181.   187. 

198.  215.  252.  254 
Rucker.  Edmond  M..  Ill,  219 
Rueg,  Henrv,  I,  128 
Ruiz,  Francisco.  I.  62.  77.  271.  286 
Rumph.  Sterling  P..  IV.  491 
Runnels.  H.  R.,  I.  379.  389.  391.  .395.  417 
Runnels  County-.     I.  369:  II.  820 
Rushing.  Joseph  H..  HI.  322 
Rusk.  Thomas  J..  I.  271.  390 
Rusk.  T.   J..   I.   125.   127.    129,    187.   212. 

230.  273.  311.  319.  .•?24.  ,355.  364 
Rusk  County.  II.  547 
Russell.  Glenn.  IV.  512 
Russell.  Hernando  M..  HI.  273 
Russell.  John  G..  HI.  45 
Rust.  Robert  L..  IV.  679 
Ruter.   Martin.   II.  594 
Rutledge.   Edward   D..   HI.  36 
Ryan.  John  C,  II,  635 

Sabine  Pass,  I,  413 
Saginaw,  II.  842 
Salado.  I,  166 
Salt  works,  I.  411  ;  II.  868 
Samuels.  B.  L..  II,  601 
Samuels,  Jacob,  IT,  601 
Samuels,  Sidney  L..  HI.  60 
San  Angelo.  II.  508 


San  Antonio.   I.  4.  6.  28.  34,  53,  69,  88, 

94,  288.  3^3.  .540.  .Ml.  378.  402;  II,  482 

518.  579.  595:  siege  of.  I.  170;  capture 
^  of.  I.  225 

San  Antonio,  campaign  of  1835.  I,  163 
San  Antonio  Road.  I.  45 
San  Antonio  &   Mexican   Gulf   Railway, 

I.  372 
San  Augustine.   I.  4.  30.  44.  45.  93.  128. 

217.  250.  275 
Sanborn.  Henry  B..  II.  537.  815 
Sandegard.   .Mexandcr    I..    II.   655:    IV. 

736 
Sanders.  P.  C.  IV.  664 
Sandidge.  Howard   P..   IV.   562 
Sandidge.  James  R..  IV.  561 
Sandige.  J.  Q..  II.  601 
San  Felipe.    I,  26.   29,   41.   49.    114.    123. 

152.  309.  310:  II.  593 
San  Fernando.  Church  of.   I.  35 
Sanger.  II.  738 
Sanger.  Joe  W..  HI.  338 
Sanguinet.  Marshall  R..  HI.  68 
San  Jacinto  battle.  I.  315 
San   lacinto  campaign.  I.  309 
San  Patricio.  I.  28,  40.  93.  254.  280.  297 
San  Saba  County.  I.  369 
Sansom.  Marion.  II,  665;  IV.  695 
Santa  Anna,  General.  I.  68.  69.  78.  86.  88. 

91.  93.  108,  150.  277.  282.  293.  309.  315. 

323.  358 
Santa  Fe  County.  I.  369 
Santa  Fe  expedition.  I.  332.  ,W8.  .i41 
Santanta.  II.  602 
Sargent.  Will  L..  HI.  75 
Saunders.  Bacon.  III.  142 
Sautter,  H.  F.,  II,  560 
Savelli.  Albert  G..  IV.  591 
Sawmills.  II.  576 
Sayers.  Joseph  D..  II.  477.  492 
Sayle.   Henry  W..  IV.  536 
Scaling,  George  A..  I\'.  730 
Scanland,   Lieutenant.   I.  384 
Scarborough.  E.  B..  I.  378 
Scates.  William  B..  I.  271 
Scheuber.    lennie  S.,   II,  640;   IV,  740 
School   for  the  blind.  I.  373 
School  for  the  deaf.  I.  373 
School   fund.  I,  ,371  :  permanent.   II.  495 
School  lands.  H,  464,  542 
Schools,  I.  29,  30,  31,  34,  330.  353.  425. 

431  :  II.  445.  448.  451.  459.  480.  591.  615 
SchlafTke.  Edward.  HI.  96 
Scott.  Dallas  K..  HI.  334 
Scott.  John  M..  IV.  462 
Scott.  Thomas  A..  II,  603 
Scott.  William.  I.  125 
Scribner's  School.  II.  617 
Scurry.  Edgar.  IV.  563 
Scurry.  Richardson.  I.  387 
Scurry  Countv,  II.  823 


I NDEX 


Seagravcs.  II.  585 
Seaton,  Sain,  II.  601 
.Sebastian.  William  P.,   1\'.  724 
Secession,  I.  390,  .392,  396:  vote   lor,  I, 

40J 
Seely,  George  W..   1\'.  421 
Seguin.  Erasmo,  I,  12,  87 
Seguin.  Juan  N.,  I,  287 
Self,  Xorman    W'.,    Ill,   .55 
ScliKman.  Oscar.  Ill,  155 
Sells.  Cato,  IV.  732 
.Semi-Colon   Court.    II,   441 
Seminole,   II,   760 
Senatorial  contests,   II,  502 
Sentcr.  James  M.,  IV,  706 
Sepulveda.  Jose  Antonio,  I,  23 
Sevmour,  II.  709 
Shackelford,  Captain,  I,  302,  304 
Shackelford  Countv,  I,  369;  II,  .S.38.  56/ 

824 
Shannon.    O.  K..  Ill,  71 
Shannon.   Samuel  D..  IV.  484 
.Sharpc.  \V|.  B..  II,  564 
Shaw.  Burt  T..  III.  366 
Shaw.  Geoffrey  W.,   IV,  433 
Shaw,  William  T..  IV.  374 
Shawnee  Trail,  II,  531 
Sheep.  II.  543 
Shelton.  Anna.  IV.  583 
Shelton.  J.  F..  II.  601.  672.  698 
Shepard.   Tohn  L..  II.  484 
Shepherd.     R.   E..  IV,  4.32 
Shepherd.  Virgil   H..  IV.  479 
Shepherd.  William.  I.  187 
Sheppard.  Morris,  II,  502 
Sheridan,  General,  I.  416.  421 
Sherman.  II.  507 
Sherman.  Sidney,  I.  .308.  311.  314 
Sherman  Countv,  II,  8.30 
Shirev,  Guv  O.,  W.  649 
Shofncr.  Walter  N..  IV,  515 
Shook.  Ford,  III,  142 
Short.  I.uke.  II.  87.5 
Shropshire.  Benjamin  O.  111.  l.iS 
Shulord.  A.  P..  I.  401 
Sigler.  William  \..   I.  173.   187 
Sieners  of  declaration   of  independtMue. 

I.  271 
Silver.  II.  552 
Simmons  College.   II.  845 
Simon.  Uriah  M..  III.  42 
Simpson.  John  N..  II.  494 
Sims.  Bartlet.  I.  187 
Sims.  Charles  H,..  I.  .59 
Sims'  Bayou.  I.  313 
Singleton,   Philip,  I,   125 
Sine  Springs.  11.  570 
Sitton.  lohn  W..  III.  187 
Skiles,  Thomas  N..   IV.  .540 
.Slaton.   II,  585,  791 
Slaughter.  C.  C,  II,  540 
Sl,ive  trade,  T,  ,391 


Slave  uprising,   1.  .'80;  threat  of.   I,  210 
Slavery,  I,  29,  71.  74,  75.  272.  326,  346. 
362  .388.  .389.  .391.  .394,  397.  418:  II.  882 
Sledd,  Elmo,  III.  59 
.Small,  H.  L.,  II,  6.30 
.Smith,  A.shbel,  I,  348;  II,  596 
Smith,  Ben  E.,  IV,  608 
Smith,  Ben  F.,  I,  163,  214 
Smith,  Ben  O.,  II.  632;  III,  50 
Smith,  Bert   K..   Ill,  254 
Smith,  Brooke,  IV.  698 
Smith.  Carl,  IV.  490 
Smith.  Charles  B..  Ill,  85 
Smith,  Edward  W.,  Ill,  232 
Smith,  Erastus    (Deaf),  I,  38,  229,  2.3(1 

2.35.  308,  309,  315 
Smith,  George  C.  III.  302 
Smith,  George  W.,   Ill,  186 
Smith,  Henry,   I,   93,   96.    119,    149,    173, 
187,   198,   199,  217,  224,  246,   250,  251, 
275.    324;    general    counoil's    quarrel 
with.  I.  250 
Smith.  H.  C,   II,  560 
Smith.  Tessc  R.,  IV,  502 
Smith,  T.  A.   Douglas,   IV,  .369 
Smith.  I.  D..  II.  540 
Smith,  Joseph,  I,  400 
Smith,  lohn    P.,   II.   510.   514.   599.   601, 

609,  625,  6.32.  6.38.  657.  671,  683 
.Smith.   lohn  W.,  I,  53,  1.38.  2.35.  280 
Smith,  Marion  H..   III.  325 
Smith,  Mike  E.,  Ill,  44 
.Smith,  M.  W..   I.   187 
Smith,  Thomas  S.,  II,  492 
Smoot,  Walter  E.,  IV.  674 
Smyer,  Jacob  J.,  IV.  462 
Smyth.  George  W.,  I,  271 
Snivelv,    Jacob.    I.    341 
Snyder.  II,  824 
Social  and  economic  conditions  in  Texas. 

I,  47 
Socialist   party,   11,  495 
Soderman,  Taird  E..  IV.  746 
Somervell.    Alexander.    I,   123,    l.U,   232. 

308,  .341 
Somervell  Countv,  II.  830 
Sommerville.  W.  F..  II.  870 
Sorrells.  lames  W..  III.  3.30 
Sour  Lake.  II.  564 

Southern  Pacific  Crexas  &  Pacilic  Rail- 
road).  I.  .371.  .372 
Southwestern   Baptist   Theological   Sem- 
inary, II.  621 
Southwestern    Cattle    Raisers'    .Associa- 
tion,  11.  .542 
Southwestern  Exposilicm  and  Fat   Stock 

.Show.  II,  664 
Spanish  regime,  I,  2 
Sparks,   (ohn  N.,  IV.  489 
.Sparks.  Richard.  I.  129 
.Sparrow.  I-'rancis  H.,  Ill,  134 
Speer.  Ocie,  II,  840 


XXXII 


INDEX 


Spencer,  B.  Lafayette.  Til.  212 
Spencer,  James    W,.    II.    601.    632.    635, 

651;  III,  111 
Spiller.  E.  B..  II,  541 
Spindle  top,  II.  562 
Spoon.  Daniel  H..  III.  288 
Spoonts.  Marshall.  III.  166 
Springtown.  II.  602 
Staats.  Carl  C,  III.  6') 
Stafford.  John  A..  Ill,  175 
Stafford-Lowden  Company,   II.  675 
Stage  coach.  II,  625 
Stage  lines.  II,  624.  876 
Staked  Plains,   II,  583 
Stamford.  II,  784.  785 
Stapp.  Elijah,  I.  271 
Stanley,  Joseph  S..  III.  248 
Starnes.  Calvin  R..  III.  319 
Starr  County.  I.  369 
State  Bank.  II.  495 

State  constitution.  1.  350.  353;  II.  442 
State  debt.  I.  352 
State  division.  I,  424 
State  Experiment  Farm.  II.  584 
State  finances.  I.  434;  11,  446 
State  highways,  II.  520 
State  militia,  I,  430 
State  officials,  salaries  of.  I.  374 
State  of  Texas.   I.  350 
State  police,  I,  430 
State  railway,   II.  494 
State    Rights    doctrine.    11,    475 
States  Oil  Corporation.  IV.  387 
Stayton.  Burton  A.,  IV,  596 
St.  Denis,  Louis  Juchereau.   I.  4 
St.  Ignatius  Academv,  11.  621 
St.  Jo.  II.  798 

St.  Joseph's  Infirmary.  II.  646 
St.  Louis.    Iron    Mountain    &    S<nithern 

Ry..  II.  454 
Sti  Mary's  College.  San  .\ntonio.  11.  595 
Stealing  an  excursion.  II,  880 
Steele.  \V.  H..  I,  65 
Stephens.  T.  H..  II.  840 
Stenhens  County.    I.   369;    II.    54?.    568. 

573,  826 
Stephenson,  Tames.    ITT.   284 
Stephenson.  Walter.  TIT.  282 
Stephenville.  IT.  751 
Sterlev.  William  F..  II.  602;   III.  1,^3 
Sterling  Countv.  IT.  828 
Stevens.  James  R..   III.  293 
Stevens.  T^ieutenant.  T.  .^84 
Stevenson.  Frank  O..  TV.  735 
Stewart.  C.  B..  I.   123.  134 
Stewart.  Charles.   IT.  477 
Stewart.  Charles  B..   I.  271 
Stewart.  M.  G..  II.  777 
Stinnett.  C.  T,  83 
Stock  and  bond  law.  II,  470.  516 
Stockdalc.  F.  S..  1.  393 
Stockmen  und  public  laixls,   II.  457 


Stock  Raisers'  .\ssociation  of  N'orthwest 

Texas.  II,  540 
Stockyards,  II,  657,  841 
Stockton,  Thomas,  I,  385 
Stone,  Charles  B.,  III.  203 
Stone.  Heber.  II.  488 
Stone.  Jerome  S..  IV.  6.?8 
Stone  house  at  Nacogdoches.   1.  25.  46. 

80,   128 
Stonewall  County.  11.  831 
Storer.  W..  IV,  746 
Story,  L.  J.,  IT,  477 
Stover,  J.  Mart,  IV,  696 
Strawn,  IT,  547,  553.  558.  568.  570.  80S 
Strawn  Coal  Mining  Company.  IT.  553 
Street  railways,  II,  625 
Stripling-Jenkins  Company,  IT,  669 
Strong,  Thomas  J.,  IV,  623 
Stuart,  lohn  W.,  IV,  394 
Sublett,  Philip,  I,  80,  83,  228 
Sublett,  Philip  A.,  I,  204 
Sullivan.   lohn  M..   IV,  647 
Sullivan.  Walter.  ITT.  262 
Sulphur.  II,  547.  548 
Sumrall.  Lester.  Ill,  iMI 
Sunset,   II,  511 
.Superintendent   of  public   instruction.   I. 

431 
Suspended  sentence  law.  II.  495 
Sutherland.  George.  I.  83.  160.  187 
Sutton  Countv,  IT,  829 
Swafford,  Lee,  TIT,  215 
Swanson,  F.  G.,  Ill,  258 
Swasey,  Charles  J.,  II,  602;   I\",  687 
Swayne,  James  W..  II,  66/ 
Swayne,   lohn  P.,  II.  601.  60S.  870 
Swayne.  W.  J.,  IT,  481 
Sweetwater,  IT,  800 
Swenson.  Swen  M..  IT,  550 
Swift  &  Company,  IT,  659,  662 
Swisher.  James  G..  I.  230,  242 
Swisher  County.  II.  832 

Tahoka,  II.  585 

Talbert.  T.  Wilkie.  IV.  542 

Talliaferro   Field.   II.  681 

Tankerslev.  Albert.  III.  134 

Tarrant  County.  I.  369.  385;  II,  475,  533, 

600,  833;  early  settlement,  11,  8.57:  first 

election,  IT,  883 
Tarrant  Countv   Construction   Companv, 

11,611 
Tarrant  County  Courthouse,  II,  S37 
Tascosa.  TI,  512,  585 
Tatum,  F.  J..  IT.  601 
Taxable  values.  T.  370 
Taxation.  I.  370;   TI.  443 
Taylor.  Charles  S.,  I,  83,  271 
Taylor.  Joseph    L,    IV.   560 
Taylor.  Lvtton  R..  TV.  652 
Tavlor.  Robert  H..  T.  401 
Tavlor.  Sam   H.,  TIT.  227 
Tavlor.  Thomas   T..  IV.  625 


INDEX 


XXXllI 


Taylor.  Zachary.  I.  357.  364 
Taylor  County,  I,  369;  11.  842 
Team.  C.  B..   III.  254 
Teas.  Samuel  A..  III.  77 
Telegraph.  I.  372 
Telegraph  lines.  II.  676 
Telephones.  II.  628 
Templeton.  John.  II.  653 
Templeton,  John  D..  II.  624 
Tencha,  I,  30 

Tenorio.  Antonio.  I.  108,  111 
Tenoxtitlan.  I.  62.  64.  77,  80 
Teran's  report  on  Texas.  I.  70.  71 
Terlingua.  II.  551 
Terrell.  A.  \V..  II,  464.  479.  491 
Terrell.  B.  N..  II.  630 
Terrell,  Ed,  II.  608 
Terrell,  J.  C,  II,  601.  630.  691.  885 
Terrell.   I.  O..  II.  495 
Terrell  County.  II.  846 
Terry.  Nat..   II.  599 
Terry.  Stephen,  II.  601 
Terry  County.  II.  846 
Texas  under  the   Spanish   regime,   I.  2: 
title  of  Spain  to,  I.  8;  statistics  in  1833. 

I.  32 :    in    the    Mexican    war.    I,    357 ; 
during  1846-60.  I.  369 

Texas  Business  .Association.  II.  498 

Texas  Christian  University.  II.  615.  620 

Texas  Company.  II.  564 

Texas  Cyclone  Fence  Company,  II.  673 

Texas  Hotel.  II.  641 

Texas  Longhorn,  II,  528,  529,  532 

Texas-New  Mexico  boundary,  I,  361 

Texas  Pacific  Coal  &  Oil  Company,    11. 

568 
Texas     Southwestern     Cattle     Raisers' 

Association.  II.  542 
Texas  Spring  Palace,    II.  870 
Texas  State  Grange.  II.  458 
Texas  Traffic  Association.   II.  454.  46" 
Texas  Veterans'  Association,  I,  425 
Texas  Volunteers    in    Mexican    war,    I. 

358 
Texas  Woman's  College,  II.  615.  618 
Texas  and    Coahuila,    state    government 

18,W-35.  I.  93 
Texas  &  New  Orleans   Railroad.  I.  371. 

372;  11.  454 
Texas  &  Pacific  Coal  and  Oil  Company. 

II.  554 

Texas  &  Pacific    Railroad    Company.    I. 

4.32;  H.  454.  456.  507.  611 
Text-book  law.    II.  473 
The  Grange,  II,  458 
Thomas,  Charles  G..   III.   190 
Thomas,  David.  I.  271.  273 
Thomason.  R.  E..  II.  499 
Thompson.  Alexander.    I.   82,    173.    187. 

252 
Thompson.  Asher  J,.  IV.  481 
Thomr)son.  Ben.    II,  875 


Thompson.  George,   III,  5 
Thompson,  George  F.,  Ill,  95 
Thorn.  Frost,  I,  59.  125.  128,  217 
Thornberry.  Harry  T..  III.  120 
Thorne.  L.  S..  II.  612 
Thorpe  Springs.  II.  620 
Throckmorton,   J.   W.,   I.   378.  401.   414. 

417.  419,  421,  422,  434;  II.  475.  476,  500 
Throckmorton  County.  I.  370;  II,  848 
Thurber,  II.  547.  554]  555.  556.  751 
Thurmond.  P.  M.,  II,  608 
Tidball,  Thomas  A.,  II.  514.  601,  632,  697 
Tillar,  Benjamin  J.,  III.   125 
Timber.   II,   575 
Timberlake,  Frank  P.,  III.  350 
Toler.  Daniel  J.,  I,  297 
Tomlinson,  Douglas,   IV.   394 
Tomlinson.  Peter.  I,  384 
Townsend.  Francis  W..   IV,  476 
Townsend,  W.  J..  IV,  651 
Trammell.  J.  Davis.  IV.  613 
Transportation,  I,  370 
Trask  Seminary.  II.  593 
Travis,   William   B..   I,  63,   78,  95,    115. 

117.  135,   137,  139,  146,   170,  204.  208. 

209,  226,  276,  278,  291 
Travis,  W.  Barrett,  I,  186 
Treaty   of    Guadalupe    Hidalgo,    I.    315. 

361 
Treaty  of  Velasco.  I.  315,  323 
Trinity  County,  I,  369 
Trinity  &  Brazos   Railroad,   II.  613 
Trinity   &    Brazos    Valley    Railroad.    II. 

516' 
Triplctt.  Charles  C.  III.  352 
Trippett.  W.  W.,  II.  601 
Truly.   Robert   R..  III.  ,309 
Tucker.  William  S..  III.   196 
Tucker,  W.  B.,  IT.  601 
Tulia.  II.  833 
Turner.  Ben  H..  III.  247 
Turner.  Ida  L..  II.  647 
Turner.   Tohn,   I,   271 
Turner.  W.  G..   II,  601 
Turtle  Bayou  resolutions.  I.  79 
Twiggs.  D,  E..  I.  377.  402 
Twin  Sisters.  I.  311,  314 
Tvler,  President.  I.  345 
Tyler.  William  H..   I\'.  486 

Ugartechea.  Colonel,  I,  ()2 

Union  Leagues,    I,   422 

Union  men,  I,  414 

Union  party.  I.  401 

United  States,  attitude  toward  Texas.  I. 

72 
University  fund.  II,  478 
University  of  Texas,  II.  4.S2.  481 
Upton  County.  II,  849 
Uvalde  County.  I.  .%9 

X'allcy  View.  IT.  729 


XXXIV 


INDEX 


\  an  Dorti's  Station,  II,  719 

Van  Geem,  Henry,  III,  .W 

Van  Tuyl,  Thomas  B.,  Ill,  73 

Van  Zandt,  Isaac  L..  II,  687 

Van  Zandt,  Khieber  M.,  II,  601,  608,  611, 

615,  617,  625,  632,  653;  III,  3 
Van  Zandt,  L.  H.,  Ill,  103 
Van  Zandt  County,  I,  369;  II,  547 
Vaughn,  Benjamin  G.,  IV,  642 
Veatch,  Tohn  A..  I,  187 
Veatch,  John  H.,  IV,  570 
Vega,  II,  802 
Vehlein,  Joseph,  I,  20 
Velasco,  I,  29,   40,   77,   79,   98,   315,   32A 
Velasco  Fort,  attack  on,  1832,  I,  79 
Venus,  II,  782 

Veramendi,  Martin  de,  I,  12 
Veramendi  House,  I,  236 
Vernon,  II,  511,  863,  864 
Vickery.  Charles   R.,   IV.   704 
Vickers,  Isaac  T..  Ill,  198 
Victoria,  I,  19,  28,  42,  163.  340 
Vince's  Bavou,  I,  44,  48,  314 
Vince's  Bridge,  I,  313,  315 
Vincent.  J.  M.,  II,  602 

Waco,  II,  507 

Wade,  Douglas,  III,  229 

Wade,  Joseph  B.,  III.  66 

Waggoman,  Robert  B.,  Ill,  327 

Waggoner,  Dan,  IV,  738 

Waggoner,  Tom,  II.  540 

Waggoner,  W.  T.,  II.  565;  HI,  72 

W.  T.  Waggoner  Building,  II,  627 

Wagner.   Joseph   E..   Ill,  151 

Waide,   E".  Robert,   IV,  499 

Waidc,  James   M.,   IV,  454 

Wainscott.  C.  E_  IV,  403 

Waits,  Edward  M..  IV,  580 

Wakefield.  Charles   F.,   III.  295 

Wakefield.  Henrv  F.,  Ill,  295 

Walden,  Jesse  j'.   IV,  478 

Walker,  A.  J.,  II.  600 

Walker.  Breckenridge    S..    IV,   633 

Walker,  Glen,   II,  635 

Walker.  Henrv  C,  III,  235 

Walker,  Samuel  H..  I,  357.  359 

Walker.  W.  C.  II.  661 

Walker,  W.  P.,  II,  630 

Walker  Countv.  I,  4,30 

Wall.  Benjamin  R..  IV.  735 

Wall.  S.  A..  IV.  582 

Wallace.  lohn  E..  IV.  474 

Wallace.  J.  R.,  II,  475 

Wallace.  ^laior.  I.  305 

Wallace,   I.  W.  E.,  I.  158 

Wallace.  Ted.  HI.  253 

Waller.  B.  B..  I,  119 

Waller,  Edwin,    I,    119,    173,    187,    1Q8. 

271.  331 
Walling,  Charles  A..  IV,  654 
Walters.  Jake,  II.  502 
Walton.  Charles  H..  ITT,  140 


Want,  Andrew   E..   IV,  567 

Want,  A.  E.,  II,  601 

Waples,  John  G.,  IV.  739 

Waples,  Paul,  II,  651 

War  activities  of  Fort  Worth,  11.  680 

War  debt,  I,  418 

War  of  Secession,   I,  396,  406 

War  party,  I,  118 

War  party    and    conservatives,    struggle 
between.  I,  118 

Ward,  Colonel,  I,  300,  306 

Ward,  Gus  D.,  Ill,  328 

Ward,  Irwin  T..  IV,  413 

Ward,  J.  C.  IV,  617 

Ward,  Matthias.  I.  392 

Ward.  Robert  H.,  Ill,  40 

Ward,  W.  H,,  II,  555 

Ward,  William   B,.   Ir..  I\'.  510 

Wardlaw.  Gladstone.   111.  .365 

Wardlaw,  L.  I.,  IV.  574 

Wardlaw,  Verner  S..  III.  156 

WardviUe.  II,  779 

Warren.  Archibald  L.,  IV.  656 

Washburn,  D.  W..  II.  611 

Washington.  I.  41.  266,  325.  334,  388 

Washington  County  Railroad.  I.  371.  372 

Water  power,  II,  579 

Water  resources.  II.  579 

Waterloo,  I,  331 

Waters-Pierce  Oil  Companv.  II.  505 

Waterways,  I,  370 

Watson,  Charles  E..  HI,  108 

Watters,  Egbert  A..  HI.  319 

Waul.  T.  N'..  I.  401,  417 

Waxahachie,   II.   509 

Wayland.  II,  827 

Wealth,   increase  of,   I.   370 

Weatherford.  II.  806,  807,  808 

Weaver,  Joseph  M..  IV.  386 

Weaver.  Llovd,  HI.   l.W 
-Webb,  Elisha  H.,  IV.  551 

Webb,  Ernest  H..  HI.  ,?59 
-Webb,  George  E.,  IV,  439 

Webb,  lames,  I.  337 
-Webb.  Luther.  IV,  737 
-Webb,  William  T..   IV.  515-. 

Webb  Countv,  I.  369 

Webster,  Daniel.  I.  .364 

Weinman.  L.    B..    HI.  149 

Welch,  Luther  H.,  TIL  301 

Wellborn.  Olin.  II.  501 

Wells,   lasper  B.,  IV.  63'' 

Wells,  Tim.  II.  475 

West.  Claiborne.  I.  83,  173.  187.  252.  271 

West.  Rufus  B..  IV.  474 

Westbrook  Hotel.  II,  644 

Westmoreland,  Ernest  T..  HI,   122 

Westover.  Ira.  I,  243 

Wharton.  John  A..  I.  119,   134,  143,  149. 
173,  187,  413 

Wharton.  William  H..  I.  82.  86,  127.  160. 
187.  192.  216.  218.  343 


INDEX 


XXXV 


Wheat  production,  II,  586 

Wheeler,  Charles  A„  III,  72 

Wheeler,  T.  B,  II,  481 

Wheeler  County.  II,  849 

Whigs,  I,  387 

Whitaker,  William,  I.  173,  187 

White,  Claude,  IV,  397 

White,  Francis  M.,  I,  187 

White,  James  C,  IV,  479 

White,  Sidney  V.,  Ill,  294 

Whitesboro.  11,  507 

Whitlev.  Tohn  M.,  IV,  744 

Whitley,  John  T.,  IV,  744 

Whitmore,  Erastus  F.,  IV,  426 

Whitmore.  G.  W..  I.  401 

Wichita  County,  I,  370 ;  II.  565,  850 

Wichita  County  oil  field.  II.  851 

Wichita  Falls,  II.  510,  515.  569,  853; 
the  city  that  faith  built,  II,  855;  pop- 
ulation of,  II.  855;  new  buildings  in. 
II.  857 

Wichita  Falls  Chamber  of  Commerce. 
II.  858 

Wichita  Falls.  Graham  &  Breckenridge. 
II.  516 

Wichita  Falls  oil  district.  II.  856 

Wichita  Falls,  Ranger  &  Fort  Worth 
Railway.  II.  516 

Wichita  oil  and  gas  field.  II,  850 

Wichita  Valley  Railroad.  II.  SIS,  853 

Widner,  Earl  E.,  IV,  6,30 

Wigfall.  Louis  T..  I.  392.  397.  401 

Wilbarger.  loseph.  I,  65 

Wilbarger  County.  I,  370;  II,  862 

Wilcox.  Tohn  A..  I.  401 

Wild.  Claude  C.  IV.  722 

Wilev.  A.  P..  I  401 

Wilkinson.  Henry  T.,   Ill,  233 

Wilkinson,   Tames.   I.  6 

Wilkinson.  Toseph  G..  III.  59 

Wilkinson.  William  W..  IV,  418 

Willet.  B.  R..  IT.  540 

Williams.  Ed.   III.   ,305 

Williams,  Henrv  W.,  ITT,  174 

Williams,  L.  H..  T.  401 

Williams,  Robert   H..   T.    149 

Williams.  R.  R..  IT.  494 

Williams.  S.Tmuel  M..  T,  58,  62,  65.  100. 
101.  135.  217.  334 

Williams.  W.  H,.  II.  612 

Williamson.  Tames  M..  TIT,  .3,58 

Williamson.  R.  M..  I,  58.  114.  135.  139. 
142,  187,  204 

Williamson   rniintv.   T,  360;   It,  547 

Willingham,  Ray.  TV,  501 

Wilson.  Carl.   TV.  575 

Wilson.  Charles.  I,   173.   187 

Wilson.  Duard  D..  TV.  480 

Wilson,  George  R..  TIT,  307 

Wilson.  T.  C,  II.  631 

Wilson.  Tames  C.  Ill,  69 

Wilson.  Robert.  I,  82 


Wilson,  W.  P.,   II,  624 
Windsor,  II,  730 
Winfrey,   M.  F.,  Ill,  132 
Wingrove,  C.  H.,  Ill,  76 
Winkler  County,  II,  858 
Winston,  George,  TIT.  319 
Winters,  John  N.,  IV,  483 
Wise  County,  I,  369 ;  II,  547,  600,  850 
Witherspoon,  Cliflf  F.,  IV,  532 
Witt.  Benjamin  F.,  Ill,  115 
Wolfenberger,  Samuel,  I,  118 
Woll,  Adrian,  I,  341 
Woman's  suffrage.  IT,  506 
Women's  clubs,  II,  650 
Wood,  G.  Clint,  IV,  586 
Wood,  George  T.,  I,  358.  388 
Wood.  Tames  B.,  I,  173.  187 
Wood.  Lee  C,  TV,  388 
Wood  County,  T,  369 
Woodbine,  II,  730 
Woods,  Tames  B..  I.  271 
Woody.  Sam,  IT,  600.  859 
Wooten.  Dudley  G.,  IT,  485 
Workman,  Bonnie  C,   III,  88 
World  war.   II,  680 
Worth  County.  I,  369 
Wortham.  W.  B..  IT,  486,  655 
Wrav.  Tohn  W..  TV,  685 
•  Wren.  Frank  J.,  TV,  472 
Wright.  Cyrus  A.,  Ill,  65 
Wright,  Dayid,  I.  83 
Wright.  G.  W.,  I,  401 
Wright,  James   L.,   IV,  504 
Wright.  John  H..   Ill,   18 
Wvatt,  P.  S.,  I,  255 
Wvnn,  Ike  A..  IV.  514 
Wynne.  R.  M.,  II,  492 

Yancey,  John  W.,  Ill,  222 

Yarbrough.  Thomas  B,,  III,  56 

Yates.  A.   T.,  I.  65 

Yates.  T.  E,  M„  TIT.  12 

Yates.  Robert  L..  Ill,  100 

Yoakum  County.  IT,  864 

Young,  Bruce,  II,  630 

Young.  Claud  L.,  IV.  576 

Young,  Robert  B„  TV,  385 

Young.  Sam  D..  III.  157 

Young.  Thomas  F..  Ill,  141 

Young.  William   B..  11.  601 

Young.  William  C.  I.  407 

Young  County.  I,  369 ;  IT.  547.  574,  865 

Young  Men's  Christian  Association,  IT. 

644 
Young  Women's   Christian   Association. 

II.  642 

Zambrano  Row.  I,  236.  2.39 
Zane-Cetti.  IT,  601.  611.  624.  632,  872 
Zane-Cetti.  Jesse  S..  TV,  705 
Zapata  County,  I.  370 
Zavala  County.  I.  370 


PREFATORY  NOTE 


Probably  the  most  complete  and  best  balanced  work  on  Texas  history, 
particularly  down  to  annexation,  is  a  History  of  Texas  and  Texans, 
issued  in  1914.  This  work,  available  to  the  publishers  and  editors  of  this 
edition,  was  revised  and  rearranged  with  a  view  to  presenting  a  more 
straightforward  and  concise  account  without  eliminating  material 
required  in  a  modern  reference  book  on  Texas  history. 

The  editor  of  the  former  work,  Dr.  Eugene  C.  Barker,  stated  in  his 
preface : 

"For  som.e  years  before  his  death  in  1884  Colonel  Frank  W.  Johnson 
occupied  himself  in  collecting  material  for  and  writing  a  comprehensive 
history  of  Texas  down  to  annexation.  He  left  his  manuscripts  to  several 
'literary  executors,'  of  whom  Judge  A.  W.  Terrell  was  the  last  to  survive. 
In  August  of  1912  the  American  Historical  Society  of  Chicago  asked  me 
to  write  for  them  a  history  of  Texas.  I  was  unable  to  undertake  the 
task  and  suggested  that  they  publish  Johnson's  manuscript  with  editorial 
additions  which  would  bring  it  down  to  date  and  give  the  results  of 
research  since  Johnson's  time.  They  accepted  the  suggestion  and  Judge 
Terrell  welcomed  the  opportunity  to  publish  the  book  and  consented  to 
write  a  sketch  of  Johnson  as  an  introduction.  His  sudden  death  two 
months  later  prevented  his  carrying  out  this  intention.  On  examination 
I  found  Johnson's  work  of  value  chiefly  for  the  period  from  1820  to  1836. 
His  plan  was  to  make  the  book  a  documentary  history,  letting  the  original 
documents,  so  far  as  possible,  carry  the  narrative.  Some  of  the  docu- 
ments that  he  used  had  already  been  printed  in  Kennedy.  Foote  and 
Yoakum,  and  since  his  death  some  additional  ones  have  appeared  in 
John  Henry  Brown's  'History  of  Texas,'  but  some  have  never  been  pub- 
lished. The  idea  of  a  documentary  history  of  this  period  is  a  good  one, 
for  the  reason  that  the  colonization  of  Texas  by  emigrants  from  the 
United  States,  and  the  subsequent  revolution  from  Mexico,  have  generally 
been  misrepresented  as  deliberate  moves  in  a  conspiracy  of  .Southern  slave- 
holders to  wrest  Texas  from  Mexico  and  annex  it  to  the  United  States, 
No  denial  of  this  charge  can  be  so  eflfective  as  the  contemporary  docu- 
ments themselves,  which  go  far  toward  revealing  the  thoughts  and  feelings 
of  the  settlers.  For  this  reason  I  have  frequently  added  documents  to 
which  Johnson  did  not  have  access.  These  additions  as  well  as  occasional 
paragraphs  and  chapters  which  I  have  found  it  necessary  to  insert,  are 
indicated  in  footnotes.  The  chapters  on  the  period  since  annexation  are 
written  by  Mr.  E.  W.  Winkler  of  the  State  Library." 


History  of  Texas 

CHAPTER  I 
INTRODUCTORY 

The  history  of  Texas  tuld  in  the  following  pages  is  mainly  a  narra- 
tive of  events  falling  within  the  centurv  from  1820  to  1920.  Texans, 
like  Missourians  or  Georgians,  are  "heirs  to  all  the  ages"  and  are 
affected  by  all  the  experiences  of  mankind,  but  in  few  cases  have  such 
influences  originated  ZL'ithiii  Texas  beyond  the  century. 

Geographical  Texas  became  the  meeting  point  of  two  civilizations. 
The  first,  in  point  of  time,  was  the  Spanish,  spreading  northward 
through  soldier-priest-convert  from  the  land  of  the  Montezumas.  The 
second  was  the  English-speaking  civilization  developing  on  the  .\tlan- 
tic  seaboard  of  North  America  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  cen- 
turies, and  with  each  decade  after  the  War  for  Independence  pushing 
westward  with  unprecedented  energy  and  of  its  own  initiative  until  it 
touched  the  nominal  frontier  of  Spain.  A  brief  account  of  Spanish 
Texas  may  properly  be  preceded  by  a  partial  surve}-  of  this  aggressive 
and  overwhelming  power  concentrated  in  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica and  soon  to  submerge  the  older  regime  in  Texas. 

.\t  the  first  census.  1790,  approximateh  4.000.000  persons  were 
enumerated  in  the  seventeen  states  and  territories  of  Connecticut. 
Delaware,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Maine,  Maryland.  Massachusetts.  New 
Hampshire.  New  Jersey,  New  'N^ork,  North  Carolina,  Pennsylvania. 
Rhode  Island,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Vermont  and  Virginia.  The 
westward  impulse  over  the  mountains  had  been  directed  chiefly  into 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  which,  together,  contained  about  110.000 
people,  and  a  few  years  later  were  admitted  as  states. 

In  thirty  years  following,  population  had  marched  to  the  Missis- 
sippi and  was  pouring  into  the  Louisiana  Purchase  beyond.  The 
census  of  1820,  computed  from  twenty-six  states  and  territories,  gave 
a  total  of  nearly  10,000.000.  and  there  was  a  compact  grouping  of 
states  from  the  Alleghanies  to  the  Mississippi,  while  west  of  that 
river  Louisiana  had  been  a  state  since  1812.  Missouri  only  awaited 
the  "compromise"  to  be  admitted,  while  Florida  in  1819  had  been  |)ur- 
chased  from  .Spain. 

On  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi  in  Louisiana,  .\rkansas  and 
Missouri,  the  census  had  found  about  250.000  residents.  New  Orleans 
(though  only  27.000)  was  the  fifth  city  in  the  nation  and  the  great 
market  of  all  the  Middle  West.  Steamboat  traffic  had  begun  on  the 
western  rivers;  canals  and  turnpikes  were  being  planned,  and  while 
these  and  other  instrumentalities  were  im])ortant  in  uniting  the  East 
and  the  West,  more  effective  still  was  the  national  spirit  oi  free  initia 
five — a  trait  common  to  .\mericans  of  the  pioneer  epoch — in  welding 
together   ;ill    to   a    common    ideal    of   enterprise    and    culture.      While 

1 

vor,.  I    1 


2  IlISTOkV  Ol-   TEXAS 

limited  in  other  respects,  an  American  cuininnnit\.  though  irans- 
phinted  a  thousand  miles,  becomes  self-contained,  self-sufficient ;  tries 
to  get  along  without  hel])  "from  home" ;  acts  without  orders  from  a 
central  authority,  yet  maintains  its  typical  Anglo-Saxon  character 
without  written  models  or  instructions. 

So  much  by  vvay  of  preface  before  turning  to  the  contrasting  civili- 
zation that  had  gained  such  a  feeble  foothold  west  of  the  Sabine  in 
spite  of  a  century  of  intermittent  effort.  The  following  is  a  brief 
survey  of  Texas  under  the  Spanish  regime : 

Indirecth-  Spain  began  to  accumulate  information  ct)ncerning 
Texas  in  1519,  when  Alvarez  de  Pineda  sailed  the  Gulf  from  Florida 
to  Tampico.  Ten  years  later  (1528)  several  survivors  of  the  Narvaez 
expedition  were  cast  on  the  shore  of  Texas,  and,  after  six  years  of 
wandering  along  the  coast  from  Galveston  to  Corpus  Christi.  Cabeza 
de  Vaca  and  four  others  escaped  from  the  Indians  who  had  enslaved 
them  and  made  their  way  to  Mexico.  De  Vaca  wrote  an  account  of 
their  exjjeriences.  which  gives  us  our  earliest  source  for  conditions 
of  the  Texas  interior.  In  1540  members  of  the  De  Soto  expedition, 
after  the  death  of  their  leader,  passed  through  East  Texas  on  their 
way  to  Mexico :  and  the  same  year  Coronado's  expedition,  searching 
for  Quivira,  traversed  a  considerable  portion  of  West  Texas.  The 
interior  of  Texas  continued  to  be  penetrated  by  occasional  parties  of 
-Spanish  explorers  for  the  next  150  years.  Until  well  past  the  middle 
of  the  seventeenth  century  these  parties  advanced  eastward  from  New 
Mexico,  which  the  .Spaniards  had  early  occupied:  but  at  the  same  time 
settlement  was  slowly  pushing  toward  Texas  through  northern  Mex- 
ico, and  the  missionaries  were  already  urging  the  occupation  of  the 
Tejas  country  when  news  reached  the  government  that  a  French 
expedition  w'as  headed  for  the  country. 

France  had  begun  to  occupy  Canada  at  the  beginning  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  Fur  traders  and  Jesuit  missionaries  moved  rapidh' 
westward,  and  in  167,^  Louis  Joliet  and  Father  Marrjuctte  explored 
the  Mississippi  River  from  Wisconsin  to  .Arkansas.  Ten  vears  later 
La  Salle  followed  the  Mississippi  to  its  mouth,  and  then  returned  to 
France  to  beg  permission  from  Louis  XIY  to  settle  a  colony  there. 
His  plan  was  a  strategic  one.  France  already  held  the  St.  Lawrence 
and  the  Great  Lakes,  the  Ohio  and  the  Upper  Mississippi,  and  a 
colony  at  the  mouth  of  the  great  river  would  go  far  toward  securing 
the  possession  of  the  whole  valley.  Moreover,  it  could  be  made  the 
basis  of  operations  against  Mexico,  in  case  France  and  .Spain  were 
involved  in  war.  The  king  approved,  and  La  Salle  was  generously 
fitted  out  with  colonists  and  supi)lies.  The  colonists  included  some 
farmers,  artisans  and  men  of  family,  but  too  many  of  them  were  un- 
desirable adventurers.  In  the  West  Indies  one  small  vessel  was  cap- 
tured by  Spaniards,  but  the  incident  was  not  immediately  reported  to 
the  viceroy  and  at  the  time,  therefore,  created  no  alarm  in  Spain.  The 
remainder  of  the  little  fleet  lost  its  bearings,  and  in  February,  1685. 
entered  Matagorda  Bay  and  made  a  landing.  .A  vessel  was  wrecked 
here — the  .'\imable.  the  supply  ship — and  manv  provisions  and  arms  were 
lost.      Hc;nijnt,   the   sailing  master,   returned   to   I-'rancc   in  another   >;hii). 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  3 

leaving  La  Salle  oiu-  small  vessel.  This,  too,  was  later  wrecked.  It 
soon  became  evident  that  the  Mississipjji  did  not  enter  Matagorda 
Bay,  but  La  Salle  could  not  believe  that  it  was  far  awaj'.  A  fort  was 
built  some  miles  inland  on  the  Lavaca  River,  and  a  search  for  the 
Mississip])i  began. 

The  Indians,  malaria  and  their  own  excesses  soon  brought  the 
part}'  to  a  desperate  state.  La  Salle  was  stern,  arbitrary  and  unsym- 
pathetic and  incurred  the  hatred  of  some  of  the  worst  characters,  who 
murdered  him  in  1687  near  the  present  site  of  Navasota,*  while  he  was 
making  his  third  exjjedition  in  search  of  the  Mississippi.  After  La 
Salle's  death  the  settlement  rapidly  went  to  pieces.  Some  of  the  party 
eventually  reached  the  Mississippi  and  made  their  way  to  Canada  and 
France;  many  died  of  disease  or  were  massacred  by  the  Indians. 
When  the  Spaniards  arrived  in  search  of  them  in  1689  there  were  less 
than  half  a  score  of  si:rvivors  scattered  among  the  Indians. 

The  Spanish  authorities  had  learned  during  the  fall  of  1684  of 
La  Salle's  plan  for  a  settlement  on  the  Gulf,  and  between  1686  and 
1689  four  searching  parties  were  sent  by  sea  and  five  by  land  to  find 
him.  It  was  only  the  fifth  of  the  land  expeditions  that  succeeded. 
Capt.  .\lonso  de  Leon  commanded  this  expedition  in  1689  and  with 
him  was  Father  Damian  Massanet,  a  devoted  Franciscan  missionary. 
They  found  the  French  settlement  (Fort  St.  Louis)  in  ruins.  Several 
dead  lay  unburied  on  the  prairie.  Clearly  the  danger  of  a  French 
occupation  for  the  present  was  over. 

Learning  that  four  Frenchmen  were  living  among  the  Tejas  In- 
dians in  East  Texas,  De  Leon  wrote  to  them  inviting  them  to  accom- 
pany him  to  Mexico.  Two  of  them  joined  him,  and  with  them  came  a 
chief  of  the  Tejas.  Missionaries  and  explorers  had  long  been  wishing 
to  get  in  touch  with  these  Indians,  and  Father  Massanet  exerted  him- 
self especially  to  win  the  friendship  of  this  chief.  He  was  successful, 
and  parted  from  him  with  a  promise  to  return  the  next  year  and 
establish  a  mission  among  the  Tejfis,  the  chief  assuring  him  that  the 
Spaniards  would  be  welcome. 

Spurred  by  the  fear  of  French  encroachment,  the  viceroyal  govern- 
ment of  Mexico  approved  the  proposal  of  De  Leon  and  Massanet  for 
the  establishment  of  a  settlement  among  the  Tejas,  and  in  the  spring 
of  1690  De  Leon  led  a  second  expedition  to  the  country.  Marching 
first  to  La  Salle's  deserted  settlement,  he  destroyed  it,  so  that  it  might 
not  harbor  other  intruders,  and  then  proceeded  northward  to  the 
Tejas.  On  a  small  stream  .some  ten  miles  west  of  the  Neches  and 
northeast  of  the  present  town  of  Crockett  he  built  a  rude  log  chajiel 
and  left  three  jiriests  and  three  soldiers  to  win  the  region  to  Christian- 
ity and  to  Spain.  .\t  first  the  Tejas  were  peaceful  and  friendlv,  but 
pestilence  and  bad  crops  followed  and  they  became  ill-humored  and 
troublesome.  Next  year  priests  and  soldiers  were  reinforced  from  an 
expedition  led  by  Governor  Teran  de  los  Rios,  but  in   169.3  they  aban- 


*This  approximate  location  of  the  murder  of  La  .Salle  is  ilen'vcd  from  Prof. 
H.    I-".   P.dlton.  iif  tilt    UTiiversit\    of  ralifoniia. 


4  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

doned   Texas,   and    Spain   made   no   further   attempts   to   occupy    the 
province  until  fear  of  the  French  again  arose  in  1716. 

In  1699  a  French  settlement  was  founded  at  Mobile  Bay,  and  in 
1712  a  French  merchant,  Antoine  Crozat,  received  from  the  govern- 
ment a  monopoly  of  the  trade  of  Louisiana,  which  was  regarded  as 
including  all  the  territory  drained  by  the  Mississippi  and  its  tribu- 
taries. But  this  field  was  too  restricted  for  Crozat's  ambition.  He 
wished  also  to  trade  with  the  Spaniards  in  northern  and  northwestern 
Mexico.  In  view  of  the  exclusive  commercial  policy  of  Spain,  this 
could  be  done  only  by  a  system  of  smuggling  with  the  connivance  of 
the  Spanish  colonial  authorities.  A  man  of  ability  and  address  was 
needed  to  approach  the  Spanish  officials,  and  Governor  Cadillac  of 
Louisiana  selected  Louis  Juchereau  de  St.  Denis,  an  experienced 
Indian  trader  and  explorer.  St.  Denis  led  a  party  up  Red  River  tc. 
the  present  site  of  Natchitoches,  where  he  established  headquarters 
for  trade  with  the  Hasinai  or  Tejas  confederation  of  Indians  in  East 
Texas,  and  then  pressed  on  across  Texas  to  the  Spanish  presidio,  a 
short  distance  southeast  of  the  present  Eagle  Pass.  In  1714  this  post 
was  commanded  by  Capt.  Diego  Ramon.  To  him  St.  Denis  unfolded 
his  proposal,  but  the  captain  referred  the  matter  to  the  viceroy  at 
Mexico  and  held  St.  Denis  a  prisoner.  An  interesting  romance  has 
woven  itself  around  the  young  Frenchman's  sojourn  here,  but  the 
thrilling  details  presented  by  Gayarre  and  Brown  seem  to  have  no 
other  foundation  than  the  fact  that  St.  Denis  later  married  Captain 
Ramon's  granddaughter.  The  viceroy  was  considerably  alarmed  by 
the  French  advances,  and  ordered  St.  Denis  sent  to  the  capital. 

As  the  result  of  personal  conferences  with  St.  Denis  the  viceroy 
decided  to  reoccupy  East  Texas,  a  measure  to  which  the  missionaries 
had  been  urging  him  for  years.  St.  Denis  agreed  to  guide  an  expedi- 
tion, and  this,  with  priests,  soldiers  and  settlers,  got  under  wav  in 
1716.  commanded  by  Capt.  Domingo  Ramon.  The  Spaniards  were 
welcomed  by  the  Tejas  Indians,  who  had  missed  the  small  gifts  with 
which  the  missionaries  had  been  in  the  habit  of  cultivating  their 
friendship,  and  during  the  next  few  years  a  group  of  missions  was 
established  around  the  present  towns  of  Nacogdoches  and  San  Augus- 
tine. In  1718  San  .A.ntonio  was  founded  and  became  the  important 
Spanish  stronghold  in  this  outlying  province.  In  the  meantime  the 
French  post  at  Natchitoches  grew  stronger  and  in  1719  the  Spaniards 
were  compelled  to  flee  to  San  Antonio  for  ])rotection.  Two  years 
later,  however,  the  Marquis  De  .A.guayo  re-established  the  settlements 
and  strengthened  the  presidios,  and  further  relations  between  the 
French  and  Spanish  on  this  frontier  were  marked  by  little  friction.  In 
1762  Louis  XV  ceded  Louisiana  to  Spain,  and  the  international  bound- 
ary moved  eastward  to  the  Mississippi,  across  which  faced  the  aggres- 
sive English  instead  of  the  easy-going  French. 

After  the  founding  of  San  Antonio  Spanish  governors  and  mis- 
sionaries made  energetic  efforts  to  colonize  Texas  and  civilize  the 
Indians.  .A.guayo  established  a  post  near  the  site  of  La  Salle's  Fort 
St.  Louis  in  1721.  which  after  being  twice  moved  was  finally  fixed  in 
1749  at  modern  Golind.    The  great  mission  buildings  which  constitute 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  5 

one  of  the  most  impressive  historical  monuments  of  the  Southwest 
were  constructed  near  San  Antonio,  and  others  of  less  pretentious 
character  were  scattered  from  Refugio  and  Liberty,  near  the  coast, 
as  far  west  as  San  Saba  and  Rockdale.  Following  the  French  cession 
of  Louisiana  the  settlements  in  East  Texas  were  abandoned,  but 
many  of  the  settlers  who  had  known  no  other  home  were  ill  at  ease  in 
San  Antonio,  whither  they  were  moved,  and  in  1779  Gil  Ibarbo  led  a 
number  of  them  back  and  founded  Nacogdoches  on  the  site  of  the  old 
mission  of  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe.  The  permanent  results  of 
Spanish  activities  in  Texas  to  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century  were 
pitifully  small,  but  the  province  was  very  remote  and  the  Indians  were 
peculiarly  untractable.  When  measured  by  the  results  achieved  by 
the  United  States  with  a  convenient  base  and  incomparably  greater 
resources,  Spain's  failure  to  civilize  the  Indians  affords  little  cause  for 
criticism  or  surprise. 

On  October  1,  1800,  Spain  re-ceded  to  France  "the  Colony  or 
Province  of  Louisiana  with  the  same  extent  that  it  now  has  in  the 
hands  of  Spain,  and  that  it  had  when  France  possessed  it."  On  April 
30,  1803 — as  the  treaty  is  dated — France  sold  Louisiana,  with  the 
same  limits,  to  the  United  States.  What  were  the  boundaries  of 
Louisiana  thus  vaguely  described?  Napoleon  had  instructed  General 
Victor  to  take  possession  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  on  that  ground, 
chiefly.  President  Jefferson  and  other  prominent  statesmen  were  in- 
clined to  claim  Texas.  But  they  were  much  more  anxious  to  extend 
the  eastern  boundary  over  W'est  Florida,  a  narrow  strip  along  the 
coast  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Perdido  River,  and  expected  to  play 
the  Texas  claim  against  this  coveted  region.  Historians  are  agreed 
that  the  claim  to  West  Florida  was  baseless,  but  despite  the  accidental, 
temporary  character  of  La  Salle's  settlement  and  the  deliberate,  per- 
manent occupation  of  the  province  by  Spain  from  1716  onward,  the 
Texas  question  has  not  been  so  easily  settled.  In  1819  the  United 
States  surrendered  by  treaty  all  claims  west  of  the  Sabine,  but  many 
patriotic  citizens  believed  that  the  government  exceeded  its  constitu- 
tional power  in  alienating  territory  to  which  its  title  was  good.  It  was 
this  belief  that  made  possible  the  demand  for  the  "re-annexation"  of 
Texas  in  the  national  13emocratic  platform  of  1844. 

Before  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana  by  the  United  States  Anglo- 
.•\mericans  had  already  begun  to  penetrate  Texas.  For  years  Philip 
Nolan,  a  protege  of  Gen.  James  Wilkinson,  liad  been  making  occa- 
sional trips  to  San  Antonio.  In  1800  he  led  a  small  i)arty  into  the 
province  for  the  ostensible  ])urpose  of  capturing  wild  horses.  W^hether 
that  was  his  sole  object  is  even  yet  not  clear.  Toward  the  end  of 
March,  1801,  he  was  overtaken  by  soldiers  near  the  present  city  of 
Waco,  and  in  the  ensuing  battle  Nolan  was  killed.  His  men  then  sur- 
rendered, expecting  to  be  sent  home  from  Nacogdoches,  but  on  the 
contrary  they  were  marched  to  Mexico,  where  in  the  course  of  time  all 
except  Peter  Ellis  Bean  elude  the  historical  vision.  Bean  joined  the 
revolutionists  in  1810,  and  when  Mexico  gained  its  independence  he 
was  a  colonel  in  the  patriot  army.  During  1833-1835  he  was  stationed 
at  Nacogdoches  as  a  sort  of  Indian  agent. 


6  HISTORY  OF    TEXAS 

In  1812  Bernardo  Gutierrez  and  Augustus  Magee.  lately  a  lieu- 
tenant in  the  United  States  army,  invaded  Texas  with  a  considerable 
force  of  American  adventurers.  Spaniards  and  Indians.  The\'  took 
Nacogdoches  in  August  and  Goliad  in  October.  Here  Magee  died. 
In  the  spring  of  1813  they  advanced  on  San  Antonio  and  after  defeat- 
ing the  Spanish  governor  in  a  terrible  battle  entered  the  town  on 
.April  1.  Gutierrez's  brutality  to  the  prisoners  alienated  many  of  the 
Americans,  who  now  abandoned  him.  The  others  were  decoyed  into 
an  ambush  by  General  Arredondo  near  the  Medina  River  in  June  and 
badly  defeated.  The  avowed  object  of  Gutierrez  and  Magee  was  to 
win  Texas  for  the  revolutionary  party  in  Mexico.  They  undoubtedly 
expected  to  turn  success  to  their  personal  profit,  but  in  just  what  way 
does  not  clearly  appear. 

After  the  signature  of  the  Florida  treaty  of  1819  by  which  the 
United  States  relinquished  its  claim  to  Texas,  Dr.  James  Long  of 
Natchez,  Mississippi,  led  an  expedition  which  for  a  brief  time  occu- 
pied Nacogdoches  and  proclaimed  the  independence  of  Texas.  It  is 
somewhat  significant  that  Long,  like  Nolan,  had  a  connection  with 
Gen.  James  Wilkinson  of  the  United  States  army,  his  wife  being  Wil- 
kinson's niece.  At  the  time  of  Long's  invasion  the  royalist  power  had 
almost  succeeded  in  stamping  out  the  revolution  in  Mexico,  and 
Texas  was  well  defended.  Troops  advanced  from  San  Antonio,  and 
catching  Long's  forces  in  scattered  detachments  easily  defeated  and 
expelled  them.  Long  took  advantage  of  the  renewed  revolutionary 
wave  in  1820  to  return  to  Texas,  but  was  no  more  successful  than 
before.  In  fact,  he  was  taken  prisoner  and  sent  to  Mexico  City,  and 
there  a  short  time  later  was  killed  by  a  Mexican  soldier. 

In  a  sense  Nolan,  Magee  and  Long,  with  the  men  whom  they  led. 
were  but  the  advance  couriers  of  American  expansion.  In  the  first 
twenty  years  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  United  States  pushed  its 
settled  frontier  westward  to  the  Mississippi,  and  crossed  that  line  in 
Louisiana,  which  became  a  state  in  1812,  and  in  Missouri,  which  was 
admitted  in  1820.  The  natural  line  of  advance  to  further  expansion 
was  toward  the  southwest.  That  the  adventurous  pioneers  entered 
Texas  in  organized  bands  rather  than  as  peaceful  trappers  and  settlers 
was  probal)ly  due  to  the  revolutionary  condition  of  New  Spain  from 
1810  to  1821,  which  suggested  the  pretext  of  marching  in  force  to  the 
relief  of  the  local  patriots.  They  served  tlie  purpose  of  spying  out 
the  country  and  of  paving  the  way  for  the  peaceful  invasion  of  Moses 
and  Stephen  Austin  and  the  "crowd  of  expresarios"  who  followed 
them.  The  opportune  attainment  of  Mexican  independence  in  1821 
imdoubtedly  furthered  the  colonization  of  Texas  from  the  United 
States  by  creating  a  temporary  glow  of  friendship  for  the  republicans 
of  the  north,  who  had  gone  through  much  the  same  experience  with 
England  as  had  the  Mexicans  with  Spain,  and  whose  liberal  institu- 
tions the  Mexicans  dreamed  of  emulating. 


CHAPTER   II 
COLON IZATIOX   15Y  AMERICANS 

\'iigiiiia  liad  her  John  Smith,  Maryland  her  Lalvcrt>,  Pennsylvania 
her  Penns,  but  Texas  had  in  Stephen  E.  Austin  a  type  of  colonizer  and 
slate  builder  greater  than  any  of  them.  His  personal  fortune  and  his 
personal  safety  were  both  involved  in  his  colonial  enterprise  ;  it  was  the 
work  of  his  life.  When  he  died  he  left  the  destiny  of  Texas  per- 
manently shaped.  It  is  with  good  reason  that  iiistorians  have  studied 
the  character  and  activities  of  .Austin  as  the  chief  source  of  a  correct 
knowledge  of  'J'exas  history  in  the  colonial  period. 

Moses  Austin  was  a  native  of  Durhafii,  in  the  State  of  Connecticut. 
He  came  of  a  highly  respectable  family,  received  a  liberal  education,  and 
was  regularly  bred  to  the  business  of  merchandise.  He  was  a  man  of 
uncommon  sagacity  and  of  an  enterjjrising  character.  He  began  life  as 
a  merchant,  in  the  city  of  f^hiladelphia.  He  afterwards  removed  to  the 
city  of  Richmond  in  Virginia,  and  subsequently  purchased  the  lead 
mines,   known   as   Chissel's   mines,   on    New    River   in    Wvthe   County   in 


Stephen  F.  Austin 

that  slate.  Here  he  engaged  extensively  in  mining  and  in  the  manu- 
facture of  lead.  He  introduced  artisans  from  England,  and  established 
the  tirst  manufactory  of  shot  and  sheet  lead  that  was  established  in  the 
United  States.  A  little  village  grew  up  around  him  on  New  River,  which 
was  called  .-Xustinville,  at  which  place  Stephen  F.  .Xustin  was  born  on 
the  3rd  day  of  November.  179.^. 

In  the  year  1797,  the  enterprising  (ii>p(jsition  of  Moses  .Austin  led 
him  to  explore  that  portion  of  U])i)er  Louisiana  now  embraced  within  the 
limits  of  the  state  of  Missouri,  which  has  since  become  so  celebrated  for 
its  mines  of  lead.  He  procured  a  concession  from  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment of  a  league  of  land,  including  what  was  called  the  Mine-a-Burton. 
In  pursuance  of  his  determination,  he  removed  his  family  and  a  number  of 
laborers  to  the  Mine-a-Hurtoii  in  the  year  17'-*'-'.     There  were  no  families 


8  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

residing  near  the  mines,  in  fact,  there  were  no  famihes  nearer  than  St. 
Genevieve.  The  Osage  Indians  were  hostile,  and  Austin  experienced, 
in  his  new  home,  all  the  vicissitudes  of  a  frontier  life.  It  was  amidst 
such  scenes  as  are  always  presented  by  a  new  settlement  in  the  wilderness, 
surrounded  by  savage  enemies,  that  the  mind  of  Stephen  F.  Austin  re- 
ceived its  earliest  permanent  impression.  It  was  in  the  midst  of  a  thriving 
community  of  hardy  and  enterprising  men,  where  industry  was  subduing 
the  wilderness,  and  where  civilization  was  beginning  to  diffuse  its  refine- 
ments, that  his  character  was  formed.  It  will  be  seen  that  he  was  trained 
in  a  school  admirably  suited  to  qualify  him  for  the  difficult  part  which  it 
afterwards  became  his  duty  to  perform. 

In  the  year  1804,  being  then  in  the  eleventh  year  of  his  age,  Stephen 
Austin  was  sent  to  Colchester  Academy,  in  Connecticut,  to  pursue  his 
academical  studies.  ■  He  remained  in  that  institution,  which  was  then 
in  high  repute,  for  one  year.  Thence  he  removed  to  an  academy  at  New 
London,  where  he  remained  until  1808.  He  then  returned  to  the  West, 
and  became  a  student  of  Transylvania  University,  at  Lexington,  Ken- 
tucky, where  he  devoted  himself  for  two  years  to  his  studies,  and  was 
distinguished  amongst  his  fellow-students  for  his  intelligence  and  gen- 
tlemanly deportment.  It  was  at  Transylvania  that  he  formed  an  inti- 
mate acquaintance  with  Joseph  H.  Hawkins,  who  afterwards  resided  in 
New  Orleans,  in  the  practice  of  law,  and  assisted  Austin  in  his  first 
enterprise  of  colonization. 

In  the  year  1813,  at  the  age  of  twenty,  Stephen  F.  Austin  was  elected 
to  the  Territorial  Legislature  of  Missouri  from  the  county  of  Washing- 
ton, and  was  regularly  re-elected  until  the  year  1819,  when  he  ceased  to 
reside  in  the  territory.  While  he  was  a  member  of  the  Territorial  Legis- 
lature he  became  acquainted  with  Thomas  H.  Benton,  who  was  a  member 
of  the  same  body.  Mr.  Benton  always  respected  him  as  a  man  of  char- 
acter and  talents,  and  they  maintained  a  friendly  and  political  correspond- 
ence during  Austin's  Hfe. 

During  these  years,  from  1800  to  1817,  Moses  Austin  had  conducted 
an  extensive  and  profitable  business  in  mining  and  in  the  manufacture 
of  shot  and  sheet  lead.  He  had  made  very  valuable  improvements  on  his 
property,  and  had  acquired  an  ample  fortune.  Misfortune  suddenly 
came  upon  him  in  the  ruin  of  the  bank  of  St.  Louis,  in  which  he  was  a 
large  stockholder.  He  was  now  in  his  fifty-fifth  year.  Instead  of  bow- 
ing before  the  stroke  he  retained  a  firm  mind  and  a  resolute  heart.  He 
sent  for  his  son  Stephen,  and  told  him  that  he  had  determined  to  surren- 
der the  whole  of  his  property  to  his  creditors.  He  carried  this  deter- 
mination into  effect,  and  then  proposed  to  his  son  the  idea  of  forming  a 
colony  in  Texas. 

The  title  of  Spain  to  the  territory  of  Texas  was  about  this  time  estab- 
lished by  the  treaty  of  the  22d  of  February,  1819,  between  the  govern- 
ment of  Spain  and  that  of  the  United  States.  In  consequence  of  this 
treaty  and  the  territorial  rights  secured  to  Spain  by  it,  it  became  necessary 
for  Moses  Austin  to  apply  to  the  government  of  Spain,  or  to  the  Spanish 
authority,  for  permission  to  colonize  in  Texas.  He  accordingly  resolved 
to  make  the  application  in  person.     As  a  preparatory  measure  to  the 


HISTORY  OF    TEXAS  9 

enterprise  of  colonization,  Stephen  Austin  left  Missouri  in  the  month 
of  April,  1819,  and  proceeded  to  a  place  known  as  Long  Prairie,  on  Red 
River,  in  the  territory  of  Arkansas.  Here  he  commenced  a  small  farm, 
intending  to  make  that  point  the  rendezvous  of  the  settlers  who  were  to 
be  introduced  into  Texas,  in  the  event  that  Moses  Austin  succeeded  in 
his  application  for  permission  to  plant  a  colony  there.  Stephen  Austin 
remained  in  the  territory  of  Arkansas  during  the  greater  part  of  the  year 
1819  and  1820.  In  the  meantime  he  received  the  appointment  of  circuit 
judge  in  that  territory. 

In  the  autumn  of  the  year  1820,  Moses  Austin  left  Missouri  and 
proceeded  to  Little  Rock,  in  Arkansas,  where  he  was  met  by  his  son 
Stephen.  It  was  then  thought  advisable  to  abandon  the  farming  enter- 
prise at  Long  Prairie,  and  that  Stephen  should  go  to  New  Orleans  and 
co-operate  with  his  father,  as  they  might  subsequently  arrange,  and  as 
circumstances  might  require.  Moses  Austin  proceeded,  by  the  way  of 
Nacogdoches,  to  visit  the  Spanish  authorities  at  San  Antonio  de  Bexar. 
After  a  very  fatiguing  and  hazardous  journey  through  a  wilderness 
country  he  reached  Bexar  in  the  month  of  November,  and  proceeded 
with  as  little  delay  as  possible  to  lay  his  business  before  the  governor 
of  the  province,  Don  .'\ntonio  Martinez.  The  authority  of  Governor 
Martinez  was  limited,  and  extended  only  to  the  customary  local  adminis- 
tration of  the  province.  He  was  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  command- 
ant general  of  the  Eastern  internal  provinces  at  Monterey,  and  this  office 
was  filled,  at  that  time,  by  a  man  of  ability  and  reputation,  Don  Joaquin 
de  Arredondo.  He  was  the  same  who,  in  the  summer  of  1813.  destroyed 
the  revolutionary  force,  composed  partly  of  Americans,  and  commanded 
by  Toledo,  at  the  disastrous  battle  of  Medina.  Arredondo  had  given 
orders  to  Governor  Martinez  not  to  permit  foreigners,  and  especially 
North  Americans,  to  enter  Texas.  The  governor  and  the  commandant 
general  were  not  personally  on  the  most  friendly  terms,  and  Martinez 
was  cautious  not  to  expose  himself  to  the  charge  of  disobedience  to  his 
superior. 

Mo.ses  Austin  made  his  application  in  per.son  to  Governor  Martinez, 
and  was  much  surprised  and  disappointed  to  find  that  not  only  his 
proposals  on  the  subject  of  colonization  would  not  be  considered,  but 
that  he  was  not  received  with  that  courtesy  which  is  expected  from  a 
man  in  high  standing  to  a  petitioner.  Martinez  ordered  him  to  leave 
the  province,  and  even  refused  to  look  at  papers  which  established  the 
fact  that  Mr.  Austin  had  formerly  been  a  Spanish  subject.  To  parry 
this  blow  Mr.  Austin  endeavored  to  engage  the  governor  in  a  conversa- 
tion more  general,  using  the  French  language,  of  which  he  had  acquired 
a  knowledge  in  Missouri,  and  with  which  the  governor  was  also 
acquainted.  His  attempt  was  unsuccessful.  The  governor's  manner 
was  very  ungracious,  and  he  peremptorily  repeated  the  order  that  Austin 
should  leave  the  province  without  delay.  Austin  was  not  only  disap- 
pointed, but  incensed  by  the  tnanner  of  his  reception  and  dismissal.  He 
retired  from  the  government  house,  resolved  to  leave  Bexar  within  the 
hour.  As  he  crossed  the  plaza  he  accidentally  met  a  gentleman  with 
whom  he  had,  many  years  before,  spent  a  night  at  a  country  tavern  in 


10  HlSlOin    Ol''    IKXAS 

uiic  of  the  Southern  .stales.  This  gentleman  was  the  Baron  de  Bastrop. 
When  the)'  had  formerly  met  they  had  conversed  freely,  and  had  thus 
acquired  some  knowledge  of  each  other,  both  being  men  of  enterprise 
and  much  experience.  Now,  when  they  unexpectedly  encountered  in 
the  plaza,  their  recognition  of  each  other  was  instant.  Indeed,  it  was 
said  by  those  who  knew  him,  that  the  Baron  never  forgot  anyone,  and 
he  was  himself  of  so  distinguished  a  figure  that  it  was  not  an  easy 
matter  for  anyone  to  forget  the  Baron.  The  Baron  de  Bastrop  was  a 
native  of  Prussia,  and  had  seen  service  in  early  youth  under  the  banners 
of  the  great  I'Vederick.  He  was  now  a  Spanish  subject  and  resided  in 
San  Antonio.  He  was  a  man  of  education  and  talents,  and  was  very 
much  respected  by  the  inhabitants  of  Bexar.  He  was  also  initiated  into 
all  the  mysteries  of  the  government  house,  was  on  terms  of  personal 
friendship  with  Governor  Martinez,  and  possessed  much  influence  with 
all  the  authorities  of  the  province. 

Bastrop  invited  Austin  to  his  house,  where  the  latter,  in  a  few  words, 
explained  to  him  the  object  of  his  visit  to  San  Antonio,  and  informed 
him  of  his  interview  with  the  governor  and  of  its  consequences.  The 
generous  temper  of  the  Baron  at  once  inclined  him  to  serve  Austin  if  it 
were  possible  for  him  to  do  so,  and  he  placed  himself  in  the  most  earnest 
manner  to  make  the  elTort.  He  repaired  immediately  to  the  governor's 
house,  and  informed  his  excellency  that  Austin  was  his  friend,  and  a 
man  of  high  character  and  integrity,  whose  intentions,  in  coming  into 
the  province,  were  open  and  undisguised.  He  represented  further  to  his 
excellency  that  Austin's  health  was  broken  by  recent  exjiosure,  that  he 
was  suffering  from  fever,  and  that  he  could  not  travel  without  danger  to 
his  life.  He  begged  the  governor,  as  a  personal  favor  to  himself,  to 
revoke  the  order  of  Austin's  immediate  departure.  The  governor  list- 
ened with  respect  to  the  Baron's  representations,  and  granted  his  request 
in  the  most  obliging  manner.  The  Baron  retired,  very  well  satisfied  with 
the  result  of  his  first  interview  with  the  governor  in  behalf  of  his 
friend  .Austin. 

At  the  end  of  a  week  Bastrop  had  succeeded,  by  tlie  aid  of  other  influ- 
ential citizens  whotn  he  had  enlisted  in  the  cause,  in  removing  the  objec- 
tions of  Governor  Martinez  to  the  project  of  Austin,  and  in  procuring  for 
him  from  the  ayuntamiento  of  Bexar,  a  ])roniise  to  recommend  .Austin's 
propositions  for  the  settlement  of  300  families  within  the  limits  of  Texas', 
to  the  favorable  consideration  of  the  commandant  general.  .Arredondo, 
and  the  provincial  deputation  of  the  eastern  internal  provinces ;  which 
latter  was  a  body  who  held  their  sessions  at  Monterey,  and  shared,  with 
the  commandant  general,  the  government  of  the  eastern  provinces  of  New 
Spain.  .After  yielding  his  first  opposition  to  .Austin's  pro|)Ositions.  Gov- 
ernor Martinez  entered  very  heartily  into  all  his  plans,  and  evinced  a  sin- 
cere interest  in  their  future  success.  It  seems  that  he  formed  a  very 
favorable  judgment  of  Austin  as  a  man  of  integrity  and  of  honorable 
|)urposes.  Austin  determined  to  leave  San  .Antonio  without  waiting  to 
liear  the  result  of  his  application  to  the  authorities  at  Monterey,  and  to 
return  to  Missouri  to  arrange  some  pressing  matters  of  business.  Gov- 
ernor ^lartinez  promised  to  give  him  the  earliest  possible  information  of. 


HISTUKV   l)F  TKXAS  11 

the  fate  of  his  application,  and  took  leave  of  him,  .saJ'in{,^  "if  you  livi-  ti> 
return,  you  may  count  on  my  assistance  in  every  way  that  duty  and  cir 
eumstances  will  permit." 

On  his  return  from  San  Antonio  to  Natchitoches,  Austin  was  robbed 
and  deserted  by  his  companions,  and  was  exposed  to  great  suffering 
liefore  he  reached  a  hos])itable  roof  on  the  Sabine,  where  he  rested  for  a 
few  days.  His  weak  condition  obliged  him  to  rest  again  in  Natchitoches. 
Here  he  recovered  in  some  measure  his  strength,  and  after  informing  his 
son  Stephen,  by  letters,  of  what  had  trans]iired.  he  pursued  his  journe\ 
to  Missouri.  Shortly  after  his  return  home,  he  had  the  pleasure  of  hear- 
ing officially  from  Governor  Martinez  that  his  propositions  had  been 
favorably  received  at  Monterey,  and  that  he  was  at  liberty  to  commence 
his  settlement  in  Texas  immediately.  About  the  same  time  he  procured 
a  settlement  of  his  affairs  with  the  Bank  of  St.  Louis  which  was  more 
satisfactory  than  he  had  anticipated,  inasmuch  as  it  left  him  the  ])rospect 
of  beginning  his  new  settlement  in  Texas  with  means  sufficient  to  ])ro- 
vide  the  stores  and  mechanical  and  agricultural  implements  necessary 
to  such  an  enter])rise. 

Moses  Austin  was  now  ( in  the  spring  of  1821  )  industriously  engaged 
in  making  his  preparations  to  retiu'n  to  Texas.  He  gave  notice,  by  let- 
ters, to  those  whom  he  expected  to  accompany  him  that  he  would  be  in 
.\atchitoches  by  the  latter  ])art  of  May,  and  that  he  did  not  wi.sh  to  be 
delayed  a  single  day  in  ])roceeding  on  his  way  to  the  Brazos  and  Colorado. 
Hut  it  was  written  in  the  book  of  God's  Providence  that  the  brave  old 
man  should  be  sjjared  the  trials  and  sufferings  incident  to  the  further 
prosecution  of  such  an  enterprise  as  he  had  conceived.  He  fell  sick 
about  the  first  of  June,  at  the  house  of  his  daughter,  Mrs.  James  Bryan, 
(later  well  known  in  Texas  as  Mrs.  James  F.  Perry).  He  died  in  his 
daughter's  arms,  on  the  10th  day  of  June.  1821,  in  the  57th  year  of 
his  age.  The  family  of  Moses  .\ustin  consisted  at  the  time  of  his 
death  of  his  wife,  who  surx'ived  him  about  three  years;  of  his  daughter. 
Mrs.  Bryan,  above  named;  of  his  son,  .Ste])hen,  who  was  then  in  New 
Orleans ;  and  of  a  younger  .son,  James  Brown  Austin,  who  was  then  at 
school  in  Kentucky,  and  who  was  afterwards  well  known  in  Texas.  While 
on  his  death-bed,  Moses  Austin  declared  it  to  be  his  earnest  desire  that 
his  son  .Stephen  should  endeavor  to  have  himself  recognized  by  the  Span 
ish  authorities  in  Texas  as  his  re])resentative.  and  that  he  shoukl  carr\ 
forward  the  enter|)rise  of  colonization. 

In  antici])ation  of  his  father's  return  from  .San  .Vntoiiio,  and  wiili 
the  expectation  of  meeting  him,  Stephen  had  gone,  about  the  first  of 
l-'ebruary,  from  New  Orleans  to  Natchitoches.  Moses  Austin  had  left 
that  ])lace  a  few  days  before  for  Missouri,  and  the  father  and  son  did 
not  meet.  .Ste])hen  .Austin,  however,  saw  several  persons  in  Natchi 
toches  who  had  already  engaged  to  go  to  Texas  with  his  father,  pro- 
vided his  a])plication  succeeded ;  and  frfim  these  persons  he  learned,  as 
also  from  his  father's  letters,  the  particulars  of  the  trip  to  -San  .\ntonio, 
the  contingencies  ui)on  which  the  further  i)rosecution  of  the  enterprise 
depended,  and  the  plans  that  had  been  formed  for  the  future.  .Stephen 
.\ustin  returned  from  Natchitoches  to  N'ew  Orleans  to  await  his  father's 


12  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

movements.  His  time  in  New  Orleans  wa.--  spent  principally  in  the  library 
of  his  friend  Hawkins,  where  he  devoted  himself,  with  the  greatest 
assiduity,  to  the  study  of  law.  In  the  month  of  June  he  heard  from  a 
friend  in  Natchitoches  of  the  arrival  of  the  commissioner  whom  Gov- 
ernor Martinez  had  sent  to  meet  Moses  Austin,  to  inform  him  of  the 
confirmation  of  his  grant  by  the  authorities  at  Monterey,  and  to  conduct 
him  into  the  province  of  Texas.  Stephen  Austin  deemed  it  best  that 
he  should  hasten  to  Natchitoches  to  meet  the  commissioner,  fearing  that 
his  father  might  be  unexpectedly  delayed.  Accordingly  he  left  New 
Orleans  again  on  the  18th  of  June  for  Natchitoches,  by  the  way  of  Red 
River.  On  reaching  Natchitoches  he  received  intelligence  of  his  father's 
death.  This  was  a  heavy  blow  to  him,  but  he  met  it  with  the  fortitude 
of  mind  which,  though  extremely  sensitive,  was  of  fine  texture,  and  not 
easily  subdued  bv  discouragement.  He  was  nov\-  in  the  twenty-eighth 
year  of  his  age.  He  felt  that  the  hopes  of  his  family  would  center  on 
himself.  He  resolved  to  accept  the  trust  which  his  father,  in  his  dying 
moments,  had  bequeathed  to  him,  and  to  make  for  his  dear  and  aged 
mother  a  new  home  under  a  milder  sun,  where,  if  she  could  not  forget 
the  pleasant  years  spent  in  the  old  hall  at  Mine-a-Burton,  she  might 
.It  least  enjov  at  the  hands  of  an  affectionate  and  dutiful  son  those 
comforts  and  observances  with  which  it  was  once  the  pride  of  a  tender 
husband  to  surround  her. 

The  commissioner  sent  by  Governor  Martinez  to  meet  Moses  Austin 
at  Natchitoches  was  Don  Erasmo  Seguin.  He  was  accompanied  by  Don 
Juan  Martin  de  Veramendi,  who  was  afterw-ards  lieutenant-governor 
of  the  State  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.  Seguin  and  Veramendi  were  both 
gentlemen  of  character  and  experience.  Stephen  Austin  waited  on  them, 
was  kindly  received  by  them,  and  had  the  gratification  to  hear  them 
express  the  opinion  that  the  Spanish  authorities  would  interpose  no  objec- 
tion to  the  assumption  by  him  of  the  character  of  successor  to  his  father 
in  the  enterprise  of  colonization.  He  immediately  made  his  arrange- 
ments to  proceed  with  them  to  San  Antonio.  The  party,  consisting  of 
Don  Erasmo  Seguin  and  Don  Juan  Veramendi  and  their  escort,  and 
.Austin  and  fourteen  followers  left  Natchitoches  about  the  fifth  of  July; 
and  after  considerable  delays  in  getting  fairly  equipped  for  their  journey 
they  crossed  the  Sabine  on  the  16th  and  proceeded  by  way  of  Nacogdoches 
and  along  the  old  San  Antonio  road  toward  Bexar.  The  party  reached 
the  Guadalupe  on  the  10th  of  August.  From  this  river  three  of  the  Mexi- 
cans who  belonged  to  Don  Erasmo  Seguin's  escort  left  them  and  pushed 
on  to  San  Antonio,  to  inform  his  family  of  his  approach.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  12th  of  August,  while  Seguin,  Veramendi  and  Austin  were 
eating  breakfast,  these  three  men  returned,  accompanied  by  several  others, 
and  announced  the  stirring  news  of  the  declaration  nf  Mexican  independ- 
ence. 

On  his  arrival  in  San  Antonio,  Stephen  F.  Austin  was  welcomed  by 
(jovernor  Martinez  as  the  proper  representative  of  his  deceased  father ; 
and  he  accordingly  made  arrangements  for  the  immediate  exploration 
of  the  country,  and  the  selection  of  a  suitable  section  for  his  colony. 
Moses- Austin  had   formed  the  opinion  that  the  country   near  the   Gulf 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  13 

coast  and  watered  by  the  Hrazu.s  and  Colorado,  was  the  best  suited  to 
his  purpose.  After  a  minute  and  careful  examination,  Stephen  Austin 
came  to  the  same  conclusion,  and  determined  to  plant  his  colony  on  those 
rivers.  Austin  now  returned,  as  speedily  as  was  possible,  to  New 
Orleans,  and  began  his  operations  for  the  introduction  of  families  into 
the  Province  of  Texas.  Governor  Martinez  had  given  him  instructions  as 
to  the  quantit)-  of  land  which  should  be  ])romised  to  each  settler.  Austin 
had  formerly  agreed  with  his  early  friend,  Joseph  Hawkins,  that  he 
would  divide  with  him,  in  an  et|uilable  manner,  whatever  lands  he  might 
subsequently  acquire  in  Texas,  if  Hawkins  would  assist  him  in  setting 
his  enterprise  fairly  on  foot.  Hawkins  was  a  generous  and  sanguine 
man,  and  now  entered  heartily  into  Austin's  views  in  regard  to  the  set- 
tlement which  the  latter  was  about  to  perform  in  Texas.  Unfortunately, 
however,  Hawkins  began,  about  this  time,  to  feel  the  pressure  of  pecuni- 
ary embarrassment,  and  was  not  able  to  render  to  Austin  that  efficient 
aid  which  the  latter  so  much  needed.  Bv  their  joint  efforts,  however,  they 
fitted  out  a  small  schooner,  called  "The  Lively."  She  sailed  from  New 
Orleans  about  the  20th  of  November,  1821,  having  on  board  eighteen 
men,  with  all  necessary  provisions,  arms,  ammunition,  and  farming  uten- 
sils. They  had  directions  to  enter  Matagorda  Bay  and  to  ascend  the 
Colorado  River  until  they  found  a  suitable  place,  where  they  were 
directed  to  build  cabins,  to  plant  corn  and  to  erect  necessary  defences 
against  the  attacks  of  hostile  Indians. 

Austin  left  New  Orleans  the  next  day  after  "The  Lively"  sailed ;  he 
proceeded  by  land  to  the  Bay  of  Matagorda,  where  he  expected  to  meet 
those  who  passed  over  on  the  schooner.  As  he  passed  through  Natchi- 
toches, he  collected  a  party  of  ten  men  to  accompany  him.  He  had 
already  made  publications  in  the  newspapers  setting  forth  the  outlines 
of  the  enterprise  on  which  he  had  entered,  and  inviting  colonists  to  join 
him.  In  these  publications  the  terms  on  which  colonists  would  be 
received,  the  amount  of  land  that  would  be  granted  to  them,  and  all  other 
necessary  particulars,  were  fully  set  forth.  The  fame  of  Austin's  enter- 
prise had  thus  gone  forth  throughout  the  Southwestern  States,  and  many 
persons  were  already  approaching  the  frontier  of  Texas  with  the  inten- 
tion to  offer  them.selves  as  colonists.  By  means  of  agents,  Austin  caused 
all  such  persons  to  be  informed  how  they  should  enter  the  Province  of 
Texas  and  conduct  themselves  luitil  they  could  be  formally  received  as 
.settlers  and  put  into  possession  of  their  lands.  With  this  small  com- 
pany, Austin  pushed  on  to  meet  the  passengers  of  "The  Lively" ;  but 
when  he  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado  River,  no  traces  were  to  be 
seen  of  the  schooner  or  of  any  of  those  who  sailed  on  her.  Austin 
remained  near  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado  for  about  three  months,  occa- 
sionally searching  the  neighboring  shores  of  the  bay  and  gulf  for  the  long- 
expected  schooner,  until  he  despaired  of  seeing  her,  when  he  took  his 
course  up  the  Colorado.  Reaching  the  La  Bahia  crossing,  he  had  the 
happiness  to  meet  his  brother,  James  Brown  Austin,  who  had  come  to 
join  him.  Together  they  proceeded  with  about  twenty  men  to  San 
Antonio,  which  place  they  reached  about  the  15th  of  March,  1822. 
Another  vessel  was  soon  after  fitted  out  by   Hawkins  with  supplies  and 


14  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

emigrants  for  the  new  colon)  ;  \>m  the  navigation  of  the  gulf  coast  was 
then  little  understood,  and  this  second  vessel  was  obliged  to  land  her 
cargo  on  ihe  beach,  where  it  was  plundered  by  the  Carancawa  Indians. 
These  tirst  attempts  to  introduce  emigrants  and  supplies  by  the  way  of 
the  gulf  were  comparatively  fruitless. 

It  was  on  the  21st  of  February.  1821,  that  the  independence  of  Mex- 
ico was  declared  by  Iturbide  and  confirmed  by  the  Mexican  Cortes,  and 
Governor  Martinez  was  in  doubt  whether  the  new  government  would 
sanction  his  acts  in  relation  to  Austin's  colony,  and  he  therefore  now 
advised  Austin  to  proceed  at  once  to  Mexico  and  procure  the  recognition 
iif  his  rights  and  privileges  for  a  colony.  He  therefore  set  out  with  two 
or  three  companions,  in  March.  1822.  on  horseback,  to  perform  the  i>eril- 
ous  journey  of  some  1.000  miles  to  the  capital  of  Mexico,  which  place 
he  reached,  after  a  variety  of  adventures,  about  the  last  of  April.  He 
found  the  government  distracted  with  factions,  the  result  of  which  was 
that  Iturbide  was  proclaimed  emperor  on  the  18th  of  May. 

For  more  than  a  year,  during  the  turbulent  period  of  Iturbide's 
reign.  Austin  was  detained  in  the  capital  seeking  a  comfirmation  of  his 
father's  contract.  On  account  of  the  presence  of  other  petitioners,  the 
government  chose  to  draw  up  a  general  law  for  colonization  instead  of 
confirming  .Austin's  individual  contract.  The  first  congress  was  at  work 
on  such  a  law  when  Iturbide  usurped  the  government  as  emperor,  and 
the  work  had  to  be  done  all  over  again  by  his  council.  The  law  was 
finally  drafted  and  received  the  approval  of  the  emperor  and  his  junta 
im  January  4.  1823.  Under  the  provisions  of  this  law-,  Austin's  contract 
was  submitted  to  the  government,  and  an  imperial  decree  of  February 
18.  182.^  confirmed  the  original  contract  with  Moses  Austin.  His  mis- 
sion accomplished.  Stephen  .■\ustin  was  preparing  to  return  when  the 
imperial  government  was  overthrown  and  all  its  acts  annulled.  With 
admirable  persistence,  .\ustin  now  presented  his  cause  before  the  pro- 
visional government.  The  colonization  law  of  January  4th  was  sus- 
pended, but  on  April  14.  1823.  the  supreme  executive  power  confirmed 
and  sustained  the  imperial  concession  to  .Austin  of  date  of  February  18th. 
There  seemed  satisfactory  assurance  that  the  congress,  when  it  assembled 
would  confirm  this  act  of  the  provisional  government,  so  .Austin  felt  that 
at  last  his  colony  had  legal  sanction. 

.Au.stin  may  be  said  to  have  obtained  a  special  charter  for  his  fir.st 
colony,  all  other  enipresario  contracts  having  been  undertaken  under  the 
general  colonization  laws  of  the  republic  and  the  state.  Under  this  special 
contract,  the  local  government  was  committed  to  him  until  government 
could  be  otherwise  organized  on  constitutional  lines.  This  provisional 
government  of  the  colonv  was  not  superseded  until  February  1.  1828. 

The  original  plan  of  .Austin  for  the  distribution  of  land  to  the  set- 
tlers was  based  on  the  .American  .system  of  sections  of  640  acres.  But 
the  decree  confirming  his  contract  declared  that  he  was  not  authorized 
to  assign  the  quantity  of  land  to  be  given  to  each  settler.  It  fixed  the 
(|uantity  to  be  given  to  each  head  of  family  as  one  labor  or  one  league, 
the  former  quantity  to  the  colonist  whose  purpose  was  solely  agriculture, 
and  the  latter  to  the  colonist  who  intended  to  engage  in  stock-raising,  but 


Til  STORY  or  TEXAS  13 

:t    WU'^  alxi  i)V(i\i(lcil   that    Id  ihc  culimiNi    who   fullowid   hulli   cicoipatmii- 
lluTc  mij^lit  he  granted  "a  Icagiu'  and  a  labor."* 

'Ilu-  di-cree  also  ])r(i\idcd  that  Austin,  a>  (.-nnlractur  ui  cniin'csariM  ol 
till'  colonv.  should  receive  a  jjreniiuni  of  fifteen  leagues  and  two  lahores 
for  ever\-  200  families  introduced.  F.ach  colonist  had  to  cultivate  or  uv 
his  land  within  two  years  under  jienalty  of  forfeit,  hut  when  this  con- 
dition was  conii)lied  with  his  title  to  the  land  was  clear  and  absolute. 

,\nother  distinctive  feature  of  .Austin's  original  colony  is  thai  tin 
colonists  were  not  restricted  t"  definite  limits  in  their  settlenieni.  b.acli 
of  the  300  families  belonged  to  the  colony  wherever  its  lands  were 
located.  The  result  was  that  these  original  settlers  were  dispersed  from 
the  east  bank  of  the  Lavaca  to  the  east  side  of  the  San  Jacinto,  and  fmni 
lln'  coast  to  the  San  .\ntonio  road.  In  this  area  all  tlie  lands  not  occu- 
pied b\-  the  300  colonists  belonged  to  the  government.  This  wide  dis- 
iribution  of  the  inuuigrants,  while  it  exposed  them  to  Indian  attack-. 
eventually  proved  advantageous  in  the  development  of  the  couiUry.  since 
those  that  came  later  were  better  .served  with  .supplies  by  means  of  these 
scattered  settlements  than  they  could  have  been  from  one  central  point. 

When  .Austin  returned  to  Texas  in  August,  1823,  he  found  the  col<in\ 
almost  dissipate(l.  and  immigration  had  entirely  ceased.  Many  of  the  new 
settlers  had  stopped  about  Nacogdoches  and  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Trinitx 
River,  and  thus  began  the  settlement  of  Ivist  Texas.  Hut  Austin's  sue 
cess  in  obtaining  a  confirmation  of  his  contract  and  his  energetic  prosecu- 
tion of  affairs  soon  turned  the  tide  in  hi-  favor,  and  by  the  following  year 
ilu-  stipulated  number  of  ,W0  families  had  arrived.  He  was  favored  by 
the  fact  that,  until  after  the  general  colonization  law  of  the  state  of 
t'oahuila-'iexas  was  jjassed  in  March.  1825.  Austin  was  the  only  emjire- 
sario  who  had  authority  to  settle  families  in  Texas  and  secure  them  valid 
titles  to  their  lands.  This  nut  only  re.sulted  in  the  rapid  completion  of 
the  colonv  numbers,  but  also  gave  .Austin  opportunity  to  select  his  settlers 
and  reject  unworthv  ai)plicants.  .Nustin's  management  in  this  latter  par 
ticular  was  no  floubt  an  imiiorlanl  f;ictor  in  the  subse(|uent  welfare  of  all 
Texas. 

The  commissioner  a|)|)ointed  b\  the  go\ernor  to  survev  the  lands  \\a> 
r.aron  de  Bastrop,  who  had  been  so  instrumental  in  the  begimiing  of  ilu 
colonv.  He  was  also  instructed  b\  the  governor,  in  a  letter  of  |ul\  Z(\ 
1823.  to  lav  out  the  cajjital  town  of  the  colony.  lo  which  tin-  g<ivernor 
gave  the  name  San  I'elipe  de  .Austin. 

.\ustin's  (josition  was  no  sinecure,  r\ru  .itlcr  he  had  settled  all  thi' 
leg.al  affairs  of  his  colonv.  The  government  was  ])ractically  in  his  hands 
tor  ihe  next  five  years,  and  ihc  tact,  ability  and  jiatience  with  which  he 
directed  it  confirm  his  right  to  the  title  of  Father  of  Texas.  His  colonists 
were  in  the  main  independent,  aggressive,  vigorous  Americans,  abiding 
bv  the  fundamental  rules  of  law  and  society,  but  not  submissive  to  any 
restraints  and  quick  to  suspect  imposition.      Although  in  enrolling  them 


*A  labor,  in  Spanish  land  niL-asiuc.  is  a  tract  ol  1.000  varas  sijnari-.  or  al)Out 
177  acres:  a  leaEiie  is  a  tract  of  5.000  varas  square,  or  api)rn\inialil\  -l.4.'S  l-'.nu'lisli 
acres. 


16  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

selves  as  settlers  they  had  accepted  the  conditions  which  prescribed  the 
payment  to  Austin  of  12^  cents  an  acre  for  their  land,  when  the  time 
came  to  make  payment  the  majority  opposed  the  charge  and  burdened 
their  leader  with  much  unmerited  abuse,  forgetting  the  self-sacrificing 
hardships  that  Austin  had  undergone  in  the  first  stages  of  the  enterprise. 
They  claimed  that  he  was  speculating  on  their  efforts,  and  furthermore 
that,  when  certain  poorer  settlers  were  given  lands  free,  he  was  discrim- 
inating. The  result  was  that  he  had  to  forego  his  claim  to  these  fees, 
and  from  the  sale  of  his  premium  lands  received  only  a  small  share  of  his 
original  investment.  But  when  finally  relieved  of  the  active  administra- 
tion of  the  colony,  after  having  borne  with  wonderful  patience  the  caba- 
lous  and  open  dissatisfaction  of  the  settlers,  he  had  on  the  whole  man- 
aged his  enterprise  with  such  wisdom  that  he  retained  the  respect  and 
gratitude  of  his  own  colony  and  remained  to  the  close  of  his  life  the  best 
loved  man  in  Texas. 


CHAPTER  III 
THE  COLONIZATION   SYSTEM 

Mexico's  first  national  colonization  law,  which  was  promulgated  by 
Iturbide  on  January  4.  1823.  guaranteed  the  liberty,  property,  and  civil 
rights  of  all  immigrants  who  professed  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  and 
to  encourage  their  settlement  in  the  empire  agreed  to  give  them  lands 
on  very  liberal  terms.  Colonists  who  engaged  in  farming  were  to  receive 
not  less  than  a  labor  (  177  acres)  of  land,  and  those  who  engaged  in 
stock  raising  received  not  less  than  a  sitio,  or  league  of  land,  containing 
4,428  acres.  Since  most  colonists  would  naturally  follow  both  occupa- 
tions, this  provision  was  strikinglv  generous.  Practically  the  only  con- 
ditions imposed  upon  settlers  were  the  religious  qualification  just  men- 
tioned and  improvement  of  their  lands  within  two  years  under  pain  of 
forfeiture. 

The  empresario  system  was  recognized  and  enipresarios,  or  con- 
tractors, who  introduced  200  families  into  the  empire  were  entitled  to  a 
premium  of  three  haciendas  and  two  labors  of  land.  A  hacienda  was 
equivalent  to  five  sitios  or  22,140  acres;  but  no  one  might  receive  more 
than  nine  haciendas  and  six  labors — some  200.000  acres — no  matter  how 
many  families  he  might  introduce.  Moreover,  empresarios  were  required 
to  alienate  two-thirds  of  their  premium  lands  within  twenty  years. 

Natives  were  to  have  the  preference  in  the  distribution  of  the  public 
lands ;  particularly  those  citizens  who  had  been  enrolled  in  the  army  of 
the  Three  Guarantees — the  army  which  won  independence  from  Spain. 

The  overthrow  of  Iturbide  and  the  annulment  of  all  laws  passed 
during  his  reign  prevented  this  decree  from  going  into  operation.  The 
sovereign  constituent  congress,  while  working  on  the  constitution,  framed 
a  general  colonization  law  which  wa^  promulgated  on  .\ugust  18,  1824. 
With  a  few  restrictions,  this  authorized  each  state  to  adopt  coloniza- 
tion laws,  arranging  details  so  as  not  to  conflict  with  the  national  laws 
and  constitution.  The  principal  restrictions  prescribed  by  this  decree 
were:  (1)  That  without  the  consent  of  the  general  government  no 
colony  should  be  settled  within  twenty  leagues  of  a  neighboring  country, 
or  within  ten  leagues  of  the  coast;  (2)  that  the  general  government 
should  always  have  the  right,  with  the  ajjproval  of  congress,  to  use  any 
of  such  lands  for  arsenals,  warehouses,  or  other  public  buildings;  (3) 
that  preference  should  be  given  in  the  distribution  of  the  public  lands 
to  Mexican  citizens;  (4)  that  no  one  should  retain  title  to  more  than 
eleven  leagues  of  land,  and  that  no  transfers  should  be  made  in  mort- 
main; (5)  that  no  one  residing  outside  the  republic  should  hold  lands 
acquired  by  this  law  ;  and  (6)  that  the  general  government  might  take 
"such  precautionary  measures"  as  it  deemed  expedient  "for  the  secur- 
ity of  the  confederation,  as  respects  the  foreigners  who  come  to  colon- 
ize," but  at  the  same  time  it  was  provided  that  congress  should  not 
have  the  power  before  1840  to  prohibit  generally  the  entrance  of  foreign 
immigrants  who  came  for  this  purpose.  Congress  might,  however,  if  it 
were  found  desirable,  prohibit  the  entrance  for  this  purpose  of  foreigners 

17 


18  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

from  any  particular  nation.  It  was  under  authority  of  this  article  that 
congress  passed  the  law  of  April  6,  1830,  stopping  the  settlement  of 
colonists  from  the  United  States  in  Texas.  Empresario  contracts  not 
contrary  to  the  laws  were  guaranteed. 

The  provisional  congress  of  the  state  of  Coahuila-Texas  was  organ- 
ized in  -August,  1824,  and  while  engaged  in  forming  the  state  constitu- 
tion passed  the  state  colonization  law  under  which  Texas  was  settled. 
This  law,  dated  March  24.  182.\  was  designed  to  augment  "by  all  possi- 
ble means  the  population"  of  the  state.  Its  provisions  ct>nformed,  of 
course,  to  the  general  rules  imposed  by  the  federal  law  above  noted.  All 
foreigners  must  become  Mexican  citizens  and  accept  the  national  religion. 
The  quantity  of  land  to  be  assigned  to  each  foreign  settler  was  fixed 
by  this  law  as  follows :  To  each  married  man  or  head  of  family,  one 
labor  if  an  agriculturist,  or  one  league  if  he  combined  agriculture  and 
stock-raising;  to  each  single  man,  one-fourth  of  this  quantity,  to  be 
increased  to  the  regular  allotment  when  he  married.  Those  who  immi- 
grated at  their  own  expense  and  settled  in  a  colony  within  six  years 
after  its  establishment  received,  if  a  married  man,  an  additional  labor. 
i>r.  if  unmarried,  a  third  instead  of  a  fourth  of  the  regular  quantity. 
Out  of  this  system  resulted  the  various  quantities  of  land  comprised 
under  the  old  Mexican  titles,  some  titles  covering  a  league  and  a  labor, 
(jthers  a  single  league,  a  third  of  a  league,  a  ipiarter  league,  down  to  a 
single  labor  and  fractions  thereof. 

This  law  also  provided  for  colonization  b\-  emjiresarios  or  contrac- 
tors. Each  empresario  who  undertook  to  introduce  100  or  more  fam- 
ilies, on  his  proposal  being  aj)proved  by  the  government,  should  have  a 
definite  tract  of  vacant  lands  assigned  for  the  settlement  of  his  colonists. 
His  premium  for  each  100  families  that  he  colonized  was  fixed  at  five 
leagues  and  live  labores. 

Immediatelv  after  the  passage  of  this  law,  those  who  had  been  appli- 
cants during  the  pendency  of  this  legislation  jiresented  their  petitions 
for  emi)resario  grants,  and  they  were  followed  in  the  course  of  a  few 
years  by  others,  until  nearly  all  the  available  lands  of  Texas  were  assigned 
among  the  various  contractors.  It  is  necessary  to  explain  here  that  the 
contractors  had  no  projirietarv  rights  in  the  lands  thus  assigned.  .A  tract 
was  set  aside  to  them,  for  a  definite  period  of  years,  during  which  they 
were  privileged  to  introduce  colonists,  and  the  permission  of  the  empre- 
sario was  required  before  the  government  commissioner  would  survey 
or  issue  a  certificate  of  title  to  the  settler.  But  the  title  was  issued  by  the 
government  and  not  b\-  the  empresario.  and  the  title  of  the  individual  set- 
tler was  unaffected  bv  the  subsequent  failure  of  the  empresario  to  com- 
])Iete  his  contract  with  the  state.  The  design  of  the  law  was  that  the  sole 
advantage  to  the  empresario  should  consist  in  the  premium  lands  granted 
to  him  on  condition  that  he  introduce  100  or  more  families.  Neverthe- 
less, through  lack  of  j)erfect  understanding  of  the  relations  of  the  empre- 
sarios,  some  extensive  frauds  were  coninn'ted  in  Europe  and  the  United 
States.  The  emi)resarios  were  represented  as  actual  owners  of  the  lands, 
and  "scrip"  was  sold  to  the  extent  of  thousands  of  dollars  to  unsuspecting 
purchasers.  This  ".scrip"  was.  of  course,  worthless,  and  on  arriving  in 
Texas  its  holders  found  th;it   thev  could   secure  titles  to  latid  only   from 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  19 

the    goveiiiiiHiil    and    ;uc(ir<liiii;    In    tlic    iirovision>    of    tlic    laws    above 
described. 

Austin  hiinsfif  was  one  of  ihe  liist  lo  take  advantage  of  the  coloniza- 
tion laws  to  introdtice  another  eolon\-  in  addition  to  the  300  families  whom 
he  had  settled  by  1824.  He  forwarded  his  first  petition  lo  the  general 
government  in  1824.  asking  to  introduce  several  hundred  families  through 
(jalvcston  as  port  of  entry.  His  petition  as  finally  approved  by  the  state 
government  and  signed  b\-  .Austin  on  June  4,  1825,  provided  for  the  intro- 
duction of  500  families,  who  were  to  be  located  on  the  unoccupied  lands 
within  the  limits  of  his  first  colony,  the  contract  being  limited  to  six  years 
from  the  date  of  signing.  As  the  limits  of  the  first  colony  had  never  been 
officially  designated,  an  order  dated  March  7.  1827.  described  the  boun- 
daries of  the  colony  as  follows :  Beginning  on  the  San  Jacinto  River,  ten 
leagues  from  the  coast,  up  the  river  to  its  source  and  thence  in  a  line 
to  the  Nacogdocbes-.San  .Antonio  road,  this  road  being  the  northern  boun 
dary,  and  the  western  boundary  was  the  Lavaca  River  and  a  line  from 
its  source  to  the  above  named  road. 

On  April  22,  1828,  Austin  was  granted  the  right.  b\  special  consent 
of  the  president  of  the  republic,  to  colonize  with  three  hundred  families 
the  ten-league  reserve  on  the  coast,  between  the  .San  Jacinto  and  Lavaca 
rivers.  This  extended  Austin's  colonies  from  the  San  .Antonio  road  to 
the  coast,  comprising  what  is  now  the  most  populous  ]iortion  of  Southeast 
Texas.  Another  contract  undertaken  by  Austin,  November  20,  1827. 
was  for  the  settlement  of  one  hundred  families  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Colorado  above  the  San  Antonio  road.  .\  later  contract,  of  Austin  and 
Williams,  covered  a  portion  of  the  other  grants  south  of  the  San  Antonio 
road,  and  extended  north  of  that  road  between  the  Colorado  River  and 
the  dividing  ridge  between  the  Rrazos  and  Trinity  to  a  line  above  the 
present  site  of  Waco. 

One  of  the  most  important  colonies  outside  of  .-Xustin's  was  l)e Witt's, 
(jreen  DeWitt  was  at  Mexico  seeking  a  contract  in  1822.  when  Austin 
arrived  at  the  capital.  His  application  was  delayed  several  years  until 
the  general  laws  were  enacted,  his  contract  being  granted  April  15,  1825. 
His  assignment  of  lands  lav  on  the  southwest  of  Austin's,  extending 
frf)ni  the  ten-league  coast  reserve  with  the  Lavaca  as  its  northeast 
boundary,  the  .San  .Xntonio  road  on  the  northwest,  and  on  the  southwest 
;i  line  two  leagues  beyond  and  parallel  with  the  Guadaluiie  River.  In  the 
war  for  independence  this  colony  was  the  most  exposed  to  Mexican  in- 
vasion. Gonzales,  the  capital  of  the  colony,  being  the  first  to  suffer  the 
vengeance  of  .Santa  Anna  after  the  fall  of  the  Alanu). 

DeWitt  contracted  lo  introduce  four  hundred  families,  but  at  the 
time  his  contract  expired  in  18,?1  only  ir/i  titles  had  been  issued,  and  the 
government  refused  to  extend  his  contract. 

P>etween  DeWitt's  grant  and  the  coast,  along  the  Guadaluix-.  was 
the  territory  assigned  to  Martin  de  Leon,  whose  contract  was  made  in 
1825.     Victoria  was  the  principal  center  of  this  colony. 

Haden  Edwards  had  also  been  in  Mexico  at  the  time  Au.stin  was 
there,  and  on  April  18.  1825.  he  was  given  a  contract  to  introduce  eight 
Inindred  families  about  Nacogdoches,  his  lands  being  comprised  within 
llir   tcrritor\    between    .Nustin's   colonx    on    the    we-.!,    the    ten-lea<me   coast 


20  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

reserve  on  the  South,  the  twenty-league  reserve  on  the  East,  and  on  the 
North  was  bounded  by  a  line  fifteen  leagues  north  of  the  town  of  Nacog- 
doches. 

Other  empresario  contracts  that  should  be  mentioned  chiefly  because 
of  their  relation  to  subsequent  land  litigation  were : 

Robert  Leftwich  obtained  a  contract  April  15,  1825,  for  a  tract  on 
the  Navasota  River,  between  the  San  Antonio  road  and  the  Brazos  and 
Colorado  rivers.  The  contract  was  subsequently  carried  i)y  Sterling  C. 
Robertson  and  Alex.  Thompson,  and  the  colony  was  known  as  the  Nash- 
ville or  Robertson's  colony. 

James  Power  and  James  Hewitson,  from  Ireland,  contracted  June 
11,  1828,  to  colonize  the  vicinity  of  Aransas  Bay;  a  second  contract  of 
1830  covered  a  portion  of  the  territory  between  the  Nueces  and  Guadalupe 
rivers.     The  first  colony  marked  the  beginning  of  Refugio  County. 

John  McMullen  and  Patrick  IMcGloin,  also  Irishmen,  August  17, 
1828,  contracted  for  a  settlement  on  the  Nueces  River,  their  enterprises 
being  commemorated  in  the  present  San  Patricio  County. 

Lorenzo  de  Zavala  was  granted  colonization  rights,  March  12,  1829. 
to  lands  lying  west  of  the  Sabine  between  Nacogdoches  and  the  coast. 

Joseph  Vehlein's  contracts,  dated  December  22,  1826,  and  November 
17,  1828,  covered  land  in  East  Texas,  lying  partly  in  the  Haden  Edwards 
tract. 

David  G.  Burnet's  contract,  December  22,  1826,  was  for  settlement 
along  the  Navasota  and  Trinity  rivers  and  about  the  San  Antonio  road. 

The  last  three  mentioned  contracts  were  assigned  in  1830  to  the 
"Galveston  Bay  and  Texas  Land  Company,"  a  New  York  company  who 
issued  large  quantities  of  worthless  "scrip"  again.st  the  lands. 


CHAPTER  IV 
THE  FREDONIAN  WAR 

The  nineteenth  century  was  the  poor  man's  golden  age  in  the  Amer- 
ican West.  The  discontented  wage  worker  had  the  knowledge  that  a 
hundred  or  a  few  hundred  miles  away  lay  the  unlimited  public  domain, 
and  w-ith  a  minimum  of  capital  and  equipment  he  could  be  working  for 
himself.  With  no  great  disjjarity  between  the  living  condition  of  the 
well-to-do  and  the  newcomer,  all  shared  the  confidence  that  time  and 
industry  would  bring  security  and  independence.  Physical  toil  and  hard- 
ship, with  a  very  modest  degree  of  initiative  and  enterprise,  were  never 
better  rewarded  than  in  the  settlement  of  the  Western  states. 

In  the  new  Texas  colonies  the  years  1825  and  1826  passed  of?  com- 
paratively quietly.  The  tide  of  emigration  continued  to  flow  in.  and  the 
colonists  were  prosperous.  A  trade  had  recently  opened  between  New 
Orleans  and  the  colony,  which  enabled  the  colonists  to  obtain  the  long 
wished  luxury,  cofTee  and  sugar,  on  which  they  feasted  to  the  full ;  they 
were  also  able  to  treat  their  wives  and  daughters  to  a  calico  dress^  and 
themselves  and  sons  to  a  pair  of  shoes,  a  thing  which  they  had  not  had 
for  several  years,  and  which  were  kept  to  wear  on  Sunday,  or  in  attend- 
ing a  merry-making.  Many  of  the  noble  dames  still  donned  their  buck- 
skin skirts. 

The  same  conditions  that  encouraged  the  aspirations  of  the  indus- 
trious and  law-abiding  in  their  struggles  also  favored  the  unfit,  the  shift- 
less and  the  turbulent.  Texas  long  had  an  undeserved  reputation  for 
general  lawlessness  and  looseness,  due  to  exaggeration  of  individual  or 
specific  incidents.  However,  it  is  important  not  to  minimize  such  ele- 
ments in  the  history  of  the  period  now  under- consideration. 

Among  the  American  settlers  was  much  impatience  of  restraint  and 
the  aggressive  independence  of  the  frontiersmen,  which  have  proved  tur- 
bulent factors  in  every  new  state  and  territory  of  the  .American  Union. 
In  this  eager,  restless  throng  of  settlers,  Austin's  steadiness,  tact  and 
patience  and  personal  influence  succeeded  in  preserving  order  long  enough 
to  give  stability  to  the  colonies,  and  the  value  of  his  services  in 
this  respect  can  hardly  be  overestimated.  His  own  testimony  of  the 
character  of  his  colonists  revealed  in  a  letter  written  in  1825,  is  an 
interesting  light  on  this  subject:  "I  have  had  a  mixed  multitude  to  deal 
with — collected  from  all  quarters,  strangers  to  me,  save  from  the  testi- 
monials of  good  character  which  they  are  expected  to  bring  with  them 
— strangers  to  each  other,  to  the  language,  laws  and  customs  of  this 
country.  They  come  here,  with  all  the  feelings  and  ideas  of  Americans, 
unwilling  to  make  allowance  for  the  peculiar  state  of  things  existing, 
and  expecting  to  find  all  in  sy.stem,  and  harmony,  and  organization,  as 
in  the  country  they  have  left.  *  *  *  Amongst  a  certain  class  of 
Americans  with  whom  1  have  had  to  deal,  iiidcpoidoicc  means  resistance 
and  obstinacy,  right  or  wrong ;  this  is  jiarticularly  the  case  with  most 
frontiermen;  and  a  violent  course  with  men  of  this  cast  would  have 
kindled  a  flame  that  might  have  consumed  the  colony.     For  it  was  with 

21 


22  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

llic  grcaloi  difticulty.  and  after  nmif  lliaii  eightten  months'  solicitation, 
that  I  obtained  the  consent  of  the  Mexican  government  to  progress  with 
the  settlement,  and  the  principal  objection  expressed  to  my  doing  so  was, 
that  the  Americans  were  considered  in  Mexico  a  turbulent  and  disor- 
derly people,  difficult  to  govern,  and  predisposed  to  resist  authority.  This 
impression  as  to  the  American  character  it  was  not  easy  to  remove ;  and 
the  least  commotion  among  the  settlers,  in  the  infancy  of  the  colony, 
would  have  revived  that  impression  anew,  and  ])n)bably  have  proved 
fatal  to  all  our  hopes." 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1826  the  people  of  Austin's  colony  were 
>tartled  by  the  news  of  a  revolt  at  the  town  of  Nacogdoches,  East 
Texas.  Colonel  Hayden  Edwards  had  been  granted  a  colonization  con- 
tract by  the  State  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  in  1825.  by  which  he  agreed 
to  introduce  and  settle  a  certain  number  of  families  within  a  defined 
territory,  including  the  ancient  town  of  Nacogdoches,  which  he  made  the 
capital  of  his  colony.  In  consequence  of  representations  made  to  the 
governor,  that  officer  annulled  his  contract,  and  ordered  him  to  leave 
the  country.  Edwards  felt  that  he  had  been  unjustly  dealt  by.  and. 
determining  to  right  himself  by  force,  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  with 
the  declared  intention  to  establish  an  independent  state,  and  collected 
such  force  as  he  could,  composed  of  Americans  and  Cherokee  Indians. 

Edwards  had  been  devoting  his  time  and  means  to  procuring  settlers 
for  his  colony.  He,  however,  labored  under  the  misfortune  of  having 
within  the  limits  of  his  colony  a  number  of  American  and  Mexican 
families,  the  first,  from  what  was  called  the  "neutral  ground,"  had  pre- 
vious to  this  time  acknowledged  no  government,  nor  law,  but  their  own : 
the  latter  had  fled  the  country  in  1819,  and  stopped  in  Louisiana  and 
Mississippi,  and  had  returned  to  their  old  homes  after  the  establishment 
of  Mexican  independence  in  1822-2,^.  Neither  of  the  two  classes  were 
entirely  friendly  to  the  new  colonists,  but  regarded  them  as  intruders, 
and  were  unwilling  to  be  governed  by  them,  .\mong  them  were  .some 
very  bad  men  who,  in  consequence  of  their  crimes  in  the  United  States, 
had  fled  from  just  punishment. 

Among  others  whom  Edwards  found  in  the  colony  was  Colonel  Ellis 
Bean,  one  of  the  followers  of  Philip  Nolan,  and,  subsequently,  of  Gen- 
eral Morelos,  in  the  Mexican  revolution  of  indejiendence.  He  had  been 
sent  by  his  chief,  in  1815,  to  the  United  States,  to  raise  men  for  the 
Republican  Army.  He  arrived  ])revious  to  the  battle  of  New  Orleans, 
in  which  he  participated.  He  remained  several  years  in  the  L'uited 
States.  In  the  summer  of  1825  he  made  a  visit  to  the  City  of  Mexico, 
where  he  met  many  of  his  old  fellow  soldiers.  In  consideration  of  his 
services,  the  Mexican  government  commissioned  him  a  lieutenant  colonel 
in  the  permanent  forces  of  the  republic  ;  also,  Indian  agent  in  Texas. 

While  in  the  city.  Bean  met  Dr.  John  Dunn  Hunter,  who  had  been 
sent  by  the  Cherokee  Indians  of  Texas,  as  their  agent,  to  apply  to  the 
government  for  lands  they  occupied,  and  titles  for  the  same.  Thev  asked 
the  government  to  grant  them,  a  certain  territorv  in  which  thev  resided, 
to  be  held  in  common.  This  the  government  refused,  hut  agreed  to  give 
them  titles  for  their  possessions  as  other  settlers.  Hunter  returned  to 
the  nation,  and  reported  what  he  had  done,  and  the  promise  of  the  gov- 


HIS'IORV  OF    IKXAS  2^ 

eniiuciil,  which  wa^-  uii>;ni>tacliir\-  and  fxasperatcil  liicni  against  the 
government.  During;  1825  P.ean  returnefl  to  Texas  and  located  on  the 
Angelina  River. 

At  this  time.  1825,  Colonel  i'.dwards  had  gone  lo  the  State  of  Mis- 
sissi]i])i  to  procure  settlers,  and  induced  his  hrother,  Benjamin  W. 
l-"d\\;irds,  to  go  to  Texas  and  take  charge  of  the  colony  until  lie  returned 
.\fter  making  arrangements  to  hring  and  settle  his  family,  he  returned 
to  Texas,  but,  in  conse(|uence  of  the  ])Oor  mail  facilities,  did  not  report 
to  the  Political  Chief,  .Saucedo.  until  January.  1826.  He  informed  the 
Chief  that  he  had  been  using  his  best  exertions  since  his  return  to  estab- 
lish good  order  and  an  ob.servance  of  the  laws,  and  that  he  had  been 
successful,  with  the  exce])tion  of  Jose  Antonio  Sepulveda  and  Luis  Pro- 
cela — tile  first,  had  been  guiltv  of  forging  drafts  for  money,  and  land 
titles;  the  latter  had  fled  from  confinement  in  the  United  .States,  where 
be  left  his  family,  and  since  his  arrival  in  Nacogdoches,  he  had  been 
acting  as  alcalde  by  proxy.  I'Mwards  further  informed  the  Chief  that 
his  prospects  for  fulfilling  his  contract  were  good  ;  and,  after  transmit- 
ting copies  of  his  official  acts,  hinted  that  if  these  turbulent  characters 
liad  been  citizens  of  the  United  States,  he  would  have  dealt  summarily 
with  them,  as  he  had  a  right  under  the  law  and  his  contract  to  do. 

This  letter  was  offensive  to  the  Chief.  Edwards  had  correctly  por- 
trayed the  character  of  these  two  obnoxious  characters,  no  doubt ;  but 
they  were  Mexicans,  so  was  the  Chief.  Still  there  were  other  causes  of 
offense.  In  1819  Nacogdoches  was  dejjopulated  by  the  Royalist  troops. 
There  were  none  there  to  govern  or  to  be  governed ;  nor  did  any  of  them 
return  for  years.  Previous  to  this  time,  however,  grants  of  lands  had 
been  made,  but  had  lapsed.  As  before  stated,  after  independence  had 
been  declared  a  few  of  the  old  settlers  returned,  together  with  some  new 
settlers.  Of  these  there  were  .some  hundred  or  more  in  number,  consist- 
ing of  all  ages,  colors  and  nationality.  Sepulveda  and  Procela,  believing 
that  the  lands  would  become  valuable  and  of  ready  sale,  went  to  work 
getting  u])  old  titles  to  the  best  land  in  the  colony,  and,  when  necessary, 
did  not  hesitate  to  manufacture  titles. 

Edwards,  aware  of  a  number  of  old  claims  set  up,  in  November 
issued  an  order  requiring  all  claimants  under  old  grants  to  i)resent  them, 
in  order  that  such  as  were  genuine  should  be  reviewed,  and  all  s])urious 
ones  rejected  ;  and  declaring  further,  that  the  lands  claimed  by  those  who 
failed  to  do  so  would  be  sold,  but  that  those  who  bought  the  land  thus 
sold  should  pay  the  occupant  for  the  improvement  made  b>-  them.  That 
the  first  ])art  of  this  order  was  both  necessary  and  just  is  unquestion- 
able; but  it  is  equally  unquestionable  that  he  had  no  legal  authority  to 
use  such  lands. 

The  next  cause  of  offense  was  an  order  for  the  organization  of  tin- 
militia  and  election  of  officers;  also,  for  the  election  of  an  alcalde.  In 
accordance  with  orders  an  election  was  held  by  Sepulveda,  the  acting 
alcalde.  The  first  i)art  of  this  order  was  right  and  in  accordance  with 
law  and  the  contract  ;  but  the  order  for  the  election  of  an  rdcalde  was 
unauthorized.  However,  the  election  for  alcalde  was  held.  There  were 
two  candidates — Cha])lin,  a  son-in-law  of  Colonel  Rdwards.  and  Norris, 
the  brother-in-law  of  Cajitain  J.imes  Gaines,  who  resided  on  the  Sabine 


24  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

at  the  crossing  of  the  road  from  Xacogdoches  to  Natchitoches,  Louis- 
iana. Chaplin  had  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast,  but  most  of  them  were 
by  persons  Hving  on  the  Sabine  and  other  streams  within  the  twenty 
border  leagues  reserved  by  the  Federal  Government.  These  votes  were 
thrown  out,  and  Norris  was  declared  elected.  But  Chaplin's  friends, 
counting  their  registered  votes,  declared  him  elected  ;  and  he  took  pos- 
session of  the  office. 

A  report  of  these  proceedings  was  made  to  the  Political  Chief,  at 
San  Antonio  de  Bexar,  who  ordered  Sepulveda,  the  old  alcalde,  to 
administer  to  Norris  the  oath  of  office  as  alcalde  of  Nacogdoches ;  and. 
if  Chaplin  refused  to  yield  and  deliver  up  the  archives  of  the  office  to 
Norris,  to  take  them  from  him  peaceably  if  he  could,  but  if  necessary 
to  call  out  the  militia  to  enforce  the  order.  Chaplin,  however,  yielded 
the  office  in  compliance  with  the  order,  and  Norris  assumed  the  duties 
of  the  office. 

The  next  cause  of  difficulty  was  occasioned  by  the  appointment  of  a 
man  by  the  name  of  Tramel,  recently  arrived,  as  ferryman  at  the  cross- 
ing of  the  road  from  San  Antonio  to  Nacogdoches  on  the  Trinity  River. 
This  appointment  was  made  by  the  alcalde  of  Nacogdoches,  regularly 
and  in  accordance  with  the  law  on  the  subject.  Tramel,  accordingly, 
built  boats  and  established  his  ferry  agreeably  to  contract.  Soon  after, 
however,  Tramel  sold  his  interest  to  another  person,  who  took  posses- 
sion. It  seems  that  there  was  a  poor  Mexican  family,  Sertuche,  living 
below  the  ferry,  at  Spanish  BlufT,  who  were  in  an  almost  starving  con- 
dition :  the  occupant  of  the  ferry,  becoming  aware  of  their  condition, 
invited  Sertuche  and  family  to  come  to  the  ferry,  which  they  did,  and 
were  furnished  provisions.  Sertuche,  finding  the  situation  both  pleasant 
and  profitable,  obtained  an  order  from  the  alcalde  to  take  possession  of 
the  ferry,  which  he  accordingly  did.  Edwards,  learning  this,  removed 
Sertuche,  and  reinstated  the  rightful  owner.  This  act  of  Edwards  was 
reported  to  the  Chief  who  ordered  the  alcalde  to  give  Sertuche  posses- 
sion of  the  ferry,  stating  as  a  reason  for  so  ordering  that  Sertuche  was  a 
Mexican  and  entitled  to  a  preference.  This  would  have  been  true  of  an 
application  for  land,  but  this  preference  only  applied  to  the  granting  of 
land.  Other  instances  of  invidious  distinction  might  be  given,  but  let 
these  suffice. 

By  his  contract  Edwards  was  authorized  and  required  to  organize 
the  militia  of  the  colony,  of  whch  he  was  the  chief,  until  a  different  dis- 
position was  made.  Such  was  the  authority  given,  and  the  position  of 
all  the  empresarios  in  Texas. 

B.  W.  Edwards,  who  had  charge  of  the  colonv  during  the  absence  of 
his  brother,  and  who  was  in  pos.session  of  all  the  circumstances  and 
facts  connected  with  the  colony,  and  the  difficulties  which  surrounded 
the  enterprise,  wrote  a  long  letter  to  Colonel  Austin,  in  which  he  gave 
a  detailed  account  of  the  difficulties  thev  had  to  contend  against,  and 
solicited  his  advice.  He  also  wrote  the  Baron  de  Bastrop,  then  a  mem- 
ber of  the  state  legislature,  informing  him  of  all  the  facts. 

Hayden  Edwards,  having  returned,  made  an  appeal  to  the  American 
settlers  and  to  the  Cherokee  Indians,  who  considering  themselves  badly 
treated  by  the  government  of  Mexico  listened  favorably  to  Edwards.    On 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  25 

the  20th  of  December,  Hunter,  Fields,  and  some  other  chiefs,  after  con- 
sulting three  days,  entered  into  a  solemn  league  and  confederation.  The 
objects  of  the  treaty  were  twofold,  to-wit : 

"1st.  To  divide  the  territory  of  Texas  between  the  Indians  and 
Americans.  This  was  done  by  giving  to  the  former  that  portion  lying 
north  of  a  line  beginning  at  the  mouth  of  Sulphur  F"ork ;  thence  to  a 
point  not  far  from  Nacogdoches ;  thence  to  the  Rio  Grande.  .\11  the 
territory  south  of  that  boundary  to  belong  to  the  other  party.  2nd.  To 
prosecute  together  the  war  against  Mexico,  until  their  independence  was 
consummated."  The  treaty  was  made  by  Hayden  Edwards  and  1  lar- 
inon  B.  Mayo,  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  and  by  Richard  Melds  and 
John  Dunn  Hunter,  on  the  part  of  the  Indians. 

The  new  state  was  named  Frcdonw.  In  the  meantime,  on  the  IStli 
of  December,  1826,  the  Fredonians,  to  the  number  of  about  two  hun- 
dred, took  possession  of  the  "old  Stone  House"  and  began  to  fortify. 
Having  raised  their  flag,  they  began  an  organization  of  their  force  and 
government.  Colonel  Martin  Parmer  was  chosen  commander  of  the 
militia. 

On  the  4th  of  January,  1827,  Norris,  the  alcalde,  who  had  been 
deposed,  finding  the  town  defended  by  a  small  force — most  of  the  Fre- 
donians apprehending  no  danger  had  gone  to  their  hoines — raised  a  force 
of  soine  eighty  men  and  took  position  near  the  Stone  House,  intending 
to  capture  and  hang  the  few  F"redonians  left  to  guard  the  place.  Parmer 
had  eleven  men,  and  Hunter  eight  Cherokees,  with  whom  they  marched 
out  and  charged  Norris's  force,  of  which  they  killed  one  man  and 
wounded  some  ten  or  twelve,  and  captured  about  half  their  horses.  Norris 
made  good  his  retreat  and  crossed  the  Sabine. 

The  immediate  objects  in  controversy  of  this  .so-called  F'redonian 
rebellion  are  not  of  great  importance.  The  dispute  reveals  some  of  the 
elements  and  influences  at  work  from  the  outside,  and  also  produced 
some  of  the  popular  issues  that  were  emphasized  with  a  great  deal  more 
justice  during  later  dissensions  between  the  colonies  and  the  home 
government. 

Even  more  significant  is  the  attitude  of  Austin  and  the  colonists  who 
regarded  Austin  as  their  accepted  leader  toward  the  Fredonians.  Many 
municipalities  and  villages  in  the  older  colonies  adopted  resolutions 
expressing  their  loyalty  to  the  government.  Austin  himself  was  daily 
engaged  in  a  voluminous  corrcsjiondcnce  directed  to  colonies,  heads  of 
the  Cherokee  Indians,  and  particii)ants  in  the  rebellion,  endeavoring  to 
show  them  the  futility  of  the  enterprise.  The  quality  of  his  reasoning, 
that  would  arouse  a  response  in  sound  Americans  today,  is  revealed  in 
a  few  sentences  that  space  permits  to  be  quoted : 

"My  friend  you  are  wrong — totally  wrong  from  the  beginning  to 
the  end  of  this  Nacogdoches  affair.  I  have  no  doubt  that  great 
cause  of  complaint  exists  against  the  Alcalde  and  a  few  others  in 
that  district,  but  you  have  taken  the  wrong  method  of  .seeking 
redress.  The  law  has  pointed  out  the  mode  of  punishing  officers  in 
this  government  from  the  president  down,  and  no  individual  or  indi- 
viduals ought  to  assume  to  themselves  that  authority  :  but  wlial  is  past 
is  done — let  us  forget  it,  and  look  to  the  future. 


26  HISTOKV  OF  TEXAS 

"It  is  our  duty  as  Mcxicoits.  to  support  and  defend  the  govern- 
ment of  our   adoption,  by   whom   we   have  been   received   with   the 
kindness  and  liberabty   of  an   indul{,rent  parent.     It  is  our  duty  as 
men,  to  suppress  vice,  anarchy,  and  Indian  massacre.     And  it  is  our 
duty   as  Am^ricmis  to   defend   that   proud   name    from   the   infamy 
which  this  Nacogdoches  gang  must  cast  upon  it  if  they  are  suffered 
to  progress.     It  is  also  our  interest,  most  decidedly  our  interest,  to 
do   the   same,   for   without   regular   government,    without   law,   what 
security  have  we  for  our  persons,  om"  |iroperty.  our  characters,  and 
all  we  hold  dear  and  sacred  ?" 
On  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  I'.dwards'  movements  at  San  Antonio 
de  Bexar,  the  capital  of  the  department  of  Texas,  the  Political  Chief  at 
once  adopted  measures  to  put  down  the  revolt.     Colonel  Ahumada,  the 
commandant  at  Bexar,  was  ordered  to  march  to  the  seat  of  war  with  as 
little  delay  as  practicable.     At  the  same  time,  the  chief  issued  an  order 
to  Colonel  Austin,  to  raise  such  a  force  of  the  militia  of  his  colony  as  he 
could  si)eedily  collect,  to  act  with  the  national  troops,  who  would  join 
him  in  San  F"elipe  de  .Austin,     .\ustin,  in  obedience  to  this  order,  called 
together  a   respectable   mmiber  of   his  colonists ;  but,   at  the   same   time 
despatched  commissioners  to  Nacogdoches  to  confer  with  Edwards,  and, 
if  possible,  get  him  to  desist.     But  Edwards  would  not  consent,  saying 
that  he  was  able  to  maintain  the  position  he  had  taken.     On  the  return 
of  the  commissioners.  Captain  William  S.  Hall,  one  of  them,  reported  to 
Colonel  Austin  the  result  of  this  mission,  which  was,  that  they  had  been 
unable   to  effect   anything  satisfactory ;   that   Edwards   had   but   a   small 
force,  which  the  commissioners,  from  information  and  observation,  were 
of  opinion  he  would  not  be  able  to  raise  to  any  considerable  number. 

Early  in  January,  1827,  Colonel  Ahumada  and  his  forces  arrived  in 
San  Felipe  de  Austin,  where  they  remained  a  few  days  to  rest  and 
refresh  themselves,  as  they  had  had  a  fatiguing  march,  the  road  being 
heavy  from  recent  rains.  On  their  arrival  they  found  .\u.stin  in  readi- 
ness with  a  respectable  force  of  colonists. 

.■\11  things  being  ready,  in  a  few  days  they  took  up  the  line  of  march 
in  all  the  pomp,  jiride,  and  circumstance  of  war.  The  Mexican  soldiers 
were  well  dressed  in  military  uniforms,  which  contrasted  strikingly  with 
the  dress  of  the  hardy  pioneers  of  the  colony,  which  was  composed  of 
buckskin,  cottonade,  and  linsey-woolsey,  and  head-gear  to  match.  The 
colonists  had  managed  to  get  an  old  four-pounder  gun,  the  balls  for 
which  were  manufactured  by  the  blacksmith  of  the  town.  David  Car- 
penter, and  were  neither  round  nor  square.  On  the  second  day  of  the 
march,  in  firing  the  morning  gun,  the  four-pounder  lost  some  six  or  eight 
inches  from  (jne  side  of  her  muzzle.  Notwithstanding,  she  was  kept  sev- 
eral years,  and  dubbed  "Marley  Waller,"  in  honor  of  the  gentleman  of 
that  name,  who  had  charge  of  her.  Fortunately  no  one  was  injured  by 
this  accident,  and  all  moved  forward  in  high  spirits. 

On  the  march  they  were  joined  by  settlers  on  the  Trinity  and  San 
Jacinto.  After  a  fatiguing  march,  on  account  of  rains  and  the  state  of 
the  road,  when  near  Nacogdoches,  they  were  met  by  a  courier  who 
informed  them  that  Edwards  had  disbanded  his  troops  and  evacuated  the 


iiisrukv  ui-   iiiXAS  27 

place,  which  tliey  fnu-icd  in  iriuniiih.  willi  ihr  lii>iii)rs  of  n  hloodlcss 
victory. 

The  inhabiiaiU>  of  tl\e  inwn  and  suriDundinj^  coiniliy,  that  is,  such 
as  had  joined  I'.dwards,  l)y  the  influence  of  Colonel  Austin,  were  assured 
that  they  had  nothing  to  fear  from  the  government ;  that  they  should  go 
to  their  homes  and  pursue  their  ordinarv  occupations  as  if  nothing  had 
happened,  and  in  due  time  should  he  ])Ut  in  possession  of  their  lands. 

Of  those  who  had  joined  in  the  revolt,  we  will  mention  three  wiio 
had  heen  cons])icuou.s — Col,  Martin  Parmer,  the  "Ring-tailed  I'anlher," 
Major  John  S.  Roberts,  and  C  a|)tain  hrancis  Adams.  The  first  followed 
his  leader  and  did  not  return  to  Texas  until  1831  ;  the  two  latter  remained 
and  took  an  active  jjart  in  our  struggle  for  our  rights  and  independence. 

It  is  due  to  Colonel  Austin  and  his  settlers,  and  those  of  Colonel  De 
W'itt,  as  well  as  those  on  the  lower  Trinity,  to  say  that  they  not  only 
disapproved  of  the  conduct  of  the  I'Vedonians.  hut  turned  out  and  joined 
the  Mexican  force  sent  against  them. 

Whatever  may  be  said  in  favor  of  Mdwards's  course,  it  is  clear  and 
undeniable  that  his  acts,  in  the  first  place,  were  only  in  part  authorized 
by  law  or  his  contract :  thai  the  decree  of  the  governor  of  the  state,  while 
hasty  and  unjust,  was  still  based  on  official  reports  of  subordinate  officers, 
hence,  he  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to  annul  the  contract,  and  order  him  to 
leave  the  territory  of  the  Republic  ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  informed 
Edwards,  if  he  felt  grieved,  that  he  could  lay  his  case  before  the  federal 
authorities,  but  must  first  leave  the  country.  Here  was  offered  an  oppor- 
tunity to  I'xlwards  to  jdace  himself  right,  and  in  not  doing  so  he  placed 
himself  clearly  in  the  wrong. 

In  the  second  place,  after  he  had  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  and 
formed  an  alliance  with  the  Cherokee  Indians,  the  olive  branch  was  held 
out  to  him,  for  on  the  arrival  of  the  chief  of  the  department  of  Texas, 
and  Colonel  Ahumada  and  his  troops  at  San  Felipe  de  Austin,  Colonel 
.■\ustin  interposed  in  behalf  of  these  misguided  men.  The  chief,  acting 
upon  the  advice  of  Colonel  Austin,  issued  a  proclamation  of  free  pardon 
to  all  who  had  [)artici])ated  in  the  revolt  and  would  submit  to  the  laws 
and  constituted  authorities  of  the  slate.  To  F.dwards  he  offered  a  hear- 
ing before  the  ])roper  authorities  of  the  state  when  he  would  have  an 
opjjortunity  of  ])roving  the  malversations  of  Sepulveda  and  Norris,  his 
accusers.  This  oflfer  was  neglected,  and  he  pursued  his  evil  course. 
These  facts  leave  no  excuse,  or  color  oi  excuse,  for  rebelling  against  the 
government,  .uul  still  less  for  the  le.igue  which  he  enterd  into  with 
Indians. 

In  concluding  this  iniiioriaut  aff.ui-.  unfortunate  for  Pkiwards  and 
unforlunale  for  the  colonists,  ;is  subseipunt  events  |)rovc,  we  ajjpend  the 
ojiinion  of  two  distinguished  citizens.  David  (i,  Piurnet  said,  "It  was 
t|uite  inevitable,  without  sui)i)osing  Austin  an  infatuated  visionary,  which 
he  was  not,  that  he  should  ])romptly  unite  with  his  lawful  chief  in  sup- 
pressing an  insurrection  so  wild  and  impracticable."  James  H.  Bell  said: 
"This  Fredonian  disturbance  has  been  little  understood,  and  when  the 
details  of  it  are  made  known  it  will  be  seen  that  the  movement  could  lay 
no  just  claim  to  be  considered  as  an  honorable  .ind  praiseworthy  etTort 
in  the  cause  of  freedom  and  right,  ;md  that  Austin's  course  in  res])ect  to 
it  was  the  onlv  one  that  .'i  man  of  sense  ;ind  honor  could  [lursuc." 


CHAPTER  V 

GENERAL  SURVEY  OF  THE  TEXAS  COLONIES 

Away  from  the  battle  front  war  modifies  but  does  not  greatly  change 
the  routine  life  and  activities  of  a  people.  For  nearly  a  decade  preceding 
the  Revolution  the  Texas  colonies  were  subjected  to  the  influences  exer- 
cised by  the  turbulence  of  Mexican  politics,  with  local  outbreaks  of  hos- 
tilities from  time  to  time,  but  for  the  most  part  the  Texans  were  left 
free  to  work  out  their  problems  and  develop  their  material  and  social 
institutions.  A  modern  reader  very  naturally  inquires  as  to  the  status 
rtf  business  and  industry,  the  progress  of  settlement,  and  other  general 
conditions  of  life  in  Texas  at  that  time.  To  satisfy  such  inquiries  is  the 
object  of  this  and  the  following  chapters. 

The  be.st  account  of  the  progress  of  Texas  under  Anglo-American 
colonization  is  alTorded  by  Col.  J.  N.  Almonte's  "Statistical  Notice," 
published  in  1835.  Almonte  was  commissioned  to  make  a  general  inspec- 
tion of  Texas,  and  after  a  hasty  tour  of  observation  during  July  and 
August  of  1834  he  returned  to  Mexico  and  made  a  very  favorable  report, 
which  Austin  thought  helped  his  case  and  caused  the  government  to 
regard  Texas  more  kindly  than  it  had  previously  been  inclined  to  do. 
The  following  extracts  are  from  a  translation  published  in  Kennedy's 
"Texas :" 

"The  population  of  Texas  extends  from  Bexar  to  the  Sabine 
River,  and  in  that  direction  there  are  not  more  than  twenty-five 
leagues  of  unoccupied  territory  to  occasion  some  inconvenience  to  the 
traveller.  The  most  difficult  part  of  the  journey  to  Texas  is  the 
space  between  the  Rio  Grande  and  Rexar,  which  extends  a  little 
more  than  fifty  leagues,  by  what  is  called  the  Upper  Road,  and  above 
sixty-five  leagues  by  the  way  of  Laredo.  These  difficulties  do  not 
arise  from  the  badness  of  the  road  itself,  but  from  the  absence  of 
population,  rendering  it  necessary  to  carry  provisions,  and  even 
water  during  summer,  when  it  is  scarce  in  this  district.  This  tract 
is  so  flat  and  rich  in  pasturage  that  it  may  be  travelled  with  sufficient 
relays,  and  at  a  suitable  speed,  without  the  fear  of  wanting  forage. 

"In  1806  the  department  of  Rexar  contained  two  municipalities; 
San  Antonio  de  Bexar,  with  a  population  of  5,000  souls,  and  Goliad, 
with  1,400;  total  6,400.  In  1834  there  were  four  municipalities,  with 
the  following  population  respectively :  San  Antonio  de  Bexar, 
2,400;  Goliad,  700;  Victoria,  300;  San  Patricio,  600;  total  4,000. 
Deducting  600  for  the  municipality  of  San  Patricio  (an  Irish  settle- 
ment), the  Mexican  population  had  declined  from  6,400  to  3,400 
between  1806  and  1834.  This  is  the  only  district  of  Texas  in  which 
there  are  no  negro  laborers.  Of  the  various  colonies  introduced  into 
it,  only  two  have  prospered  ;  one  of  Mexicans,  on  the  River  Guada- 
lupe, by  the  road  which  leads  from  Goliad  to  San  Felipe ;  the  other  of 
Irish  on  the  River  Nueces  on  the  road  from  Matamoras  to  Goliad. 
With  the  exception  of  San  Patricio,  the  entire  district  of  Bexar  is 
peopled  by  Mexicans.  The  greater  part  of  the  lands  of  Bexar  can 
easilv  be  irrigated,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  so  soon  as  the  Gov- 

28 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  29 

ernment.  compassionating  the  lot  (sitcrtc)  of  Texas,  shall  send  a 
respectable  force  to  chastise  the  savages,  the  Mexicans  will  gladly 
hasten  to  colonize  those  valuable  lands  which  court  their  labor. 

"Extensive  undertakings  cannot  be  entered  on  in  Bexar,  as  there 
is  no  individual  capital  exceeding  $10,000.  All  the  provisions  raised 
by  the  inhabitants  are  consumed  in  the  district.  The  wild  horse  is 
common,  so  as  rarely  to  be  valued  at  more  than  twenty  reals  (about 
ten  shillings  British)  when  caught.  Cattle  are  cheap;  a  cow  and  a 
calf  not  being  worth  more  than  $10,  and  a  young  bull  or  heifer  from 
$4  to  $5.  Sheep  are  scarce,  not  exceeding  5,000  head.  The  whole 
export  trade  is  confined  to  from  8,000  to  10.000  skins  of  various 
kinds,  and  the  imports  to  a  few  articles  from  New  Orleans,  which 
are  exchanged  in  San  Antonio  for  peltry  or  currency  { pelctcria  y 
metalico). 

"There  is  one  school  in  the  capital  of  the  department  supported 
by  the  municipality,  but  apparently  the  funds  are  so  reduced  as  to 
render  the  maintenance  of  even  this  useful  establishment  impossible. 
What  is  to  be  the  fate  of  those  unhappy  Mexicans  who  dwell  in  the 
midst  of  savages  without  hope  of  civilization?  Goliad,  Victoria,  and 
even  San  Patricio,  are  similarly  situated,  and  it  is  not  difficult  to 
foresee  the  consequences  of  such  a  state  of  things.  In  the  whole 
department  there  is  but  one  curate  ictira)  ;  the  vicar  died  of  cholera 
morbus  in  September  last. 

"The  capital  of  the  department  of  the  Brazos  is  San  Felipe  de 
Austin,  and  its  principal  towns  are  the  said  San  Felipe.  Brazoria. 
Matagorda.  Gonzales.  Harrisburg,  Mina,  and  Velasco.  The  district 
containing  these  towns  is  that  which  is  generally  called  '.Austin's 
Colony.' 

"The  following  are  the  municipalities  and  towns  of  the  depart- 
ment, with  the  population:  San  Felipe,  2.500;  Columbia.  2.100: 
Matagorda.  1.400;  Gonzales,  900;  Mina.  1.100;  total.  8.000.  Towns: 
Brazoria.  Harrisburg.  Velasco,  Bolivar.  In  the  population  are 
included  about  1.000  negroes,  introduced  under  certain  conditions 
guaranteed  by  the  state  government ;  and  although  it  is  true  that  a  few 
African  slaves  have  been  imported  into  Texas,  yet  it  has  been  done 
contrary  to  the  opinion  of  the  respectable  settlers,  who  were  unable 
to  prevent  it.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  traffic  has  already  been 
stopped ;  and  it  is  desirable  that  a  law  of  the  general  Congress  and 
of  the  state  should  fix  a  maximum  period  for  the  introduction  of 
negroes  into  Texas,  as  servants  to  the  empresarios,  which  period 
ought  not,  in  my  opinion,  to  exceed  ten  or  twelve  years,  at  the  end 
of  which  time  they  should  enjoy  absolute  liberty. 

"The  most  prosperous  colonies  of  this  department  are  those  of 
Austin  and  De  Witt.  Towards  the  northwest  of  San  Felipe  then- 
is  now  a  new  colony  under  the  direction  of  Robertson  ;  the  same  that 
was  formerly  under  the  charge  of  Austin. 

"In  18.1^,  upwards  of  2.000  bales  of  cotton,  weighing  from  400 
to  500  pounds  each,  were  exported  from  the  Brazos ;  and  it  is  said 
that  in  1832  not  less  than  5.000  bales  were  exported.  The  ntaize  is 
;i11  consumed  in  the  countrv,  though  the  annual  crop  exceeds  50.000 


iO  HISTORY  OF  TEX.\S 

barrels.  Tlie  cattle,  of  which  there  may  be  about  25.000  head  in 
the  district,  are  usually  driven  for  sale  to  Natchitoches.  The  cotton 
is  exported  regularly  from  ]')razuria  to  New  Orleans,  where  it  pays 
Zyi  per  cent  duty,  and  realizes  from  10  to  10^4  cents  per  pound 
for  the  exporter,  after  paying  cost  of  transport,  etc.  The  price  of 
cattle  varies  but  little  throughout  Texas,  and  is  the  same  in  the 
Brazos  as  in  Bexar.  There  are  no  sheep  in  this  district ;  herds  of 
swine  are  numerous,  and  may  be  reckoned  at  50.000  head. 

"The  trade  of  the  department  of  the  Brazos  has  reached  $600.- 
000.  Taking  the  estimate  for  1832  (the  settlements  having  been 
ravaged  by  the  cholera  in  1833).  the  exports  and  imports  are  esti- 
mated thus :  5.000  bales  of  cotton,  weighing  2.250.000  pounds,  sold 
in  New  Orleans,  and  producing  at  10  cents  per  pound  $225,000  net; 
50.000  skins,  at  an  average  of  eight  reals  each.  $50,000.  Value  of 
exjjorts.  $275,000  (exclusive  of  the  sale  of  live  stock).  The  imports 
are  estimated  at  $325,000. 

"In  this  department  there  is  but  one  school,  near  Brazoria,  erected 
by  subscription,  and  containing  from  thirty  to  forty  pupils.  The 
wealthier  colonists  prefer  sending  their  children  to  the  United  States; 
and  those  who  have  not  the  advantages  of  fortune  care  little  for  the 
education  of  their  sons,  provided  they  can  wield  the  axe  and  cut 
down  a  tree,  or  kill  a  deer  with  dexterity. 

"The  Department  of  Nacogdoches  contains  four  municipalities 
and  four  towns.  Nacogdoches  municipalitv  has  a  population  of 
3.500;  and  of  San  Augustine.  2.500:  Liberty,  1,000:  Johnsburg. 
2,000:  the  town  of  .\nahuac.  fifty:  Bevil.  140;  Teran,  ten;  Tenaha, 
100:  total  population.  9.000.  in  which  is  included  about  1.000  negroes, 
introduced  under  special  arrangements   (convcmos  particitlares.) 

"Until  now  it  appears  that  the  New  York  company  are  onlv 
beginning  to  interest  themselves  in  settling  their  lands,  bought  or 
obtained  by  contract  with  Messrs.  Zavala,  Burnet,  and  Vehlein.  em- 
presarios.  who  first  undertook  the  colonization  of  the  immense  tracts 
which  they  obtained  of  the  State  of  (."oahuila  and  Texas,  and  which 
are  laid  down  in  the  maps  of  the  North  as  land>  of  the  'Galveston 
Bay  Com])any.'  In  con>e(|uence  of  that  transaction,  the  company 
are  proprietors  of  nearly  three-fourths  of  the  department  of  Nacog- 
doches, including  the  twenty  leagues  of  boundarv  from  that  town  to 
the  Sabine.  Of  the  contracts  of  Zavala,  Burnet  and  Vehlein,  some 
expired  last  year,  and  others  will  expire  during  the  present  year. 
The  Supreme  (iovernment.  if  at  all  anxious  to  do  awav  with  a  sys- 
tem of  jobbing  so  ruinous  to  the  lands  of  the  nation,  at  the  hands  of 
.1  few  Mexicans  and  foreigners,  nught.  without  loss  of  time,  to  adopt 
means  to  obviate  the  confusion  daih-  arising  out  of  contracts  with 
the  speculators,  which  create  a  feeling  of  disgust  among  the  colon- 
ists, who  are  dissatisfied  with  the  monopoly  enjoyed  by  companies 
or  contractors  that  have  acquired  the  lands  with  the  sole  object  of 
speculating  in  them. 

"The  settlements  of  this  district  have  not  prospered,  because 
-peculators  have  not  fulfilled  their  contracts,  and  the  scattered  popu- 
lation  is  composed  of   individual-   who  have  obtained  one  f)r   more 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  31 

leagues  of  land  from  the  state,  and  of  others,  who.  in  virtue  of  the 
law  of  colonization  inviting  strangers,  have  estahlished  themselves 
wherever  it  ap])eared  most  convenient.  But  the  latter  have  not  even 
the  titles  to  their  properties,  which  it  would  he  only  fair  to  extend 
for  them,  in  order  to  relieve  them  from  that  cruel  state  of  uncer- 
tainty in  which  some  have  heen  placed  for  several  years,  as  to 
whether  thev  api^ertain  to  the  United  States  or  to  Mexico.  And  as 
these  colonists  have  emigrated  at  their  own  expense,  it  seems  just  that 
the  contractors  on  whose  lands  they  have  settled,  and  who  were  not 
instrumental  to  the  introduction  of  their  families,  should  not  receive 
the  premium  allowed  hy  law.  In  stipulating  with  those  contractors 
( empresarios )  both  the  (ieneral  and  State  Government  have  hitherto 
acted  with  too  much  negligence,  and  it  would  be  well  that  they 
should  now  seriouslv  turn  their  attention  to  a  matter  so  deeply 
important. 

"There  are  three  common  schools  in  this  department :  one  ni 
Nacogdoches,  verv  badlv  supported,  another  at  San  Augustine,  and 
the  third  at  [oh'nshurg.  Texas  wants  a  good  establishment  for 
public  instruction,  where  the  Spani.sh  language  may  be  taught ;  other- 
wise the  language  will  be  lost :  even  at  present  English  is  almost  the 
only  language  spoken  in  this  section  of  the  Republic. 

"The  trade  of  this  department  amounts  for  the  year  to  $470,000. 
The  exports  consist  of  cotton,  skins,  of  the  deer,  otter,  beaver,  etc.. 
Indian  corn  and  cattle.  There  will  be  exported  during  this  year 
about  2.000  bales  of  cotton.  00.000  skins,  and  5.000  head  of  cattle, 
equal  in  value  to  $205,000.  The  imports  are  estimated  at  $265,000; 
the  excess  in  the  amount  of  im])orts  is  occasioned  by  the  stock  which 
remains  on  hand  in  the  stores  of  the  dealers. 

"There  are  about  50.000  head  of  cattle  in  the  whole  department, 
and  prices  are  on  a  level  with  those  in  the  Hrazos.  There  are  no 
sheep,  nor  pasturage  adai)ted  to  them.  There  are  above  6.000  bead 
of  swine,  which  will  soon  form  another  article  of  export. 

"There  are  machines  for  cleaning  and  pressing  cotton  in  the 
dei)artments  of  Nacogdoches  and  the  Hrazos.  There  are  also  a 
number  of  sawmills.  .\  steamboat  is  plying  on  the  Brazos  River, 
and  the  arrival  of  two  more  is  expected:  one  for  the  Neches,  the 
other  for  the  Trinity. 

"The  amount  of  the  whole  trade  of  Texas  for  the  year  18,M  may 
be  estimated  at  $1,400,000. 

"Money  is  very  scarce  in  Texas:  not  one  in  ten  .sales  is  made  for 
cash.  Purchases  are  made  on  credit,  or  by  barter;  which  gives  the 
country,  in  its  trading  relations,  the  appearance  of  a  continued  fair. 
Trade  is  daily  increasing,  owing  to  the  large  crops  of  cotton,  and  the 
internal  consumi)tion.  caused  by  the  constant  influx  of  emigrants 
from  the  United  States." 

Concerning  the  future  of  Texas  Almonte  was  almost  enthusias- 
tic;  "If  we  consider  the  extraordinary  and  rapid  advances  that  indus- 
try has  made;  its  advantageous  geographical  position,  its  harbors, 
the  easv  navigation  of  its  rivers,  the  variety  of  its  productions,  the 
fertility   of  the   soil,   tlic   climate,  etc.-   the  conclusion   is,   th;it    Texa'~ 


32  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

must  soon  be  the  most  flourishing  section  of  the  Republic.  There  is 
no  difficulty  in  explaining  the  reason  of  this  prosperity.  In  Texas, 
with  the  exception  of  some  disturbers,  they  only  think  of  growing 
the  sugar-cane,  cotton,  maize,  wheat,  tobacco ;  the  breeding  of  cattle, 
opening  of  roads,  and  rendering  the  rivers  navigable.  Moreover,  the 
effects  of  our  political  commotions  are  not  felt  there,  and  often  it  is 
only  by  mere  chance  that  our  dissensions  are  known.  Situated  as 
Texas  is,  some  450  leagues  from  the  capital  of  the  Federation,  it  is 
easy  to  conceive  the  rapidity  of  its  progress  in  population  and  indus- 
try, for  the  reason  that  Texas  is  out  of  the  reach  of  the  civil  wars 
that  have  unfortunately  come  upon  us.  The  inhabitants  of  that 
country  continue,  without  interruption,  to  devote  themselves  to  in- 
dustrious occupations,  giving  value  to  the  lands  with  which  they  have 
been  favored  by  the  munificence  of  the  government. 

"If,  then,  the  position  of  Texas  is  so  advantageous,  why  should 
not  the  Mexicans  participate  in  its  benefits  ?  Are  not  they  the  owners 
of    those    valuable    lands  ?     Are    they    not    capable   of    encountering 
dangers  with  firmness  and  courage  ?  Let  small  companies  be  formed ; 
enter  into  contracts  with  agricultural  laborers :  appoint  to  each  of  the 
companies  its  overseer,  agent,  or  colonial  director ;  and  I  will  be  the 
surety  that,  in  less  than  one  or  two  years,  by  the  concession  of  eleven 
league  grants  of  land,  which  will  not  cost  perhaps  more  than  a  trifle 
for  the  stamped  paper  on  which  the  title  is  made  out,  the  grants  will 
be  converted  into  a  property  worth  more  than  $15,000  to  $20,000. 
Let  those  who  wish  to  test  the  worth  of   this  assurance  visit   the 
plantations  of  the  colonists,  and  thev  will  perceive  I  am  no  dreamer." 
Almonte  estimated  the  total  population  of  Texas  at  36,300 — civilized 
inhabitants,  21.000,  and  Indians,  15,300.    Kennedy  thought  this  an  under- 
statement.    He  says :     "Although  the  Anglo-Texans  had  suffered  griev- 
ously from  cholera  in  1833,  their  numerical  strength  is  evidently  under- 
rated.    The  scattered  settlements  rendered  it  extremely  difficult  to  num- 
ber the  colonists  with  accuracy,  and  it  did  not  accord  with  the  policy  of 
the  Mexican  government  to  represent  them  as  formidable  in  any  respect. 
They  probably  amounted  to  about  30,000,  exclusive  of  the  2,000  negroes." 
With  Almonte's  report  should  be  compared  the  statement  that  Stephen 
F.    Austin    presented    to    the    government    in    1833    as    a    basis    for    the 
demand  of  the  Texans  to  be  erected  into  a  state.     This  is  taken  from 
the  transcripts  made  by  the  University  of  Texas   from  the  archives  of 
the  department  nf  Fomcnto  in  Mexico  City. 

"Statistics  of  Texas" 

"Nu.MBER  (JF  Population.  Municipality  of  Bexar,  including  the 
four  missions  of  San  Jose,  San  Juan,  Espada,  Concepcion,  and  the 

Ranches  upon  the  Bejar  River 4.000 

"Municipality  of  Goliad,  including  the  towns  of  San  Patricio 

and  Guadalupe  Victoria 2,300 

"Municipality  of  Gonzales 1,600 

"Municipality    of    Austin,    including    the    towns    of    Bastrop. 

Matagorda    and    Harrisburg.    and    settlements    upon    the 


1IIS•I■()R^    ol'"  TEXAS  3.> 

Colorado  and   San   Jacinto  rivers,   and  the   new   town   of 

Tenoxtitlan 12.600 

"Municii)ality  of   I.ihertv.  includinjr  the  settlements  of   Ana- 

huac,  Galveston  and  Hevil 4,500 

"Municipality  of  Brazoria,  inchidinj^  the  town  of  Velasco.  .      4.800 
"Municipality  of  Nacogdoches,  including  the  settlements  of 
the  Avish,  Trinitv,  Neches,  .Attoyac.  Tamija,  Sabine  and 
Pecan'  Point    .  .  .  .' 16.700 

"Total   number  of   jKipulation 46.500 

"The  wandering  triho  (if  Indians  and  half-civilized  person-. 
whose  number  passes  20.(X)0.  are  not  included  in  this  enumeration. 

"Products.  Those  of  Texas  are:  Cotton,  sugar,  tobacco,  in- 
digo, edible  grains  and  vegetables  of  various  kinds ;  flocks,  lumber 
and  boards,  leather  goods  and  hides. 

"Mills.  In  the  municipalities  of  Austin  and  Brazoria  there  are 
thirty  cotton-gins,  two  steam  sawmills  and  grist  mills,  six  water- 
power  mills,  and  many  run  by  oxen  and  horses. 

"In  Gonzales  there  is  a  water-power  mill  on  the  (iuadalupe  River 
for  sawing  lumber  and  running  machinerv  (mover  maqHinas) .  which 
is  of  nnich  importance,  since  this  mill  supplies  the  towns  of  Gonzales 
and  Goliad  and  the  city  of  Bexar  with  boards  (tablas). 

"The  municipalities  of  Libertv  and  Nacogdoches  are  very  well 
provided  with  mills  and  gins,  and  there  is  great  progress  in  thi> 
industry  in  all  parts  of  Texas. 

"General  Observations.     'I'be  planting  of  cotton  is  very  gen 
cral  and  well  advanced  in  all  parts,  and  the  yield  this  year  will  be 
more  than   150,000  arrnbas  (an  arroba  is  about  twenty-five  pounds  I 
ginned  and  clean,  equal  to  600.000  arrobas  with  the  seed. 

"The  raising  of  cattle  and  hogs  has  increased  with  so  much 
rapidity  that  it  is  difficult  to  form  a  calculation  of  their  number.  The 
price  for  which  they  sell  will  give  you  an  ide^  of  their  abundance. 

"Fat  beeves  of  from  twenty  to  thirtv  arrobas  are  worth  from 
$8  to  $10.  Fat  hogs  of  from  eight  to  twelve  arrobas  are  worth  ."^.V.SO 
to  $5  each,  and  lard  in  i)ro])orlion. 

"Butter  and  cheese,  corn.  bean--,  and  all  kinds  of  vegetables 
abound. 

"The  .sowing  of  wheat  has  not  progres.sed  .so  much,  because  the 
climate  is  not  suitable  for  this  grain  in  the  settled  region  near  the 
coast. 

"The  raising  of  horses  and  mule^  has  progressed  a  good  deal, 
although  not  in  comj)arison  to  what  it  will  do  when  the  countrv  is 
.settled  in  the  interior  and  the  Indians  subdued,  who  now  make  their 
raids  to  steal  horses. 

"In  the  Bay  of  Galveston  there  is  a  steanishii).  and  a  company 
has  been  formed  in  .Austin  and  Brazoria  for  the  purpose  of  bring- 
ing one  to  the  Brazf)s  River.  There  is  also  a  plan  to  open  a  canal 
to  join  the  Brazos  River  with  the  Port  of  Galveston,  .and  .uinther  to 
join  the  two  bavs  of  Matagorda  and  (ialve-;toiL 


34  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

"'J"hc  settled  part  of  the  country  is  provided  with  good  road?  and 
there  are  various  new  projects  and  enterjjrises  for  bettering  the 
navigation  of  the  rivers  with  oar-boats  and  steamboats  for  the  pur- 
pose of  facilitating  the  transport  of  the  agricultural  products  of  the 
interior  of  Texas  to  the  coast. 

"There  are  no  schools  or  academies  in  Texas  endowed  or  estab- 
lished bv  the  state,  but  there  are  private  schools  in  all  parts  and 
very  good  ones  ;  and  as  soon  as  there  is  a  local  government  to  give 
form  and  protection  to  education  there  will  be  much  progress  in 
this  direction. 

"The  inhabitants  of  Texas  are  in  general  farmers  who  own  their 
lands ;  there  are  few  among  them  who  do  not  know  how  to  read  and 
write,  or  who  do  not  understand  very  well  the  importance  of  pro- 
tecting their  jiropertv  and  person  by  means  of  a  local  government, 
well  organized  and  well  supported. 

"The  fact  ought  to  be  presented  that  the  resources  and  qualifica- 
tion.s  of  Texas  to  sustain  a  state  government  are  augmented  in  the 
highe.st  degree  bv  the  enterprising  and  industrious  character  of  her 
inhabitants.  Their  progress  is  rapid,  even  in  their  present  situation ; 
but  with  a  state  government  to  enlarge  and  protect  industry  it  would 
be  much  greater,  because  then  there  would  be  security  and  confi- 
dence, which  do  not  now  exist. 

"Proof  that   the   inhabitants  of   Texas   have   confidence   in   their 

resources  to  defend  themselves  against  the  Indian  savages  is  to  be 

found  in  the  fact  that  they  have  not  asked  troops  nor  companies  of 

soldiers  or  money,  and  they  do  not  need  to." 

There   are   no   exact  figures  by   which   to   check   these   estimates   of 

.■\lmonte  and  .\ustin.     It  is  probable  that  the  truth  lies  between  the  two. 

.-\ustin  undoubtedly  knew  more  about  the  actual  condition  of  Texas  than 

anvone  else,  and  much  more  than  Almonte  could  have  learned  in  the  short 

time  at  his  disposal,  but  he  had  a  strong  motive  for  exaggeration.     Im- 

nu'gration  was  verv  rapid  during  the  latter  part  of  18.S4  and  the  first  half 

of   18.^3. 

Following  are  some  historical  and  descriptive  notes  on  the  towns 
and  communities  mentioned  in  the  genera!  survey: 

.San   Anto.mo 

The  history  of  San  Antonio  begins  with  the  year  1718.  when,  in 
l>ursuance  of  orders  from  the  viceroy,  a  priest  removed  the  old  mission 
of  San  Francisco  .Solano  from  the  Rio  (Irande  to  the  San  Antonio  River 
and  founded  the  mission  of  San  .\ntonio  de  Valero  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  .San  Pedro,  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  from  the  present 
cathedral  of  San  Fernando.  There  it  remained  until  1722.  when  it 
was  removed,  with  the  presiflio.  to  Militarx-  Plaza.  In  res]ionse  to  the 
])etitions  (jf  the  missionaries  for  military  reentorcement  in  order  to 
secure  the  mission  and  assist  in  the  suhjugati^m  of  the  Indian  tribes, 
the  viceroy  in  1718  sent  a  governor  with  soldiers  and  mechanics  into 
the  province  of  Texas,  and  thus,  soon  after  the  establishment  of  the 
mission,  was   founded   the   presidio  of   .San   .\ntonio   dc  Rexar.     In   the 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 


35 


vicinity  of  these  two  institutions,  the  military  post  and  the  Indian  mis- 
sion, a  number  of  persons  located  whose  object  was  permanent  settle- 
ment ;  instead  of  working  directly  and  exclusivel\'  for  the  welfare  of 
the  mission,  or  acting  in  the  capacity  of  soldiers,  they  built  themselves 
homes,  put  a  certain  amount  of  land  in  cultivation,  raised  their  small 
flocks  on  the  common  pasture,  and  became  bona  tide  colonists.  It  is 
probable  that  some  of  the  soldiers,  their  time  of  service  over,  were 
sufficiently  attached  to  the  locality  to  remain  as  settlers.  This  civil 
community,  which  was  quite  distinct  but  existed  side  by  side  with  the 
mission  and  presidio,  became  known  as  the  villa  of  San  Fernando. 
Originally,  therefore,  three  independent  institutions — military,  polit- 
ical and  religious — existed  at  San  Antonio,  but  eventually  their  sepa- 
rate identities  became  merged  under  the  one  municipal  title  of  San 
Antonio.  In  consequence  of  the  French  invasion  from  Louisiana  along 
the  eastern  borders  of  Texas,  a  large  expedition  under  the  command  of 
.\guayo  in  1720  came  up  from  Mexico  and  after  restoring  the  authority 
of  .Spain  on  the  eastern  border,  the  commander  restored  the  old  East 


Church  of  S.\n  Fernando 

Texas  mission  and  in  tlu-  course  of  his  stay  gave  to  San  Antonio  an- 
other mission  besides  the  original  .San  .\ntonio  de  Valero.  San  Jose 
de  Aguayo,  the  most  beautiful  of  all  the  missions  about  San  Antonio, 
even  in  its  present  ruins,  was  "erected"  (that  is,  authorized)  in  1720. 
and  was  the  first  of  the  missions  outside  of  the  city  to  be  finished.  It 
was  completed  March  5,  17.?1.  and  on  the  same  date  the  other  three 
missions  south  of  the  city  were  begun. 

In  the  meantime,  as  the  attempts  to  colonize  Texas  had  been  at- 
tended with  little  success,  Spain  undertook  to  introduce  settlers  from 
the  Canary  Islands,  and  in  1729  a  compan3'  of  fifty  or  sixty  persons 
left  the  Canary  Islands,  in  response  to  the  Royal  order,  arrived  at  Vera 
Cruz  in  1730,  and  after  a  long  journey  northward  arrived  at  San 
.\ntonio  de  Bexar  on  March  9,  1731.  These  colonists  became  the 
"Canary  Island"  settlers  of  San  Fernando,  whose  members  and  de- 
scendants ha\e  since  occupied  sd  ])roniiuent  a  place  in   San   .\ntonio 


36  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

historw  The  \'illa  of  San  F"ernando,  containing  the  settlers  who  had 
previously  located  and  also  the  Canary  Islanders,  was  located  between 
the  San  Antonio  and  the  San  Pedro  Rivers,  the  building  lots  being 
grouped  for  the  most  part  around  the  Plaza  just  east  of  the  presidio 
or  military  ])laza ;  in  other  words,  the  "main  plaza."  as  known  today, 
was  the  central  point  of  old  Fernando  X'illa.  Besides  a  lot  assigned 
for  residence  to  each  family,  there  .was  common  pasture  land  and  a 
labor  for  cultivation,  irrigated  from  the  waters  of  the  San  .\ntonio  or 
San  Pedro.  The  pasture  land  lay  both  north  and  south  of  the  villa, 
between  the  two  streams.  While  the  missions  at  the  Alamo  and  also 
at  San  Jose  were  located  conveniently  to  the  villa,  the  settlers  had 
demanded  a  parish  church  of  their  own.  and  in  response  to  these  de- 
mands the  cornerstone  of  the  San  Fernando  Church  was  laid  Mav  8. 
1744. 

As  a  result  of  an  official  ins])ection  made  in  1727,  it  was  found  that 
the  old  missions  among  the  Indians  of  Xortheast  Texas  were  without 
warrant  for  existence,  so  few  were  their  Indian  converts.  In  conse- 
quence the  three  missions  were  ordered  removed  to  the  vicinity  of 
San  Antonio,  and  this  removal  brought  the  three  remaining  missions 
whose  ruins  still  form  such  a  picturesque  feature  of  the  country  about 
San  .Antonio,  .\ctual  work  of  construction  on  these  began  in  March. 
1731,  as  previously  mentioned.  These  various  missions,  and  also  the 
presidial  establishments  and  colonies,  for  manv  years  inaugurated  and 
supported  directlv  bv  the  Spanish  Government,  were  primarily  for  the 
purpose  of  maintaining  the  authority  of  Spain  in  the  Texas  country. 
But  after  the  treaty  of  1763  had  removed  the  source  of  friction  between 
the  French  and  Spanish  settlements  along  the  Sabine,  and  the  Louisi- 
ana countrv  had  been  surrendered  to  Spain,  the  chief  reasf)n  for  colo- 
nizing Texas  was  removed,  and  for  this  and  other  causes  the  mission- 
ary work  among  the  Indians  was  turned  over  to  the  secular  clergy  in 
1793,  resulting  in  the  distribution  of  the  mission  lands,  the  dispersion 
of  the  Indians  and  the  end  of  the  labors  of  the  Franciscan  friars.  At 
that  time  there  were  onlv  four  or  five  hundred  Indians  grouped  about 
the  dozen  missions  in  Texas,  while  the  families  of  soldiers  and  settlers 
in  1782  were  estimated  at  about  2,500.  .\  brief  note  as  to  the  economic 
conditions  of  the  people  at  San  Fernando  in  1778  is  supplied  from  the 
testimony  of  De  Croix,  who  said  of  the  settlers  that  they  "live  miser- 
ably because  of  their  laziness,  captiousness  and  lack  of  means  of  sub- 
sistence, which  defects  show  themselves  at  first  sight."  Much  was  dur 
to  the  environment  and  to  the  conditions  under  which  the  settlement 
had  been  founded.  There  were  no  attempts  at  public  education  and 
there  were  no  re]iresentatives  of  the  learned  professions,  not  e\en  a 
physician. 

In  1805  San  .Antonio,  which  with  Goliad  and  Nacogdoches  was  one 
of  the  three  important  centers  of  Spanish  civilization  in  Texas,  had  a 
population  estimated  at  about  2.000.  .After  the  United  States  had 
acquired  the  Louisiana  Territory  in  1803,  Spain's  former  fears  of 
territorial  aggression  from  the  Northeast  were  renewed,  and  from  that 
time  forward  San  .Antonio  occupied  a  conspicuous  position  as  the 
military    headquarters   for   the   forces    engaged    in    the   occupation    of 


HISTORY  OF    lliXAS  i7 

Texas,  and  alsu  as  the  seat  of  the  civil  government  for  this  province. 
The  American  explorer,  Zebulon  Pike,  visited  San  Antonio  in  1807, 
and  describes  the  city  as  containing  "perhaps  2,000  souls,  most  of 
whom  reside  in  miserable  mud  wall  houses,  covered  with  thatched 
grass  roofs.  The  town  is  laid  out  on  a  very  grand  plan.  To  the  east 
of  it  on  the  other  side  uf  the  river,  is  the  station  of  the  troops." 
(Alamo.) 

In  jMarch,  1813,  San  Antonio  was  surrendered  to  the  American 
forces  comprising  what  is  known  as  the  Gutierrez-Magee  expedition, 
and  the  revolutionists  were  in  possession  of  the  city  several  months. 
During  the  subsequent  advance  of  American  settlement  over  Eastern 
and  South  Central  Texas,  San  Antonio's  population  remained  almost 
entirely-  Mexican,  and  the  city  was  occupied  by  a  large  garrison  of 
Mexican  troops.  It  was  for  this  reason  that  San  Antonio  became  the 
objective  point  in  the  revolutionary  campaign  of  1835,  ending  with 
the  storming  and  ca]>ture  of  the  city  in  December  of  that  year. 

Goliad 

In  1722  Martpiis  de  Aguayo  established  the  jiresidio  of  La  Bahia, 
and  "established  near  by"  the  Mission  of  Espiritu  Santo,  "on  the  same 
site  where  Robert(;  Cavalier  de  la  Sala  had  jnit  his  post,"  that  is,  near 
the  Es])iritu  Santo  Hav  on  the  banks  of  the  Guadalujie  River.  In  1749 
Escandon  had  this  presidio  removed  from  the  Guadalupe  to  the  scnith 
bank  of  the  San  .\ntonio  River.  The  troops,  settlers,  priests,  Indians, 
and  even  the  bell  and  door  of  the  chapel  were  taken  to  the  new  site  at 
Santa  Dorotea,  but  the  original  name  of  the  mission  and  presidio  was 
retained. 

La  Bahia  remained  a  garrison  tow  n  and  outpost  of  .Spanish  settle- 
ment throughout  the  eighteenth  century.  In  1809  the  jjopulation  of 
La  Bahia  and  its  jurisdiction  was  estimated  at  405.  In  1813  La  Bahia 
was  captured  by  the  Gutierrez-Magee  expedition  ;  in  October,  1835,  it 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Texans  under  Captain  Collingsworth  at  the 
beginning  of  the  revolution  ;  and  in  the  following  year  was  the  scene 
of  the  massacre  of  Fannin's  men.  The  Legislature  of  Coahuila-Texas 
in  February,  1829.  decreed:  "The  fortress  of  La  Bahia  del  Es])iritu 
.Santo,  in  the  department  of  Texas,  may  be  called  the  town  of  Goliad." 
During  the  republic  the  two  names  Goliad  and  La  i^ahia  were  used 
almost  interchangeabl\ .  init  in  modern  usage  La  I'.ahia  has  become 
obsolete. 

The  municiiJalilN  of  ( ioliad.  like  ikxar,  beinj;  a  Me.xican  >cttleinent 
and  garrison  town,  took  only  a  minor  part  in  the  e\ents  connected 
with  the  development  of  the  Texas  revolution.  C]oliad's  delegates  to 
the  convention  in  1832  were  chosen  too  late  to  iKirticipate,  though  they 
endorsed  the  proceedings.  The  American  residents  of  the  municipal- 
ity, however,  were  aggressive  actors  in  the  indej)endence  movement. 
On  December  20,  1835,  ninety-one  of  these  citizens,  including  one  or 
two  Mexicans,  issued  the  "Goliad  declaration  of  independence,"  in 
which  they  declared  the  Province  of  ie.xas  a  free,  .sovereign  and  inde- 
iiendent  state.     This  action  wa--  considered  premature  at  the  time,  but 


38  HlSiURV   UF  TEXAS 

less  than  three  months  later  independence  was  declared  in  the  con- 
vention at  Washington.  The  municipality  of  Goliad  was  represented 
at  the  convention  of  1836,  and  the  municipality  subsequently  was 
organized  as  a  county  government. 

The  modern  tow'n  of  Goliad  is  on  the  north  side  of  the  river,  but 
the  old  presidio,  mission  and  Mexican  settlement  of  La  Bahia  were 
on  the  south  side.  Only  the  ruins  of  the  latter  remain.  An  early 
account  of  the  old  town  of  La  Bahia  was  written  in  December,  1833. 
by  Doctor  Beales.  who  was  head  of  a  colonization  enterprise:  "La 
Bahia  or  Goliad  is  a  wretched  village  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
San  Antonio  River,  about  forty  miles  from  the  Copano.  It  contains 
800  souls.  It  is  most  beautifully  placed,  having  the  old  ruined  church 
of  the  mission  on  a  rising  ground  in  front,  and  backed  by  woods  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  This,  with  common  industry,  might  be 
made  a  very  pretty  village,  as  they  have  an  abundance  of  soft  lime- 
stone, easily  worked,  and  the  soil  is  very  fertile ;  but  from  the  negli- 
gence and  idleness  of  the  Mexican  inhabitants,  the  streets  are  com- 
plete ravines,  they  have  no  gardens,  and  the  houses  are  built  partly 
of  logs  and  partly  of  mud.  The  inhabitants  are,  almost  without  an 
exception,  gamblers  and  smugglers,  and  gain  their  subsistence  by 
those  two  occupations,  and  the  more  honorable  one  of  carting  the 
goods  brought  to  the  port  by  foreign  vessels." 

GOXZALES 

Gonzales  was  the  principal  center  of  settlement  for  the  DeWitt 
Colony,  and  was  on  the  western  frontier  of  early  American  settle- 
ment. The  grant  to  DeWitt  was  approved  in  1825.  and  the  first  set- 
tlers under  the  auspices  of  this  colony  came  shortly  afterwards.  Among 
them  was  Erastus  (Deaf)  Smith,  a  historic  character  in  Texas.  Two 
miles  east  of  the  fork  of  the  Guadalupe  and  San  Marcos  rivers  this 
party  founded  the  town  of  Gonzales,  but  their  settlement  was  broken 
up  by  an  Indian  attack  in  July,  1826.  In  the  following  year  DeWitt's 
colonists  returned  to  Gonzales,  and  the  complement  of  the  first  hun- 
dred families  was  completed  by  1830,  The  site  of  the  capital  town 
was  re-surveyed  in  1832. 

Located  on  the  frontier  of  .American  settlement.  DeWitt's  colony 
was  the  first  to  suffer  from  the  invasion  of  Santa  Anna.  There  was  a 
strong  sentiment  at  Gonzales  in  favor  of  continuing  Texas  as  a  Mexi- 
can state,  but  the  town  was  represented  in  the  conventions  of  1832 
and  1833,  in  the  consultation  of  1835  and  the  independence  conven- 
tion of  1836.  The  formal  beginning  of  active  ht)Stilities  in  the  Texas 
revolution  was  at  Gonzales,  and  that  town  was  the  headquarters  of  the 
Texan  army  before  the  march  upon  ."^an  Antonio  in  the  fall  of  1835. 
.\t  Gonzales,  Houston  took  command  of  his  army  in  March.  1836.  and 
there  began  the  "runaway  scrape"  after  the  fall  of  the  Alamo.  Gon- 
zales was  burned  as  the  Texas  army  retreated  eastward,  and  as  a  num 
ber  of  volunteers  from  that  section  had  met  death  in  the  .-Mamo  and 
many  others  did  not  return  after  the  war,  Gonzales  began  practically  :i 
new  existence  after  the  revolution. 


IITSTOKY  OF  TEXAS 


39 


Ma  1  Al.dKllA 

The  municipality  of  Matayorda  was  created  during  the  Mexican 
regime  in  18.H.  and  its  territur\-  C(jm])rised  the  southeast  corner  of  the 
original  Austin  grants.  The  western  portion  was  taken  in  December, 
1835,  to  form  tlie  municipality  of  Jackson.  The  municipality  was  or- 
ganized as  a  county  after  the  establishment  of  the  Republic,  and  the 
Town  of  Matagorda,  which  was  incorporated  in  1837,  became  the 
county  seat.  .A  custom  house  had  been  established  at  Matagorda 
about  1831.  and  it  seems  to  have  been  maintained  throughout  the 
troubled  period  leading  to  the  revtflution,  the  collections  of  the  port 
being  the  chief  reliance  of  ihe  Mexican  garrisons  at  (loliad  and  .'"'an 


Old  Capttoi.  Ruildikg  at  Columbi.\ 


Antonio.     Matagorda  is  at  the   mc)uth  of  the  Coloraflo.  thirl\    miles 
from  Pass  Cavallo.  the  entrance  to  Matagorda  Ray. 

■  '"ORT    P.KNn 

in  1821  a  company  of  fifteen  or  twent}'  persons,  headed  bv  William 
Little  and  members  of  the  Austin  Colony,  were  directed  to  enter  tin' 
F.razos  River  and  commence  a  settlement  at  some  eligible  place  on  its 
b.inks.  They  stop])ed  where  Richmond  now  is.  The  double  log  house 
which  they  built  was  named  the  I'^ort,  a  small  cannon  having  been 
mounted  on  wheels  ;ind  stationed  in  the  ])assage  connecting  the  two 
rooms.  This  "Fort"  and  the  circumstance  of  its  location  on  a  wide 
bend  of  the  river,  was  the  origin  of  the  name  "I'^ort  .Settlement."  or 
"Fort  Rend  Settlement,"  bv  which  tlie  locality  was  known  u|)  to  the 
revolution.  It  was  here  that  Santa  Anna  transported  his  army  over 
the  Rrazos  on  his  way  to  .San  jacintn.     Another  point  to  which  settlers 


40  H1S1UK\    OF  TEXAS 

came  bcfure  the  revolution   was  StatTord's   Point,  where  some  promi- 
nent families  located. 

Brazoria 

The  municipality  of  Brazoria  was  created  from  the  southern  por- 
tion of  the  municipality  of  Austin  by  act  of  May  1,  1832,  with  the  town 
of  Brazoria  as  the  capital.  Some  of  its  extensive  territory  went  to 
the  municipality  of  Matagorda  in  1834,  and  in  the  same  year  other 
legislation  directed  the  removal  of  the  capital  to  Columbia  and  a 
change  of  name  to  municipality  of  Columbia.  The  provisional  govern- 
ment of  1835  restored  the  old  name  and  changed  the  capital  to 
Brazoria.  The  climax  of  Columbia's  greatness  came  when  the  first 
Texas  Congress  held  its  sessions  there  in  the  closing  months  of  1836. 
.\s  the  first  capital  it  will  always  have  an  interest  for  Texans. 

Of  the  three  original  towns,  \'elasco  came  into  nominal  existence 
with  the  establishment  of  the  Mexican  port  and  custom  house  in  1831  ; 
in  1832  it  was  the  scene  of  a  battle  which  opened  the  war  between 
Texas  and  Mexico ;  it  was  a  rendezvous  for  Texas  troops  during  the 
revolution,  and  was  made  a  port  of  entry  by  the  provisional  govern- 
ment ;  Santa  Anna  signed  the  treaties  of  May,  1836,  there,  and  the 
old  town  has  many  other  as.sociations  with  early  history. 

San  Patricio 

San  Patricio,  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Nueces  River,  was  the 
capital  of  McMullen  and  McGloin's  Irish  colony.  Near  it  was  Fort 
Lipantitlan,  garrisoned  by  Mexican  soldiers  at  the  beginning  of  the 
revolution.  A  company  of  settlers  from  San  Patricio  and  neighboring 
colonies  attacked  and  forced  the  surrender  of  this  post  in  October. 
1835.  this  following  close  on  the  battle  of  Gonzales.  In  consequence 
of  these  hostilities  and  the  frontier  position,  the  three  delegates  chosen 
by  the  municipality  for  the  general  consultation  of  1835  did  not  arrive 
until  the  jjrovisional  government  was  in' operation,  and  one  of  their 
number  was  chosen  to  a  seat  in  the  general  council.  The  municipality 
had  a  representative  in  the  convention  of  March.  1836. 

Refugio 

The  center  of  the  Hewitson  and  Power  colony  was  the  old  Refugio 
Mission,  which  was  the  seat  of  a  small  Mexican  population  before  the 
Irish  colonists  came.  The  mission  was  loopholed  for  a  fort  by  the 
soldiers  under  Colonel  Ward,  who  withstood  an  attack  from  General 
Urrea  on  March  14.  1836,  but  were  compelled  to  abandon  the  church 
fort  and  vainly  sought  .-^afetv  in  retreat.  The  old  mission  was  described 
in  December,  1833,  by  Doctor  Beales.  the  leader  of  an  English  colony, 
as  follows:  The  Mission  Del  Refugio  "is  prettily  situated."  but  "has 
gone  to  ruin.  *  *  *  The  missions  have  now  become  desolate.  The 
present  one  was  destroyed  by  the  Comanches  a  few  years  since. 
There  are  at  present  five  or  six  miserable  huts,  built  and  inhabited  by 
as  many  Irish  families,  brought  to  this  country  by  the  Emprcsario. 
Mr.  Power,  who  could  not  properly  locate  them  in  consequence  of  his 
disputes  with  respect  to  the  boundaries  of  his  lands.     They  obtained 


lllSruRV  OF    TEXAS  41 

permission  to  remain  where  they  are  till  Mr.  Power  could  place  them 
properly  and  give  them  their  titles.  They  have  in  consequence  been 
about  five  years  in  this  situation,  and  as  they  imagined  their  sojourn 
would  be  temporary  they  made  no  improvements,  not  even  cultivating 
a  bit  of  garden  ground." 

Most  of  the  Irish  settlers  located  during  1829-33.  in  1835  the  set- 
tlements received  the  designation  of  "municipality  of  Refugio."  Their 
three  representatives  to  the  general  consultation  were  engaged  in  the 
capture  of  the  Mexican  post  of  Lipantitlan,  on  the  Nueces  above  San 
Patricio,  and  hence  did  not  participate  in  that  meeting,  but  one  of  their 
number  received  a  seat  in  the  general  council  of  the  Texas  provisional 
government  on  November  22d.  The  municipality  had  two  repre- 
sentatives in  the  convention  of  1836. 

AisTiN  Municipality 

In  July,  1823,  under  directions  from  the  governor  of  Texas,  the 
Baron  de  Bastrop  was  directed  to  lay  out  a  town  for  the  Austin  colony, 
and  Commissioner  Bastrop  selected  a  site  on  the  southwest  margin 
of  the  river  Brazos  on  a  high  prairie  bluff.  Following  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  governor  the  commissioner  gave  the  town  the  name  San 
Felipe  de  Austin.  In  accordance  with  the  colonization  law,  four 
leagues  of  land  were  set  aside  for  this  town,  and  as  a  result  of  this 
original  grant  San  Felipe  now  has  the  distinction  of  being  the  only 
municipality  in  Texas  conducted  without  taxation. 

It  was  at  San  Felipe  that  Colonel  .\ustin  had  his  home  during  the 
four  or  five  years  when  he  was  local  governor  of  the  colony.  Later  it 
was  the  seat  of  the  ayuntamiento  which  provided  the  local  civil  gov- 
ernment, and  then  and  later  was  recognized  as  the  official  center  and 
the  real  capital  of  that  portion  of  Texas  occupied  by  American  settle 
ment.  .At  San  Felipe  assembled  the  first  convention  of  the  Texas 
|)eople  in  1832  and  1833,  and  likewise  the  general  consultation  of  1835. 
and  during  the  succeeding  months  it  \\as  the  capital  of  the  provisional 
government.  San  Felipe  was  also  the  place  where  one  of  the  earliest 
Texas  newspapers  was  published,  the  Tclcfiraph  and  Texas  Register. 
San  Felipe  might  j)ro])erlv  claim  to  have  been  the  capital  of  Texas 
from  1823  to  1836.  a  period  of  thirteen  years.  With  all  these  official 
distinctions,  San  I'"eli])f  was  like  most  Texas  towns  of  that  time,  a 
mere  collection  of  rude  pionter  dwellings  and  business  houses.  In 
1828  it  was  said  to  consist  of  abmit  twenty  houses,  chiefly  of  hewti 
logs,  and  the  home  of  Colonel  .\ustiii  was  the  most  commodious  in  the 
place. 

\V.\shi.\(;ton 

rile  municipalilx  nf  Washington  was  organized  in  July,  1835.  On 
the  authority  of  the  historian  Thrall,  a  ferry  was  established  at  the 
junction  of  the  Navasota  and  P>raz(xs  rivers  in  1821.  A  number  of  the 
.Austin  colonists  settled  in  that  vicinity,  and  the  first  land  was  culti- 
vated in  1822  near  Independence.  In  1835,  John  W.  Hall,  who  had 
acquired  some  of  the  land  adjoining  the  old  ferry,  laid  out  the  Town 
of  Washington  on  the  river  bank  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Navasota. 


42  HiSTuRV  OF    I'EXAS 

The  Washington  Town  Ct^nipaiix .  organized  about  that  time,  exhibited 
much  enterprise  in  promoting  the  town  as  a  rival  over  San  Felipe. 
ElTorts  had  been  made  to  have  the  general  consultation  meet  in  Wash- 
ington in  November.  1835,  but  were  unsuccessful.  When  the  consulta- 
tion adjourned  it  fixed  Washington  as  its  place  of  meeting  on  March 
1.  1836,  and  the  convention  which  assembled  at  that  date  to  draw  uji 
the  declaration  of  independence  and  the  constitution  of  the  republic 
met  in  Washington.  Thus  it  became  the  first  capital  of  the  republic 
and  the  "cradle  of  independence."  The  government  and  most  of  the 
inhabitants  fled  before  the  Mexican  army  when  the  convention  ad- 
journed on  March  17,  1836.  and  did  not  return  until  after  the  battle  of 
San  Jacinto.  Steamboat  navigation  along  the  Brazos  to  Washington 
began  about  1834. 

ViCTORI.V 

Martin  de  Leon  received  a  colony  contract  from  the  ^Mexican  gov- 
ernment, October,  1824,  and  established  the  largest  JNIexican  colony  in 
Texas  outside  of  San  Antonio,  Nacogdoches  and  Goliad.  A  second 
contract  was  given  him  in  April.  1829,  and  his  lands  were  bounded 
between  the  coast  and  the  La  Bahia  road,  between  the  Lavaca  River 
on  the  one  side  and  the  Guadalupe  and  Coleto  on  the  other.  Some  of 
DeWitt's  colonists  established  homes  within  these  limits,  and  there 
was  some  dispute  over  boundaries  with  the  colonists  of  Power  and 
Hewitson  on  the  south.  The  municipality  of  Guadalupe  Victoria  was 
authorized  by  the  first  contract  and  was  organized  probably  in  1824. 

As  a  ^lexican  settlement,  Guadalupe  \'ictoria  was  not  repre- 
sented in  the  earlv  conventions  of  Texas.  However,  a  representative 
from  that  locality  took  his  seat  in  the  general  council  in  November, 
1835.  after  the  adjournment  of  the  general  consultation. 

Galveston 

Galveston  Island  and  Bay  from  the  earliest  period  of  exploration 
and  colonization  was  frequented  and  the  locality  was  brought  into 
notice  by  some  of  the  larger  events  of  early  Texas  history.  In  1816 
Commodore  Aury  arrived  in  Galveston,  and  made  it  a  general  ren- 
dezvous for  vessels  cruising  against  the  Spanish  commerce  of  the  gulf. 
Soon  afterwards  it  became  a  center  for  the  operations  of  the  great 
pirate.  Lafitte.  who  occupied  the  east  end  of  the  island  early  in  1817 
and  with  his  followers  established  a  town,  with  a  few  frame  buildings. 
Genera]  Long,  who  headed  an  expedition  into  Texas  in  181Q.  made  his 
headquarters  for  a  time  at  Point  Bolivar,  and  endeavored  to  enlist 
Lafitte  as  a  partner  in  his  enterprise.  But  in  the  meantime  the  United 
States  government  had  directed  that  the  pirate  Lafitte  should  be 
driven  from  the  south  coast  and  in  Ma}-.  1820,  all  the  buildings  of  the 
pirate's  cajiital  were  burned,  and  (ialveston  was  thus  rid  of  its  unique 
distinction.  General  Long  continued  to  occupy  the  site  of  Lafitte's 
fort  for  a  time,  and  after  he  departed  on  his  disastrous  expedition  to 
Mexico,  his  wife  remained  at  Bolivar  until  informed  of  his  death. 
Thus,  for  manv  years  Galveston  was  practically  uninhabited,  and 
nothing  of  importance  occurred  until  the  early  years  of  the  revolution. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  43 

In  1830  the  Mexican  gt)vernniein  provided  for  the  establishment  of 
a  military  post  and  custom  house  for  the  Galveston  Revenue  District, 
and  the  Port  of  Galveston  first  came  into  official  existence  at  that 
time.  On  the  site  of  Lafitte's  fort  a  small  building  was  erected  for 
the  custom  house,  but  in  the  following  year  the  collector  moved  his 
headquarters  to  Anahuac,  on  the  other  side  of  the  bay,  and  once  more 
Galveston  Island  was  abandoned.  The  Texas  Provisional  Govern- 
ment, in  December,  1835.  ])rc)vided  for  the  formation  of  the  Galveston 
Revenue  District  and  the  estalilishment  of  the  Port  of  tialveston  Bay 
as  a  port  of  entry.  About  the  time  of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  in 
April,  1836,  the  officers  of  the  Texas  government  assembled  on  Gal- 
veston Island,  and  it  was  the  temporary  capital  for  about  three  weeks. 

Liberty 

On  the  Trinity  River,  near  the  modern  town  of  Liberty,  the  presidio 
of  Orcoquisac  and  the  mission  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Luz  were 
founded  in  1756,  to  be  abandoned  about  sixteen  years  later.  The 
lands  were  embraced  in  the  empresario  grants  of  1826  and  1828  to 
Joseph  V'ehlein.  In  a  memorial  drawn  up  by  the  Texas  convention 
of  1832,  it  was  stated  that  settlers  had  located  in  the  country  between 
the  San  Jacinto  and  the  Sabine  beginning  with  the  year  1821,  but  up  to 
1832  no  titles  had  been  issued  for  their  lands.  It  was  asserted  that  the 
number  of  inhabitants  in  that  section  was  sufficient  for  the  establish- 
ment of  new  municipal  governments.  "There  are  but  two  a3'unta- 
mientos  between  the  San  Jjicinto  and  Sabine  rivers,  one  at  Nacog- 
doches and  one  at  Liberty  on  the  Trinity."  A  commissioner  in  1834 
issued  about  350  titles  to  the  settlers  of  Vehlein's  colony. 

-An  account  of  the  founding  of  Liberty  was  written  for  the  Texas 
.\lmanac  of  1859  by  Dr.  N.  D.  Labadie,  who.  in  1831,  became  surgeon 
of  the  Mexican  garrison  at  Anahuac.  In  response  to  a  petition  of 
seventy-two  residents  of  this  vicinity.  Francisco  Madero  had  been  ap- 
pointed to  issue  titles  to  their  lands.  "Having  arrived  at  Atascosito, 
near  the  present  town  of  Liberty,  he  (Madero)  stopped  with  Cap* 
William  Orr,  a  most  excellent  man  and  good  citizen.  A  call  having 
been  duly  notified,  a  meeting  was  held  at  that  place,  to  select  a  county 
seat,  and  Smith's  Plantation  and  Moss'  BlulT  were  the  two  places  put 
in  nomination.  A  majorit)-  of  three  or  four  votes  having  been  in  favor 
of  Smith's  place,  it  was  publiclv  proclaimed  the  seat  of  justice  and 
called  Libertad.  The  requisite  municipal  officers  were  next  elected: 
i)ut  this  coming  to  the  knowledge  of  Colonel  Rradburn  at  ,\nahuac,  he 
immediately  had  Madero  arrested  by  a  file  of  soldiers,  and  his  next 
step  was  to  send  forth  a  proclamation,  accompanied  by  a  fife  and 
drum,  declaring  that  Libertad  was  abrogated  and  that  .\nahuac  was 
the  county  seat."  However,  after  the  expulsion  of  P.radburn  from 
.\nahuac  in  1832.  the  municipalitv  of  Liberty  retained  its  organiza- 
tion and  sent  delegates  to  the  .San  Felipe  convention  of  that  year. 
Its  jurisdiction  was  over  all  the  coast  country  between  the  San  Jacinto 
and  the  Sabine. 

In  the  De  Zavala  em])resario  grant  nf  1829,  a  settlement  of  about 
thirtv  families  scattered  from  the  Sabine  tn  the  .Xeches  was  known  as 


44  HiSTURV  UF    lEXAS 

"Bevil's  settlement."  from  John  Bevil,  the  original  settler.  A  wilder- 
ness of  forty  miles  separated  that  settlement  from  the  "Ayish  Bayou 
settlement"  near  San  Augustine,  while  it  was  seventy  miles  to  the 
"Cow  Bayou  settlement"  on  the  south.  The  first  comers  were  named 
John  Bevil,  James  Cheshire,  Thomas  Watts,  John  Watts,  John  Saul, 
Isaac  Isaacs  and  Hardy  Pace,  who  settled  about  1828  or  before.  In 
1830  this  settlement  was  organized  as  a  precinct  of  the  municipality 
of  Nacogdoches.  The  municipalitj-  of  San  Augustine  was  constituted 
in  March,  1834,  and  the  municipality  of  Bevil  was  probably  created  in 
the  same  year.  Bevil  sent  five  delegates  to  the  general  consultation  of 
October.  1835.  The  provisional  government,  on  December  3,  1835. 
changed  the  name  to  the  municipality  of  Jasper,  thus  honoring  sergeant 
Jasper,  and  under  the  republic  the  municipality  became  a  county. 

Before  the  Texas  revolution  the  principal  settlement  between  Lib- 
erty on  the  Trinity  and  the  Sabine  was  the  "Cow  Bayou  settlement." 
in  what  is  now  Orange  County.  During  the  Mexican  regime  the 
settlement  had  been  attached  as  a  precinct  to  the  Liberty  municipality 
in  1832,  but  in  the  fall  of  1835  the  separate  municipality  of  Jeffer.son 
was  organized.  The  municipal  boundaries  defined  in  the  same  year 
included  only  the  country  lying  in  the  angles  of  the  Neches  and  the 
Sabine,  now  forming  Orange  County.  When  three  commissioners  se- 
lected the  seat  of  justice  they  called  the  site  "Jefferson,"  which  in  the 
Texas  Telegraph  of  September  9,  1837,  was  referred  to  as  "the  former 
county  seat,"  on  the  east  bank  of  Cow  Bayou,  and  containing  about  a 
dozen  houses. 

HARRISBURr. 

The  municipality  of  Harrisburg  was  created  in  1835.  its  boundaries 
being  defined  by  the  provisional  government  on  January  1.  1836.  with 
Harrisburg  designated  as  the  capital.  The  first  settlers  came  in  1822. 
but  no  land  titles  were  issued  until  1824.  Some  of  the  historical  land- 
marks of  the  county  received  names  from  the  pioneers — Lynchburg  on 
the  league  of  Nathaniel  Lynch  :  X'ince's  Bayou  from  the  \'ince  broth- 
ers;  Clopper's  Bar  from  Nicholas  Clopper ;  Morgan's  Point  from  Col. 
James  Morgan,  who  had  a  grove  of  bearing  orange  trees  at  the  time 
of  the  Battle  of  San  Jacinto.  Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  the  first  vice  jjresi- 
dent  of  the  republic,  had  a  small  home  on  Buft'alo  Bayou,  across  from 
the  site  of  the  battleground,  used  for  a  hosi)ital  after  the  battle,  while 
David  G.  Burnet,  the  first  president  of  Texas,  was  the  founder  of  the 
sawmill  which  was  the  nucleus  of  the  village  of  Lynchburg.  Lynch- 
burg had  had  many  vicissitudes  as  a  town  :  it  is  still  a  place  of  ferriage. 
as  it  was  when  San  Jacinto  was  fought. 

Harrisburg  was  founded  about  1826-27.  and  was  named  for  John  K 
Harris,  one  of  a  prominent  family  of  first  settlers.  A  little  later  a 
trading  company  built  a  warehouse  and  Harris  put  up  a  sawmill.  A 
schooner  once  a  year  brought  merchandise  from  New  Orleans,  and  the 
principal  exports  were  cotton  and  hides,  .\fter  the  constitutional  con- 
vention adjourned  at  Washington  on  March  17th  of  that  year.  Presi- 
dent Burnet  and  cabinet  and  a  large  following  of  citizens  retreated  to 
Harrisburg.  which  was  the  temporary  capital  of  Texas  until  the  day 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  45 

before  the  arrival  of  Santa  Anna.  Tlie  twenty  houses,  stores  and  fac- 
tories were  all  consumed  when  the  armv  of  Santa  Anna  arrived  on 
April  15,  1836. 

Houston 

The  land  on  which  the  original  town  of  Houston  was  founded  wa.- 
a  portion  of  a  grant  made  to  John  .\ustin  under  date  of  July  20,  1824. 
C.  Anson  Jones,  a  son  of  President  Anson  Jones,  stated  that  the  first 
settlers  arrived  at  Houston  about  1822,  but  no  event  of  importance 
and  no  particular  interest  attaches  to  the  place  until  after  the  success 
of  the  Texas  revolution. 

MlNA 

The  municipality  of  Mina  was  created  in  .A])ril,  1834,  and  the  capital 
town  was  "the  new  town  established  on  the  left  bank"  of  the  Colorado 
River  "at  the  crossing  of  the  upi)er  road  leading  from  Bexar  to  Nacog- 
doches." Thus  the  town  of  Bastrop  is  one  of  the  few  landmarks  in 
modern  Texas  geography  to  show  the  position  of  the  famous  old  San 
Antonio  Road,  which  was  the  chief  militarv  highway  of  the  eighteenth 
century  and  had  many  prominent  associations  with  the  early  settle- 
ment and  development  of  Texas  during  the  nineteenth  century.  The 
town  of  Mina  had  been  laid  out  about  1830,  and  before  the  creation  of 
the  municipality  the  vicinity  was  known  as  the  District  of  Mina.  The 
jurisdiction  of  the  old  municipality  extended  over  a  large  territory 
both  above  and  below  the  San  Antonio  Road  and  on  both  sides  of  the 
Colorado  River.  The  settlers  were  very  active  in  all  the  movements 
for  Texas  independence.  Thev  sent  three  delegates  to  the  first  con- 
vention at  San  Felipe  in  October,  1832,  and  were  also  represented  in 
the  second  convention  of  the  next  year.  They  were  the  first  to  or- 
ganize a  "committee  of  safety"  in  Mav,  1835,  and  were  represented  in 
all  the  movements  until  the  establishment  of  the  Re])ublic.  Under  the 
Republic  the  mimicijialitv  became  the  County  of  Mina,  but  in  Decern 
her,  1837,  the  name  was  changed  of  both  the  county  and  countv  seat  to 
I'astrop. 

San  Augustine 

.■\bout  the  time  the  Texas-Louisiana  boundary  question  was  set- 
tled, in  1819,  or  even  earlier,  some  Americans  had  made  settlement 
along  the  Ayish  Bayou  in  what  is  now  San  Augustine  County.  The 
earliest  of  these  had  come  several  years  before  Austin  brought  into 
Texas  the  first  official  American  colony.  The  little  settlement  at 
.\yish  Bayou  furnished  some  volunteers  to  the  short-lived  Fredotiian 
Republic  during  1826-27.  In  1834  the  settlers  along  the  .\yish  Bavon 
iibtaiiied  a  seiiarate  nnmicipal  organization,  under  tlu-  name  San 
.Augustine.  This  municipality  was  represented  in  the  general  con- 
sultation at  San  Felipe  in  1835  by  Alexander  Horton,  who  settled  at 
Ayish  Bayou  in  January,  1824,  bv  A.  Houston,  W.  N.  Seigler,  A.  G. 
Kellogg  and  A.  E.  C.  Johnson.  There  were  volunteers  from  the  mu- 
nicipalil)-  who  served  in  the  revolution,  and  after  the  establishment  of 
the  republic  the  mimicipalitv  became  a  c(junt\'.  The  historic  town  of 
."^an  .\tigustinc.  which  was  laid  nut  and  established  as  a  town  in  1831, 


46  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

was  long  kiu)\\ii  as    'Ihe  Ciatcway  tu    Texas,"  being  tlie  tirst  town  on 
the  old  San  Antonio  road  after  crossing  the  Sabine  River. 

In  1716  one  of  the  group  of  missions  and  military  garrisons  de- 
signed to  preserve  the  authority  of  Spain  on  the  borders  of  East  Texas 
was  established  in  the  vicinity  of  the  present  Nacogdoches.  By  1770 
there  were  considerable  numbers  of  Spanish,  Indians  and  French  set- 
tled about  Nacogdoches,  and  situated  close  to  the  border  of  Louisiana, 
there  were  attractive  opportunities  for  trade  intercourse  with  the 
French  inhaliitants  of  Louisiana,  although  such  intercourse  was  rigidly 
forbidden  by  the  Spanish  authorities.  Consequently  there  was  much 
opposition  to  the  royal  order,  issued  in  1772,  for  the  abandonment  of 
ail  the  presidios,  missions  and  settlements  in  East  Texas,  and  though 
the  removal  was  made  to  San  Antonio,  under  the  escort  of  a  military 
guard,  some  of  the  inhabitants  contrived  to  stay  behind,  and  in  1779  a 
number  of  the  exiles,  under  the  leadership  of  the  enterprising  and  in- 
fluential Gil  Ybarbo,  returned  and  chose  to  locate  at  Nacogdoches. 
Their  arrival  marks  the  beginning  of  the  history  of  modern  Nacog 
doches  as  a  town.  From  that  time  until  the  American  settlement  of 
Texas  began  during  the  '20s,  Nacogdoches  was  the  only  point  of  any 
considerable  importance  north  and  east  of  San  Antonio.  In  1805  it  had 
an  estimated  population  of  about  500.  Nacogdoches  was  at  that  time 
the  eastern  terminus  of  the  great  San  Antonio  road,  the  old  military 
thoroughfare  leading  from  ^lexico  across  the  entire  province  of  Texas. 
In  spite  of  the  rigid  decree  forbidding  intercourse  between  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Texas  and  Louisiana,  illicit  trade  went  on,  and  Nacogdoches 
enjoyed  this  and  other  peculiar  advantages  as  a  border  town.  ,\fter 
the  United  States  had  acquired  Louisiana  Territory  in  1803,  and  as  a 
result  of  the  various  filibustering  and  revolutionary  expeditions  or- 
ganized for  the  purpose  of  conquering  Texas,  Nacogdoches  became  a 
frontier  military  post,  and  a  garrison  of  Spanish  soldiers  was  main- 
tained there  for  a  number  of  years.  After  the  settlement  of  the  Texas- 
Louisiana  boundary  in  1819  and  the  repeal  of  the  laws  forbidding  trade 
and  immigration  from  the  American  side,  Nacogdoches  continued  to 
profit  by  its  position  on  the  frontier  and  along  the  chief  highwav  into 
Texas.  During  the  first  two  decades  of  the  nineteenth  century  Nacog 
doches  w-as  several  times  occupied  bv  .\merican  revolutionary  expedi- 
tions, and  alternately  by  the  Spanish  forces,  and  the  town  suffered 
from  the  retributive  measures  by  which  Spain  endeavored  to  keep  its 
eastern  borders  free  from  .\merican  influence.  When  Stephen  .\ustin 
passed  throtigh  Nacogdoches  in  1821.  the  town  was  in  ruins  and  had 
only  the  church  and  seven  houses,  including  the  Stone  House,  around 
the  old  public  square.  Durin?  1826-27  Nacogdoches  w^as  the  central 
point  in  the  Fredonian  war.  In  spite  of  the  settlement  of  Americans 
in  increasing  numbers  over  all  East  Texas.  Nacogdoches  long  retained 
its  Spanish-Mexican  character  and  was  the  seat  of  a  considerable  Mexi- 
can population,  even  up  to  the  revolution. 


CHAPTER  VI 
I-.  W  .  JOHNSON'S  REMINISCENCES 

Ihe  fullowing  account  of  conditions  in  Texas  up  to  the  opening  of 
the  revolution  is  largely  an  arrangement  of  the  reminiscences  of  Fran- 
cis \V.  Johnson.  The  account  presents  an  interesting  ]Mcture  of  social 
and  economic  conditions  in  Texas.* 

In  the  latter  part  of  July,  1826,  some  six  or  eight  persons,  among 
whom  was  Francis  White  Johnson,  a  Virginian  by  birth,  but  late  of 
the  state  of  Missouri,  embarked  on  board  the  schooner  Augusta,  Capt. 
James  Lynch  master,  then  lying  at  New  Orleans,  for  Lynchburg, 
Texas.  After  alternate  calm  and  storm,  some  time  in  August,  they 
came  to  Galveston  Island,  the  sight  of  which  cheered  all  on  board. 
From  thence,  on  the  third  day,  we  made  Lynchburg,  the  place  of 
destination,  which  is  situated  on  the  left  bank  of  the  River  San  Jacinto, 
opposite  the  mouth  of  Buffalo  Bayou.  All  were  glad  again  to  place 
their  feet  on  the  land. 

The  arrival  of  a  vessel  at  that  early  day,  though  not  the  first,  was 
of  sufficient  importance  and  interest  to  call  forth  the  population  for 
miles  around.  Hence,  we  foimd  a  number  of  the  lords  of  the  land 
assembled  to  greet  the  captain  and  such  newcomers  as  he  was  for- 
tunate enough  to  enlist  for  Texas,  learn  the  news  from  the  "old  states" 
and  have  a  jollification.  We  found  them  a  hardy,  jovial  and  hospitable 
set  of  fellows,  and  enjoyed  ourselves  with  our  new  acquaintances.   \\'e 


*Johnsoii  wa.s,  during  this  period,  surveyor  of  the  ,\yish  Bayou  district  in 
East  Texas  in  1829,  one  of  the  leaders  in  the  attack  on  Anahuac  and  the  expul- 
sion of  Bradburn  from  that  place  in  1832,  secretary  of  the  convention  which 
met  in  October  of  1832  to  petition  the  general  governmnet  for  the  separation 
cif  Coahuila  and  Texas  and  for  other  reforms,  and  during  1833  and  1834  surveyor 
in  the  "upper  colony"  of  Austin  and  Williams  west  of  the  old  San  Antonio  Road. 

Karly  in  1835  he  became  one  of  the  more  active  leaders  of  the  war  party 
which  promoted  the  revolution,  and  when  the  fighting  began  in  the  fall  of  183.S 
he  was  among  the  volunteers  that  marched  to  the  siege  of  San  .\ntonio.  He 
commanded  a  division  of  the  force  that  stormed  the  town  (December  5-9),  and 
after  the  death  of  Milam  succeeded  to  full  command.  After  the  surrender  of 
<  leneral  Cos  on  December  9.  Johnson  and  Dr.  James  Grant  began  preparations 
for  an  invasion  of  .Mexico,  the  contemplated  point  of  attack  being  Matamoras. 
The  expedition  was  opposed  by  Governor  Smith,  but  the  General  Council  of  the 
Provisional  Government  authorized  it  and  appointed  Johnson  and  James  \\'. 
Fannin,  Jr.,  to  the  command.  Before  the  expedition  got  under  way  Santa  .\nna 
invaded  Texas,  in  February  of  1836,  and  Johnson's  force  was  surprised  at  San 
Patricio  by  General  ITrrea  and  destroyed,  Johnson  and  three  or  four  others  alone 
escaping.  General  Houston  was  at  this  lime  encamped  on  the  Colorado  a  short 
distance  above  Columbus,  and  Johnson  says  that  he  joined  some  fifteen  or  twenty 
others  and  started  for  headquarters,  "but  being  met  on  the  way  and  informed 
that  the  army  was  retreating  to  the  Brazos,  we  returned  home.  1  took  no 
further  part  in  the  struggle.  I  was  thoroughly  disgusted  with  the  scramble  for 
office — civil  and  military.  ]  retired  to  the  Trinity,  where  I  remained  quietly  until 
1839,  and  then  vjsitcd  the  United  States,  having  been  in  Texas  thirteen  years." 

Johnson's  historical  manuscripts,  including  the  reminiscences,  were  published 
inider  the  editorshif)  of  Prof.  K.  C.  Barker  as  "A  Historv  of  Texas  and  Texans," 
in   1914. 

47 


48  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

were  invited  by  nearly  all  to  make  tliem  a  visit,  rest  and  recreate  our- 
selves. The  next  day  our  little  party  broke  up  into  several  visiting 
parties.  White  and  myself  accompanied  Capt.  William  Scott,  formerly 
of  Kentucky,  to  his  residence  on  the  lower  San  Jacinto — then  called 
"Larkinsink."  Here  we  were  kindly  received  by  his  amiable  lady  and 
family,  and  feasted  on  the  good  things  of  the  land  for  two  days.  We 
then  returned  to  Lynchburg  with  a  view  of  making  our  way  to  tiic 
interior. 

Harrisburg,  some  thirty  miles  distant,  and  at  the  junction  of  Bray's 
with  Buffalo  Bayou,  was  the  next  and  only  port  in  the  direction  w<' 
wished  to  travel.  Our  party  divided,  some  determined  to  go  by  land 
and  others  by  water.  Of  the  latter  I  was  one,  being  at  that  time  nut 
sick  enough  to  keep  my  bed,  yet  not  strong  enough  to  ])erform  a  jour- 
ney over  land  on  foot.  We  took  passage  on  a  large  canoe,  witlimil 
fire,  and  vtjyaged  into  Harrisburg,  each  of  those  able  taking  a  turn  at 
the  oars.  Having  made  a  late  start  we  were  on  the  bayou  most  of  the 
night,  which  we  did  not  regret,  as  our  captain  was  an  old  hunter  and 
frontiersman  of  the  good  old  times  and  enlivened  the  passage  by  anec- 
dote and  song.  He  was  a  character  in  his  way:  had  experienced  many 
hairbreadth  escapes  by  flood  and  field.  .^  short  time  after  daylight  we 
made  what  was  then  and  still  is  known  as  Vince's,  on  the  right  bank 
of  Bufifalo  Bayou,  and  a  short  distance  below  V'ince's  Bayou,  a  bayou 
of  classic  notoriety.  Here  we  landed  and  got  a  sumptuous  breakfa-t 
of  fresh,  rich  milk,  butter  and  corn  bread:  though  there  was  meat  <m 
the  table,  none  partook  of  it — all  were  surfeited  on  fat  pork  and  felt  a 
sort  of  horror  for  meats.  We  then  proceeded  on  our  way  to  Harris- 
burg, where  we  arrived  a  short  time  after  meridian.  The  town  con- 
sisted of  a  warehouse  and  tannerv  and  few  families,  viz. :  John  Taylor 
and  family.  Widow  Owens  and  family,  Capt.  Sam  C  Hirams  and 
family  :  a  young  man  by  the  name  of  William  I.aughlin.  a  tanner,  and 
Capt.  John  R.  Harris,  owner  of  the  land,  and  an  old  log  warehouse. 
The  canoe  party  stopped  at  Captain  Hirams',  the  only  public  house  in 
the  place. 

While  here  Messrs.  Heddy  and  Moore,  or  Coates,  arrived  with  a 
wagon  and  ox-team.  They  lived  near  San  Felipe  de  .Austin,  the  capital 
of  Austin's  colony,  and  came  for  the  purpose  of  buying  family  stores. 
Porter,  Anderson  and  myself  arranged  with  Mr.  Heddy  to  take  our 
baggage — light — and  to  spend  the  fall  and  winter  at  his  house.  White 
had  stopped  at  Lynchburg  and  turned  merchant  on  a  small  venture. 
Jimmy,  our  fellow  passenger  and  cook  on  the  voyage,  was  employed 
by  Captain  Scott  as  a  blacksmith  :  the  remainder  of  our  party  dete' - 
mined  to  try  their  fortune  in  Harrisburg. 

The  first  day  out  from  Harrisburgr  we  accompanied  the  wagon  and 
encamped  near  the  crossing  of  Bufifalo  Bayou,  on  the  road  to  San 
Felipe  de  Austin.  The  weather  was  lowering,  and  we  had  a  light  rain, 
or  rather  heavv  mist,  at  night.  The  next  morning  Porter  and  mvself 
determined  to  part  company  with  the  wagon,  first  being  informed  b\- 
Mr.  Heddy  that  we  could  reach  his  house  that  day,  and' that  we  would 
meet  his  son,  whom  he  had  directed  to  meet  him  with  provisions  and 
to  draw  on  him  for  ;i  part.      \fter  we  crossed  the  Ravou  it  came  on  tn 


^ls■l■()K^  ()!•  TEXAS  4y 

rain,  and  we  were  dieiiclu'd  in  tin-  skin.  In  tiiis  ct^ndition  we  traveled 
some  miles  over  a  wet  and  nuiddy  road,  or  trail,  and  lay  down  in  the 
prairie  nearly  exhausted  and  with  a  sharj'  apjjetite.  Notwithstanding 
the  ground  was  wet  and  we  were  wet.  we  wrapped  our  blankets  around 
us  and  fell  asleep.  We  were  awakened  by  the  sound  of  a  horse's  feet, 
and  very  soon  young  Heddv  made  his  appearance.  We  hailed  him.  of 
course,  informed  him  of  where  we  were  going,  as  well  as  that  we  had 
left  his  father  that  morning  at  Buffalo  Bayou  crossing,  and  that  we 
wanted  something  to  eat.  He  gave  us  a  couple  of  pones  of  cornbread. 
of  good  size,  but  the  meal  of  which  they  were  made  was  unsifted. 
However,  they  were  sweet  morsels,  and  we  ate  them  with  great  gusto. 
Thus  refreshed,  we  took  u])  the  line  of  march  for  our  point  of  destina- 
tion, which  we  made  late  in  the  evening.  \\'e  made  ourselves  known 
to  Mrs.  Heddy,  who  soon  ])re])ared  us  a  good  dinner  of  venison,  hot 
cornbread,  butter  and  milk,  to  which  we  did  ample  justice. 

In  due  time  Messrs.  Heddy.  Moore,  or  Coates,  and  Anderson  ar- 
rived. All  went  well  with  us.  I  had  nothing  to  complain  of  except 
my  pest  and  plague,  chill  and  fever,  which  stuck  to  me  like  a  brother. 
It  was  soon  known  that  Mr.  Heddy  had  returned  and.  among  other 
good  things,  had  brought  two  barrels  of  whisky.  This  was  a  sufificient 
attraction,  and  the  denizens  of  his  neighborhood  became  (|uite  regular 
in  their  visits,  not.  however,  to  their  credit,  be  it  said,  being  in  the 
least  boisterous  or  uncivil,  though  they  indulged  (|uite  freelj-  in  the 
ardent.  This  afforded  us  an  opjiorlunity  of  making  the  ac(|uaintance  of 
most  of  those  in  the  settlement,  and  others  from  distant  settlements 
who  had  business  at  the  ca])ital  of  the  colony. 

About  the  middle  or  latter  ])art  of  the  fall,  tiiree  families,  the 
Messrs.  McCoy,  arrived  and  encamped  near  Mr.  Ileddy's.  They,  like 
myself,  were  from  Missouri.  We  soon  formed  aii  accpiaintance  and. 
as  we  were  from  the  same  state,  formed  a  sort  of  brotherhood.  They, 
however,  intended  going  to  DeWitt's  colony,  and  had  only  stopped  for 
the  season,  believing  that  ])rovisions  could  be  more  readily  jirocured  in 
.\ustin's  than  DeWitt's  colony.  The  winter  proved  to  be  a  mild  and 
dry  one.  until  the  latter  part  and  early  spring,  when  we  had  frequent 
and  heavy  rains,  which  made  the  streams  high  and  the  roads  almost 
impassable. 

In  the  meantime,  however,  Porter  and  myself,  in  coini>any  witb 
Heddy,  made  several  trips  to  San  Felipe  de  Austin;  this,  though 
the  principal  town  in  the  colony,  was  but  a  small  place.  However,  it 
could  boast  a  tavern,  store  and  blacksmith  shop  and  a  few  .American 
and  Mexican  families.  It  is  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Brazos 
River,  some  hundred  or  more  miles  above  its  mouth.  Here  we  were 
i)oth  amused  and  editied,  not  scj  much  from  what  we  saw  as  from  what 
we  heard.  On  entering  the  tavern,  we  found  a  number  of  persons, 
mostly  citizens  of  the  surroimding  settlements,  and  a  few  merchants 
or  traders,  the  latter  appellation  being  applied  to  all  engaged  in  mer- 
chandise or  other  trafific.  We  were  kindly  received  by  the  landlord 
and  his  guests — all  desirous  to  hear  the  news  from  the  "Old  States." 
After  detailing  such  scraps  of  news  as  we  were  in  possession  of.  the 
conversation  became  general,  though  much  varied  in  its  subjects.    For 

veil,     I      I 


50  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

instaiKH',  (iiif  yfiitlcniiiu  ;iskcd  thv  other  if  lu-  had  selected  his  labor; 
to  which  lie  rejdied  affirmatively,  and  that  it  was  the  softest  ])lank  or 
puncheon  in  the  house.  However  uninielligihle  this  was  to  the  un- 
initiated, we  soon  learned  that  all  a  traveler  had  to  expect  in  Texas 
was  something  to  eat  and  shelter,  without  bed  or  bedding  other  than 
what  he  had  provided  for  himself,  which  consisted  of  one  or  two 
blankets  for  bed  and  covering,  and  his  saddle,  or  wallet,  for  a  pillow. 
We  had  an  excellent  dinner  and  good  company,  both  of  which  we 
enjoyed.  Before  closing  this  part  of  my  story,  however,  I  have  a  word 
to  say  of  "mine  host."  He  stood  six  feet  and  an  inch  or  two  in  his 
stockings,  was  full,  fat  and  rubicund,  of  eas\-  and  pleasing  manners,  a 
fund  of  anecdote,  and  a  talent  for  telling  them — he  was  a  true  type  of 
the  boniface  of  olden  times.  Col.  William  I'ettus  delighted  in  doing 
good,  and  was  known  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  colony 
for  his  philaiithropy  and  energy. 

We  next  visited  the  store,  owned  and  kept  by  .Stephen  Richardson 
and  Thomas  Davis,  both  good  and  true  men.  Their  stock  consisted  of 
two  or  three  barrels  of  whisky,  some  sugar,  cotfee.  salt  and  a  few  rem- 
nants of  dry  goods,  in  \  alue  not  exceeding  S.SOO.  Here  we  found  a 
number  of  the  lords  of  Texas.  The\-  seemed  to  be  enjoying  them- 
selves; soine  were  engaged  at  a  game  of  "old  sledge"  or  seven-up  at 
cards;  others  drinking  whisky,  eating  pcloiice  (Mexican  sugar), 
pecans;  and  all  talking.  Wc  were  kindl\-  received,  and  soon  felt  our- 
selves at  home.  ITere,  in  the  course  of  conversation,  we  heard  the 
words  ciih(7llada,  corral,  ricto,  iiiiistaiiii,  etc..  etc. — all  of  which  were 
Greek  to  us.  though  we  had  heard  the  same  words  used  time  and 
again,  but  felt  too  diffident  to  ask  their  meaning.  The  party  intuitive- 
ly concluded  that  we  were  "green  from  the  states"  and  enlightened  us 
as  to  the  meaning  of  the  different  phrases  used,  .\fter  spending  an 
hour  or  more  very  |)leasantlv  we  wended  our  wav  to  Mr.  Heddy's  with 
our  stock  of  knowledge  considerably  increased,  and  highlv  pleased 
w  ith  our  visit  to  the  capital  of  the  colony. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  winter  of  this  vear.  the  colonists  were 
startled  bv  the  news  of  a  movement  bv  Colonel  Edwards,  of  N'acog- 
doches,  who  had  obtained  permission  from  Coahuila  and  Texas  t(j  in- 
troduce and  settle  a  certain  number  of  families  in  Eastern  Texas,  but 
his  contract  being  declared  void,  he  was  ordered  to  leave  the  country, 
b\-  proclamation  of  the  governor;  feeling  himself  ill  used  bv  the  au- 
thorities, he  rai.sed  the  standard  of  revolt  and  allied  himself  with  cer- 
tain of  the  Cherokee  chiefs  who  had  settled  or  "sciuatted"  in  Texas. 
This  news  was  communicated  to  the  Mexican  authorities  at  San  An 
tonio  de  Bexar,  who  called  on  Colonel  .\ustin  to  raise  such  cf)lonia1 
force  as  he  could  to  assist  in  putting  down  the  rebellion  and  in  main- 
taining the  dignity  ;ind  supremacv  of  the  Mexican  government. 

Austin,  foreseeing  the  consequences  of  this  ill-advised  ni';vement 
of  Edwards,  dispatched  commissioners  to  confer  with  him  and  dis 
suade  him  from  his  rash  undertakinsr.  The  mission  was  unsuccessful. 
Capt.  \N'illiam  S.  Hall,  one  of  Austin's  commission'-rs.  reported  that 
Ed\var<ls  had  but  a  small  force  and  would  not  be  able  to  increase  it  to 
;inv  considerable  number. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  51 

During  this  time  I  vis«ited  San  Felipe  de  Austin  frequently.  In 
early  spring,  some  three  hundred  Mexican  troops  arrived  on  their 
march  to  the  seat  of  war.  Tlu-  colonists,  to  nearly  an  equal  number, 
assembled  and  joined  the  Mexicans,  who  showed  no  disposition  U> 
march  further  without  them.  The  Mexican  troops  were  well  provided, 
drilled  regularly,  and  seemed  to  be  under  good  disci])line.  When  not 
on  duty,  both  officers  and  men  indulged  in  their  favorite  game  at 
cards — Monte.  Notwithstanding  the  martial  appearance  of  the  Mex- 
ican troops,  I  could  not  but  feel  that  half  their  number  of  Americans 
would  put  them  to  flight ;  not  that  the  Mexicans  are  deficient  in  cour- 
age, but.  it  may  be  safely  said,  that  they  are  badly  commanded,  though 
many  of  the  of^cers  are  not  onlv  brave  but  gallant  men. 

In  the  spring  of  this  year,  1827,  being  invited  and  solicited  by  tin- 
Messrs.  McCoy  to  accompan}-  them  to  DeWitt's  colony,  and,  being 
desirous  to  see  more  of  the  country,  though  still  subject  to  chill  and 
fever,  I  accepted  the  invitation.  Our  first  day's  travel  brought  us  to 
San  Bernard,  some  fifteen  miles  distant  from  San  Felipe  de  .Austin, 
and  on  what  is  known  as  the  Atascosito  road.  From  thence  we  pro 
ceeded  to  the  Colorado,  which  stream  we  crossed  above  the  road.  The 
weather,  though  cloud}-,  with  an  occasional  shower,  was  quite  pleas- 
ant, and  we  pursued  our  journc}-  without  accident  or  incident  until 
within  some  ten  miles  of  De\Vitt"s  station  on  the  La  Baca.  Though 
the  day  had  been  fair,  it  became  cloudy  at  nightfall.  We  had  built  a 
large  log  fire  and  got  our  suppers ;  soon  after  we  discovered  a  por- 
tentous cloud  in  the  northwest,  and  occasional  peals  of  thunder — it 
had  been  lightening  in  the  north  for  some  time  before  we  heard  the 
thunder.  The  cloud  formed  rapidly  and  soon  darkened  the  heavens, 
and  sent  down  torrents  of  rain.  So  heavy  was  the  rain  that  it  not  only 
wet  us  to  the  skin,  notwithstanding  we  were  wrapped  in  our  blankets, 
but  extinguished  our  fire.  After  an  hour  or  two  the  rain  ceased  and 
the  clouds  broke  up.  The  storm  was  accompanied  by  a  heavy  blow 
from  the  north  and  was  quite  cold. 

After  the  rainstorm  the  wind  continued  to  blow  fiercely,  but  we 
rekindled  the  fire  and  dried  our  clothing  and  blankets,  and  spent  the 
remainder  of  the  night  quite  comfortablv.  While  enjoying  the  fire 
and  drving,  I  observed  to  the  elder  McCoy  that  I  thought  that  the 
drenching  I  had  received  would  either  kill  or  cure  me  ;  to  this  he  replied 
that  I  need  be  under  no  ajiprehensions  of  ill  consecpiences.  In  this 
opinion  he  was  right.  T  improved  in  health  and  strength  from  that 
day  forward. 

At  De  Witt's  Station  \\c  were  kinrlK  received  1)\  Colonel  De  Witt, 
his  family  and  settlers.  I  fere  I  made  the  acquaintance  of  Hon.  fames 
Kerr,  princi])al  surveyor  of  De  Witt's  colonv.  Kerr  was  a  gentleman 
of  the  old  school,  social,  frank  and  hosi)itable.  Our  accpiaintance 
ripened  into  friendship  and  intimacy,  and  so  continued  during  his  life- 
time.    Peace  to  his  manes! 

We  arrived  at  the  busv  season  of  preparing  for  and  planting.  Those 
of  the  settlers  who  had  sufficient  teams  were  breaking  nrairie.  others 
were  clearing  what  was  called  weed  prairies,  and  bottom  lands  soarselv 
timbered,  but   with   a   thick   growth   of   weeds.      When   the   ground   is 


52  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

cleared,  holes  are  made  at  proper  distances  with  a  stick,  and  a  corn 
seed  put  in  the  holes  and  covered.  This  done,  it  is  left  to  grow  and 
ripen  and  receives  no  other  w-ork,  except  to  knock  down  the  weeds; 
the  ground  thus  j)repared  and  planted  will  yield  twenty-five  or  thirty, 
sometimes  forty,  bushels  per  acre.  For  want  of  teams  and  necessary 
implements,  the  settlers  were  planting  in  various  directions,  and  at 
short  distances  frcjm  the  station,  and  consequentlv  were  scattered  and 
separated  for  several  miles  from  each  other.  My  health  much  im- 
proved and  improving  daily,  I  began  to  feel  an  interest  in  the  exertions 
of  the  settlers  to  provide  for  their  families,  as  well  as  newcomers,  a 
sufficiency  of  corn  for  bread ;  as  to  meat,  game  was  abundant.  I 
visited  the  various  planting  grounds,  hunted,  etc.,  and  enjoyed  this 
sort  of  life  very  much.  At  the  station  a  blockliouse  had  been  erected 
to  give  protection  to  the  women  and  children  in  the  event  of  an  attack 
on  the  settlement  by  the  Indians.  Hence,  all  the  families  remained  at 
the  station. 

Whilst  visiting  one  of  these  planting  camps,  and  un  a  hunt  one 
morning,  I  fell  in  with  a  party  of  Carankawa  Indians,  whom  I  con- 
ducted to  the  camp.  Being  in  sight  and  speaking  distance  of  some  of 
the  working  parties,  I  communicated  the  fact  of  our  new  visitors,  and 
requested  them  to  give  notice  to  the  other  working  parties  and  tn 
come  to  camp  quietly  and  without  disclosing  the  least  excitement  or 
alarm.  The  whole  force  was  soon  in,  and  a  messenger  dispatched  to 
the  station  to  inform  Colonel  De  Witt  of  the  presence  of  the  Indians, 
and  to  request  him.  with  such  others  as  he  might  deem  necessary,  to 
come  to  our  camp. 

In  due  time  Colonel  De  Witt,  with  others  arrived.  In  the  mean- 
time we  endeavored  to  make  the  Indians  easy.  They  built  a  small 
fire  within  a  few  yards  of  our  camp.  On  the  arrival  of  Colonel  De 
Witt  and  party  a  talk  was  held  in  which  the  Indians  were  assured  of 
the  i>eaceful  and  friendly  dis])osition  of  the  colonists.  Soon  after  the 
talk,  games  of  cards  were  introduced,  and  the  Indians  began  to  mix 
among  us.  Up  to  this  time  they  had  not  unstrung  their  bows.  Xow 
they  unstrung  their  bows  and  put  aside  their  arrow  cases.  Thence- 
forth all  went  on  w-ell.  The  next  morning  the  Indians  were  invited 
to  the  station,  and  there  feasted  on  bread,  meat  and  milk.  They  were 
much  pleased  with  their  reception  and  kind  treatment  and  declared 
themselves  the  friends  of  De  Witt's  settlement,  and  thenceforth  ob- 
served their  plighted  faith. 

rile  Carankawa  Indians,  thuiigh  but  few  in  numbers  on  account  of 
their  war  with  freebooters.  General  Long.  .Austin's  colonists,  and  other 
tribes  of  Indians,  are  a  noble  looking  race  of  men.  They  are  of  a 
light  copper  color,  six  feet  and  upwards  in  height,  well  formed  and 
muscular.  They  are  esteeined  the  best  bowmen  in  .\merica.  They  are 
now  nearly  or  quite  extinct.    Thev  inhabited  the  Gulf  shore. 

Having  spent  some  month  or  six  weeks  in  De  Witt's  colonv.  and 
having  entirelv  regained  mv  health.  I  returned  to  ."^an  Felipe  de  .Austin 
in  companv  with  W.  B.  White,  who  made  his  wav  to  De  Witt's  Sta- 
tion while  I  was  there.  .\s  will  be  recollected.  I  left  White  at  Lvnch- 
btirg.   in   charge  of  and   tn   make   sale  of  our   venture,   which   he   had 


HISTORY  Ob'  TEXAS  53 

dispotvcd  of,  with  what  profit  1  will  not  pretend  to  say,  further  than 
that  when  he  joined  me  at  the  station,  all  he  had  to  show  was  a  mus- 
tang stallion  and  a  few  dollars,  a  thing  by  no  means  abundant  at  that 
time.  True,  the  Mexican  officers  and  soldiers  had  dropped  a  few  dol- 
lars. The  circulating  medium  at  the  time  being  horses,  cows  and 
calves  at  a  hxed  value,  according  to  class,  deer,  bear  and  other  skins. 
(Jn  my  arrival  in  San  Felipe  de  Austin,  it  was  with  difficulty  that  my 
acquaintances  could  recognize  in  me  the  Frank  Johnson  they  had 
parted  with  but  a  few  weeks  before.  From  San  Felipe  I  proceeded  to 
riarrisburg,  where  1  employed  myself  in  hunting  and  surveying  when 
occasion  ottered.  Now,  for  the  hrst  time,  1  began  to  think  seriously 
of  making  Texas  my  home.  True,  my  new  resolve  was  much  shaken 
by  news  of  the  death  of  my  father.  Had  I  been  in  possession  of,  or 
could  1  have  raised,  means  for  a  trip  to  Missouri,  the  chances  are  that 
1  should  not  have  settled  in  Texas.  In  1828  I  received  the  news  of  the 
death  of  my  mother.  This  removed  all  wish  or  desire  to  return  to 
Missouri.    White,  however,  returned  in  the  fall  of  1828. 

Thus  orphaned,  though  of  full  age,  in  the  world,  as  it  were,  I 
began  to  think  seriously  about  doing  something  for  myself,  a  thing 
about  which  I  had  thought  but  little  previously. 

In  the  early  spring,  1828,  1  made  a  trip  to  San  Antonio  de  I'e.xar,  in 
company  with  William  B.  Aloore,  of  Tennessee,  and  brother  of  John 
H.  Moore,  of  Texas.  John  H.  Moore  accompanied  us  one  day's  travel 
beyond  Burnham's  on  the  Colorado.  We  then  struck  down  the  coun- 
try to  the  Atascosita  road,  followed  the  road  to  where  it  crossed  the 
La  Baca,  and  thence  up  that  stream  to  the  road  leading  to  Gonzales, 
on  the  Guadalupe.  On  my  way  up  we  fell  in  with  a  party  of  Tonkawa 
Indians — friendl}  .  .\t  the  crossing  of  the  upper  road  to  Goliad,  and 
that  to  Gonzales,  1  lost  my  horse  in  consequence  of  a  gang  of  mus- 
tangs passing,  which  caused  him  to  break  loose  and  follow  them, 
flowever,  the  next  morning  we  proceeded  on  our  journey  "riding  and 
tying,"  as  it  is  called,  to  tionzales,  where  I  obtained  a  pony.  The 
settlement  here  had  but  recently  been  formed  by  Colonel  De  Witt  and 
settlers.  Here  was  the  first  house  we  had  stopped  at  since  leaving 
Burnham's  on  the  Colorado.  We  were  hospitably  entertained  by 
Colonel  De  Witt,  and  others,  whom  I  met  with  before  at  the  Station. 
Here  I  met  with  Mr.  Porter,  my  shii)inate  in  '26.  After  resting  two 
or  three  days  at  Gonzales,  and  procuring  a  small  quantity  of  bread, 
being  otherwise  well  iircjvided  with  sugar,  coffee  and  salt,  we  pro- 
ceeded on  our  way  to  San  .Antonio  de  liexar.  which  we  reached  the 
fourth  day,  though  only  distant  seventy-five  Mexican  miles  from  Gon- 
zales. We  had  aliundant  time,  gave  our  horses  amjile  time  to  rest  and 
feed  on  the  ycning  rich  grass,  amusing  ourselves  in  killing  deer  and 
turkeys,  in  excess  of  our  wants.  On  arriving  at  San  ."Xntonio,  we  met 
and  stopped  with  John  W.  .Smith,  an  .'\merican  who  had  married  a 
Mexican  lady.  Smith  was  living  on  the  east  side  of  the  River  .San 
Antonio,  in  what  mav  be  termed  the  suburb  of  the  town. 

San  Antonio  de  Bexar  is  situated  on  both  banks  of  the  San  .Kntonio 
River,  some  three  miles  below  its  source — two  springs  that  break  out 
at  the  foot  of  a  range  of  hills      The  town  is  in  the  form  of  an  oblong 


54 


HISTORY  OF    fEXAS 


square.  The  principal  part  of  the  town  lies  between  the  San  Antonio 
River  and  the  San  Pedro,  which  has  its  source  in  the  same  range  of 
hills,  and  near  the  springs  of  the  San  Antonio.  The  Alamo  is  on  the 
east  bank,  enclosed  by  a  high  and  strong  wall.  Though  built  for  a 
mission,  it  was  a  place  of  considerable  strength,  and  of  capacity  to 
quarter  at  least  1,000  troops,  and  was  occupied  as  a  fortress.  Though 
the  main  town  is  in  the  valley  of  the  San  Antonio,  the  site  is  a  good 
one,  and  remarkably  healthy.  Here  we  met  William  Cheves.  whom  I 
liad  met  al  San  Felipe  de  .\ustin  on  my  tirst  visit  td  that  place,  .Messrs. 


Ar..\Mo  Plaza  About  1857 


Lacock  and  P.  Dimmit,  the  two  tirst.  merchants,  and  the  latter  a  sort 
of  commissary  to  the  troops,  as  well  as  butcher  of  the  town. 

.A  few  days  later  we  were  startled  by  the  report  that  a  Mexican  had 
been  killed  near  town  by  Indians.  The  Mexican  was  out  getting  wood, 
and  was  killed  by  a  band  of  Comanche  Indians  who  passed  in  sight  of 
town.  There  was  great  excitement,  the  drums  beat  to  arms,  the  military 
paraded  and  formed  in  the  square,  the  citizens  stood  in  groups  about 
the  corners  of  streets.  Guards  v.-ere  posted  to  prevent  surprise,  and 
the  troops  marched  to  church,  where  prayers  were  offered  for  the  safety 
of  the  people  and  the  place.  This  done,  the  troops  were  dismissed  and 
retired  to  their  quarters,  with  orders  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  at 
a   moment's  warning.     The  killing  happened   about   the   middle  of  the 


TflSTOm-  OF  TEXAS  55 

.iflernuoii.  The  conduct  of  the  military  to  me  was  most  astonishiiifj  ami 
confirmed  me  in  the  contempt  1  entertained  in  1827.  However,  in  justice 
to  a  part  of  the  Mexican  officers,  I  must  say  that  they  are  not  only  gen- 
tlemen, hut  gallant  soldiers,  .\hout  10  o'clock  the  next  day,  first  having 
attended  prayers  and  received  the  henediction  of  the  Padre,  they  moved 
forward  in  pursuit  of  the  Indians,  then  far  in  advance.  They  returned 
in  the  morning  of  the  next  day  and  rei)orted  that  they  could  not  over- 
take the  Indians,  a  thing  ni'itlirr  the\-  nor  anyhodv  else  ])resent  su]i|iosed 
they  would  do. 

Satisfied  with  a  sightseeing,  we  took  leave  of  our  friends  and  turned 
our  faces  homeward.  We  made  the  Ciholo.  some  twenty-five  miles  dis- 
tant, about  dusk  and  camped  for  the  night.  .\t  ilaylight  next  morning 
we  started  out  to  kill  a  turkey  or  two.  Moore  went  down,  and  1  u))  the 
creek.  .\s  it  became  lighter,  1  noticed  many  trails  and  the  grass  beaten 
down.  On  examination  1  found  it  had  been  done  h\-  Indians  and  their 
horses,  their  tracks  quite  fresh.  Arinmd  our  camp  we  discovered  the 
ashes  of  their  fires,  from  which  we  sup])osed  the  nuntber  to  have  been 
at  least  100,  and  concluded  that  they  had  been  there  not  longer  ago  than 
the  night  before.  This  discovery,  however,  gave  us  no  uneasiness,  as  it 
was  known  that  the  Comanches,  thus  far,  had  not  molested  any  of  the 
.\merican  settlers.  In  this  connection,  1  will  mention  that  there  were 
several  Comanche  chiefs  in  .San  .\ntonio  when  we  arrived  there,  who  had 
come  down  to  hold  a  talk.  The\-  seemed  to  seek  and  court  the  favor  of 
the  few  Americans  in  that  ])lace.  Lacock's  store  was  a  sort  of  ren-kz- 
vous.  A  very  old  chief,  who  seemed  to  take  great  ])leasure  in  talking 
with  us.  on  being  asked  why  they  did  not  take  the  town  replied  that  it 
was  their  rancho ;  that  the  Alexicans  raised  hor.scs  and  mules  for  them, 
\\'e  then  informed  him  that  the  Mexicans  were  going  to  make  a  cam- 
paign against  them  imless  the\'  made  peace.  To  this,  he  remarked:  The 
.S|)aniards  had  bei'n  talking  of  making  a  campaign  against  them  ever  since 
he  was  a  little  boy,  but  had  never  done  it.  He  and  the  other  chiefs 
manifested  great  contem|)t  for  the  Mexicans,  and  treated  them  more  like 
slaves  than  equals. 

On  the  third  day  after  leaving  .San  .\ntonio  de  Bexar  we  got  to  ( lon- 
zales,  where  we  remained  several  flavs,  enjoying  the  hospitality  of  Colonel 
Oe  Witt  and  his  settlers,  the  colonel  and  his  family  in  jiarticular.  From 
here  we  took  the  direct  road  to  San  hY-lipe  de  .Austin.  sto]iping  a  day 
with  John  H.  Moore  on  Cummings'  Creek.  On  mv  arrival  at  .San  Felipe 
1  was  informed  that  White  had  gone  west  with  J.  C.  Peyton's  team. 
I'eyton  expressed  considerable  uneasiness  about  White,  who  had  been 
gone  double  the  length  of  time  anticipated  when  he  left.  Pe>ton  offered 
me  a  hor.sc,  saddle,  and  bridle,  and  money  for  expen?;cs  of  the  trip  if  I 
would  go  in  search  of  White,  Being  anxious  to  learn  if  any  misfortune 
had  befallen  him,  1  agreed  to  go.  Darius  Gregg  joined  me,  as  he  wished 
to  go  to  Cionzales.  The  weather  being  warm  and  the  green-head  flies 
bad,  we  tfiok  the  .'\tascocito  road,  instead  of  the  direct  road  to  ("lonzales, 
the  first  ]iassing  ihrough  timber  most  of  the  wav  to  LaBaca.  and  thence 
up  the  Guadalu|)e.  while  the  second  was  through  ])rairie  generally.  In 
consequence  of  heavy  rains  and  high  water,  we  spent  a  coujile  days  on 
.Vavidad.  \\ilh  Hon.  lames  Kerr.      From  Gonzales  1  journeyed  alone  pari 


56  IIISTORV  OF  TEXAS 

of  thf  way,  and  then  was  accompanied  by  some  Mexicans  to  San  An- 
tonio. Here  I  found  White  well  and  the  team  safe.  He  was  preparing 
to  leave.  There  was  a  man  who  called  himself  Parker,  whom  I  had  seen 
at  San  Felipe  some  months  before,  but  who  had  been  s])ending  some  time 
in  San  Antonio.  He  wished  to  return  to  San  Felipe,  but  not  having  a 
horse,  requested  White  to  allow  him  to  ride  in  the  wagon,  which  he  did. 
There  was  also  a  Mexican,  a  cigarmaker,  w^ho  wished  to  go  with  us  and 
did.  We  arrived  at  San  Felipe  without  accident  or  incident  worthy  of 
note.  Soon  after  arriving  there,  however,  suspicion  fastened  upon  Parker 
as  the  murderer  of  a  Mr.  Early,  with  whom  Parker  had  come  to  Texas. 
I'arker  was  arrested  and  confined.  Upon  enquiry  and  search  being  made, 
the  body  of  Early  was  found,  clothing,  saddle,  etc. ;  also  proof  that  Parker 
passed  through  Gonzales  with  a  horse  answering  the  description  of  the 
one  ridden  by  Early,  and  without  a  saddle ;  and  further,  that  Parker 
had  sold  the  horse  in  San  Antonio,  played  at  iiioiifc,  and  seemed  to  have 
plenty  of  money  in  gold.  It  was  also  proven  that  Early  left  the  United 
States  to  come  to  Texas  to  buy  horses  and  mules,  and  had  brought  a 
considerable  amount  of  money  in  gold — Spanish  doubloons.  In  New- 
Orleans  he  found  Parker,  who  expressed  a  wish  to  go  to  Texas,  but  had 
no  means.  Early  informed  him  of  the  object  of  his  visit  to  Texas,  and 
])ropf>sed  to  pay  his  ))assage  if  he,  Parker,  would  accompany  and  assist 
iiini  with  the  horses  and  mules  he  intended  to  purcha.se.  This  Parker 
readily  agreed  to.  On  arriving  at  San  Felipe,  Flarly  could  purchase  but 
one  horse,  saddle  and  bridle,  though  he  tried  for  some  time  to  get  one 
for  Parker.  Early  told  Parker  they  would  "ride  and  tie"  until  he  could 
get  a  horse  for  him.  They  left  together  and  nothing  more  was  known 
of  Early  until  his  body  was  found.  So  strong  were  the  facts  and  cir- 
cumstances, that  no  doubt  remained  of  Parker's  guilt.  While  confined, 
he  w-as  attacked  with  fever,  of  which  he  died,  before  he  could  be  brought 
to  trial,  liefore  his  death,  however,  he  made  a  full  confession  to  Thomas 
M.  Duke,  E.sq..  alcalde  of  the  jurisdiction  of  .Austin,  and  Dr.  James  B. 
Miller,  of  -San  Felipe,  both  Kentuckians,  that  he  had  not  only  killed  and 
robbed  Early,  but  that  he  had  killed  two  men  in  Kentucky.  For  the 
murder  of  the  last  he  was  convicted  and  sentence  of  death  passed  upon 
him,  but  he  had  been  pardoned  bv  his  father,  the  then  governor  of  Ken- 
tucky ;  had  made  his  way  to  New  Orleans,  where  he  had  grown  old  and 
spent  all  of  his  money  when  Early  found  him.  as  before  stated.  He  also 
confes.sed  that  he  had  spent  and  gambled  away  nearly  all  the  money  he 
had  robbed  Early  of  when  he  joined  White  to  come  to  .San  Felipe  ;  that 
his  intention  was  to  kill  White,  myself,  and  the  Mexican,  and  take  what 
money  While  had — -several  hundred  dollars  in  silver — but  that  he  was 
prevented  from  making  the  attempt  by  the  watchfulness  of  the  Mexican. 
While  im])risoned  in  Kentucky  and  under  sentence  of  death  he  attempted 
suicide  by  cutting  his  throat,  in  consequence  of  which  he  wore  a  silver 
tube  and  could  only  make  himself  heard  by  a  loud  whisper.  Parker  was 
an  assumed  name.     His  true  name  was  Isaac  P>.  DeShay. 

After  spending  a  few  days  in  San  Felipe,  I  returned  to  Harrisburg 
and  laid  out  that  town.  In  the  fall  1  went  uji  to  San  Fclijie  and  engaged 
as  a  merchant's  clerk  in  the  house  of  White  and  Harris. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  57 

111  the  Miiiinicr  (it  1827  \\w  (.'aiankawas  killed  the  families  of  Rose. 
Cavanaugh,  Graves,  and  \\  illiams.  On  learning  of  this  disaster  Captain 
A.  C.  Buckner,  of  the  neighborhood  of  Bay  Prairie,  in  which  the  above 
murders  were  committed,  rai'^ed  such  force  as  he  could  at  short  notice, 
and  started  in  jjursuit  of  the  Indians.  When  he  had  got  within  80  or 
100  yards  of  the  Colorado  River,  he  sent  forward  one  of  his  men  Moses 
Morrison,  to  ascertain  whether  the  Indians  were  about  the  river. 
.Morrison  crawled  through  the  high  grass  to  the  bank  of  the  river,  where 
lie  heard  the  Indians  talking,  at  the  edge  of  the  bank  below  ;  to  ascertain 
both  their  exact  position  and  numbers,  he  put  his  head  over  the  bank, 
but  could  not  see  their  position  nor  ascertain  their  numbers,  therefore' 
be  moved  his  body  suft'iciently  over  to  give  him  a  full  view.  While  in 
this  position  the  bank  gave  way,  being  undermined  by  the  washing  of 
the  water,  and  precipitated  him  into  the  midst  of  the  Indians,  with  his 
rifle  in  hand.  As  he  descended  he  hallowed  in  a  voice  stronger  than 
polite,  "Here  I  come,  d —  you."  So  unexpected  and  sudden  was  Alor- 
rison's  fall  among  them  that  in  their  fright  they  leaped  into  the  river, 
iherebv  hoping  to  escajie  the  danger  that  awaited  them.  Buckner,  seeing 
.M(jrrison  disappear  and  hearing  him  halloo,  marched  forward  with  his 
men  and  opened  fire  on  the  Indians;  Morrison,  however,  got  the  first 
shot  at  them.  The  Indians  swam  down  the  river  where  they  had  a  canoe. 
Pursuit  and  an  irregular  firing  was  kept  up  the  Indians  diving  and 
swimming  under  water  as  long  as  they  could,  and  then  coming  to  the 
surface  for  air.  Whenever  a  head  api)eared  above  the  surface  of  the 
water  a  rifle  was  ready  to  sjieed  the  messenger  of  death.  Ultimately  two 
reached  the  canoe,  cast  loose,  and  threw  themselves  flat  in  the  bottom, 
l-'ortiinatelv  for  them,  the  wind  sprang  u()  and  drove  their  canoe  sea- 
ward, and  soon  out  of  reach  of  the  pursuers. 

Moses  Morrison  was  a  true  type  of  the  frontiersmen — bold,  fearless, 
kind  and  generous,  and  performed  well  his  part  in  subduing  the  wilder- 
ness and  driving  back  the  savage.  Cajitain  Buckner  was  a  true  patriot 
and  gallant  soldier.  He  was  killed  in  the  battle  of  Velasco  in  18,32.  Cap- 
tains .\.  C  Buckner  and  Robert  Kuykendall  were  minute  men  in  the  true 
sense  of  the  word,  and  rendered  the  first  settlers  of  Austin's  colony  good 
service.  Whenever  the  Caraiikawas  made  an  inroad  on  the  settlement, 
thev  collected  such  force  as  the\  could  and  gave  ]iursuit,  and  woe  to  thi' 
marauders  that  they  encountered. 

This  was  the  last  fight  the  colonists  had  with  the  Carankawas.  In  the 
fall  of  the  same  year  the  colonists  were  greatly  strengthened  by  immi- 
gration, and  could  muster  a  res|)ectable  force  of  fighting  men.  Colonel 
.Austin  determined  to  relieve  his  settlers  from  further  raids  of  the 
Carankawas.  .Accordingly  he  raised  a  force  of  100  men,  of  whom  Col. 
[ared  !•"..  Groce.  Sr.,  and  thirty  of  his  negroes  formed  a  jiart.  .Austin 
was  determined  to  exterminaie  or  drive  them  beyond  the  .American  settle- 
ments. 

\\'hen  near  (ioliad  he  was  met  by  the  priest  of  that  ])lace,  who  repre- 
sented to  .Austin  that  the  Indians  had  placed  them.selves  in  his  charge 
and  care:  and  that  thev  desired  to  treat  with  him  for  peace,  the  i)riest 
pledging  himself  for  their  good  behavior.  Austin  accejited  the  |)ro[iosi- 
tion.  .ind  concluded  a  treaty.      B\    the   terms  of   the   treaty   they   were  not 


58  HISTORY  01<"    TEXAS 

to  come  east  of  the  San  Antonio  River.  Whether  or  not  they  observed 
the  treaty  to  the  letter,  they  never  after  entered  Austin's  colony. 

These  Indians  occupied  the  coast  country  from  Galveston  to  the  San 
.Antonio  River.  They  lived  principally  on  fish  and  oysters,  and  picked 
up  such  articles  as  were  driven  ashore  from  wrecked  vessels 

Although  the  colonists  were  comparatively  strong,  they  were  subject 
to  frequent  Indian  raids.  Indeed  they  had  been  so  frequent  that  Colonel 
-Austin  ordered  out  two  companies  of  militia,  commanded  by  Captains 
Oliver  Jones  and  Bartlet  Sims,  both  subject  to  the  orders  of  Captain 
.\bner  Kuykendall.  At  the  same  time.  Colonel  De  Witt  ordered  out  a 
company  of  his  militia,  under  command  of  Captain  Henry  S.  Brown,  to 
unite  and  act  in  concert  with  Austin's  troops. 

The  troops  formed  a  junction  at  Gonzales,  and  marched  for  the  river 
.San  Saba,  where  they  were  informed  the  \\'aco  and  Tehuacana  Indiana- 
were  encamped  near  its  head.  When  near  the  point  of  destination,  how- 
ever, they  were  discovered  by  Indian  scouts,  who  immediately  gave  notice 
of  the  near  approach  of  the  Texans.  The  Indians  made  a  ])recipitate 
retreat,  leaving  most  of  their  camp  equipage,  dried  meat,  etc.  Captain 
Sims,  with  his  company,  followed  them,  captured  a  number  of  their 
horses,  but  could  not  overtake  the  Indians.  In  this  affair  one  Indian 
was  killed  and  the  camps  destroyed. 

About  this  time  (summer  of  1829)  or  soon  thereafter,  Don  Caspar 
Flores,  of  San  Antonio  de  Bexar,  raised  a  force  of  militia  and  marched 
upon  the  Waco  and  Tehuacana  villages. 

In  the  winter  of  1828-29  Thomas  Thompson,  of  Colorado,  near  Bas- 
troj).  discovered  Indians  in  his  cornfield,  which  was  some  distance  from 
his  house,  taking  hi>  corn.  He  hastily  collected  such  of  his  neighbors 
as  he  could  and  pursued  the  Indians.  They  overtook  and  killed  four  of 
them ;  the  others  made  good  their  escape. 

1829. — In  the  spring  of  this  year  I  went  down  to  Bell's  Landing  on 
the  Brazos,  and  took  charge  of  a  mercantile  house  established  by  White 
and  Harris.  Harris  died  during  the  summer  of  this  vear.  and  I  was 
requested  by  White  to  assist  him  in  closing  up  the  business  of  the  con- 
cern. While  here  I  made  the  acquaintance  of  Captain  John  Austin,  of 
Brazoria,  who  was  engaged  in  merchandize  and  running  a  vessel  in  the 
New  Orleans  trade.  I  had  made  the  acquaintance  of  Samuel  M.  Wil- 
liams, Esq.,  >ccretary  of  Austin's  colony,  of  whom  1  shall  speak  more 
at  length  hereafter,  also  that  of  George  B.  McKinstry.  In  December 
1  received  the  appointment  of  deputy  surveyor  for  one  of  the  districts 
in  Eastern  Texas. 

I  should  have  before  stated  that  1  made  the  acquaintance  of  Hon. 
David  (J.  Burnet.  Col.  Stephen  F.  Austin.  James  B.  .\ustin,  an  only 
brother  of  the  colonel's,  Hon.  Robert  M.  \\'iniamson — three-legged 
Willie — Hon.  Richard  Ellis,  in  fine,  most  of  the  settlers  of  Austin's  colony. 
During  the  summer  of  this  year,  Colonel  Austin  made  a  campaign  against 
the  Waco  and  Tehuacana  Indians  on  the  upper  Brazos.  The  expedition 
resulted  in  the  killing  of  a  squaw  by  accident,  the  burning  of  their  village, 
and  the  destruction  of  their  cro])s.  They  had  been  very  troublesome  for 
some  time  and  had  made  freipient   raids  on  the  settlements. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  59 

In  the  summer  of  this  year  a  Doctor  Dayton,  who  had  but  recently 
arrived,  produced  considernble  discontent  by  informing  Austin's  set- 
tlers that  they  were  being  imposed  upon;  that  Austin  was  imposing  a 
tax  of  twelve  and  a  half  cents  per  acre  on  all  the  lands  that  had  been 
granted  to  them,  without  authority  of  law,  and  ior  the  purpose  of 
enriching  himself.  Unfounded  and  sill}-  as  this  report  was.  there  were 
those  who  were  weak  enough  and  wicked  enough  to  believe  it.  En- 
couraged by  those  who  lent  him  a  willing  ear  and  the  excitement 
which  the  story  created,  he  gave  notice  of  a  public  meeting,  to  be  held 
at  San  Felipe  de  Austin  at  a  certain  hour,  for  the  purpose  of  investiga- 
tion and  discussion.  The  jx-ople  assembled  at  the  apj)ointed  time,  but 
to  the  astonishment  of  the  doctor,  he  found  but  few  who  had  listened 
to  and  pledged  him  their  sujiport.  A  committee  was  ajjpointed  l)y  the 
meeting  and  directed  to  hear  and  decide  upon  the  charges  jireferred, 
and  to  recommend  such  further,  if  any,  action  should  be  taken  m 
the  matter.  After  a  full  hearing  and  investigation  the  committee  re- 
ported the  charges  unfounded  and  false;  that  they  regarded  Doctor 
Dayton  as  a  disturber  of  the  peace  and  quiet  of  the  colony  and  un- 
worthy to  be  received  as  a  colonist,  and  lastly^  that  he  should  be 
tarred,  feathered,  ridden  on  a  rail  througli  the  town,  and  ordered  to 
leave  the  colon)'  on  a  day  named,  on  pain  of  being  turned  over  to  the 
Mexican  authorities.  The  recommendation  \\as  accepted  and  prompt- 
ly carried  into  execution,  since  which  time  nothing  further  has  been 
heard  of  the  doctor.  Thus  ended  the  Dayton  excitement  and  the  first 
trial,  judgment  and  execution  under  Judge  Lynch. 

In  the  latter  part  of  December  1  went  to  Nacogdoches,  where  I 
found  the  commissioner,  Juan  .Antonio  Padilla,  and  Thomas  Jefferson 
Chambers,  surveyor  general,  both  of  whom  had  established  their 
offices  in  that  old  town.  Empresario  contracts  covered  most  of  this 
territory.  Some  had  forfeited  their  contracts;  others  had  sold  to 
companies  in  the  United  States,  who  had  done  nothing  to  comply  with 
the  original  contract.  Settlements  had  been  made  at  an  early  day 
from  the  Sabine  to  the  Trinity  River.  Through  the  influence  of 
Colonel  Austin  a  commissioner  was  appointed  by  the  state  govern- 
ment to  extend  titles  to  these  people.  On  reporting  to  the  commis- 
sioner. I  was  assigned  to  the  Ayish  Bayou  District.  1  found  there 
Thomas  H.  and  John  1'.  Rorden.  B.  Simms  and  several  other  sur- 
veyors; the  first  three  from  .Austin's  colony.  Here  1  became 
acquainted  with  Thomas  F.  AIcKinney,  of  whom  I  shall  speak  here- 
after, John  S.  Roberts,  Col.  Frost  Thorn.  Charles  H.  Sims,  Charles  S. 
Taylor.  Adolphus  Sterne.  George  Pollitt.  and  many  others  of  Nacog- 
doches. I  also  met  William  Moore  of  Kentucky,  but  then  of  .\yish 
Bayou,  and  Elisha  Roberts,  with  whom  Aloore  was  living.  Moore 
was  anxious  to  engage  in  surveying,  but  wished  to  join  some  one  who 
was  a  practical  surveyor,  as  he  had  no  i)ractice  other  than  that  given 
at  school.  We  formed  a  partnership  and  surveyed  our  district  in 
part,  but  stopped  work  in  consequence  of  the  arrest  and  imprisonment 
of  the  commissioner  on  false  charges,  .\fter  months  of  confinement 
he  was  released  \\ithout  a  trial,  lie  was  soon  after  made  secretary  of 
state.     He  was  a  man  of  t;ilent.  ;ind  devoted  p;itriotism.     Before  leav- 


W  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

ing  Xacugdoclu-s  Johnson  met  witli  George  W.  Sm\  the,  who  had  just 
arrived  in  the  country.  Smythe  sfion  after  was  appointed  to  survey 
the  Neches  district. 

1830 — After  quitting  work  in  the  district.  1  returned  to  Nacog- 
doches. Moore  remained  to  close  up  our  business  and  make  collec- 
tions of  our  fees.  In  July  or  August,  accompanied  by  Charles  S.  Tay- 
lor, I  returned  to  San  Felipe  dc  Austin,  where  a  short  time  before  our 
arrival  a  man  had  been  killed — Holcomb,  a  lawyer  of  eminence,  by  11. 
H.  League  and  Seth  Ingram.  Moore  came  to  San  Felipe  in  the  fall. 
and  soon  after  was  made  deputy  sheriff.  While  1  had  been  absent, 
William  H.  Jack,  Esq.,  a  prominent  lawyer,  had  arrived.  Luke  Lesas- 
sier,  another  prominent  lawyer,  had  arrived  in  1829. 

In  the  fall  Thomas  Barnett,  alcalde  of  the  jurisdiction,  authorized 
Capt.  Abner  Kuykendall  to  raise  a  company  for  the  purpose  of  break- 
ing up  a  lawless  gang  whose  headquarters  were  supposed  to  be  in 
Gonzales.  Before  leaving,  however,  I,  having  joined  the  company, 
was  out  in  search  of  Hiram  Friley,  the  reported  leader,  who  had  killed 
a  man — Fielding  Porter,  my  ship  companion — but  recently  in  Gon- 
zales, and  was  keeping  out  of  the  way  of  the  law,  and  known  to  be  in 
.Austin's  Colony.  A  man  by  the  name  of  Little,  after  being  severely 
"lynched,"  confessed  that  he  had  been  harboring  and  feeding  Friley. 
EJi  Mitchel  and  myself  visited  Mrs.  Little,  who  informed  us  that 
Friley  was  to  meet  her  at  their  spring,  some  hundred  or  two  yards 
distant,  and  that  if  we  would  secrete  ourselves  she  would  invite  Friley 
to  the  house.  At  the  time  agreed  on  she  went  to  the  spring  and  Friley 
came  u\)  with  her.  As  soon  as  we  were  discovered  he  halted,  brought 
his  gun  to  his  shoulder.  In  the  meantime  1  hoisted  my  gim  and  took 
aim,  but  she  missed  tire.  I  dropped  my  gun  and  reached  back  and 
told  Mitchel  to  hand  me  his  gun.  which  he  did.  1  raised  and  tired,  the 
load  entering  Friley's  breast,  and  knocking  off  the  hammer  of  his 
gun ;  he  ran  some  six  or  eight  steps  and  fell  der.d  on  the  porch.  Hav- 
ing ordered  Little  out  of  the  colony  we  then  proceeded  to  Gonzales. 

The  Bolms  of  that  place  were  known  to  be  connected  with  the  gang. 
After  a  strict  and  close  examination  of  the  old  man  and  his  son.  without 
gaining  any  information,  it  was  decided  to  subject  the  son  to  the  ordeal 
of  lynching.  He  confessed  his  and  his  father's  complicity  and  said  he 
would  conduct  us  to  the  camp  of  the  outlaws,  some  thirty  or  forty  miles 
above  Gonzales,  on  the  Guadalupe  River,  where  he  said  they  had  a  con- 
siderable number  of  horses  and  mules.  In  the  meantime  Colonel  Austin 
arrived,  being  on  his  way  to  Saltillo.  the  capital  of  the  state,  to  attend 
the  session  of  the  state  congress  of  which  he  was  a  delegate.  The  next 
morning  we  received  the  news  of  the  killing  of  Roark  and  one  or  two 
others  by  Indians,  near  the  landing  on  the  San  .Antonio  road.  A  party 
was  sent  out  as  an  escort,  with  Colonel  .Austin,  and  to  bury  the  dead. 
The  next  day  Captain  Kuydendali  moved  up  the  river,  guided  by  young 
Bolm.  We  found  a  place  where  horses  and  luules  had  been  kept  either 
by  Indians  or  white  men,  but  thev  had  been  removed.  We  pursued  our 
course  north  for  some  distance  without  making  any  discovery.  We  then 
turned  to  the  eastward,  to  near  the  divide  between  the  waters  of  Guada- 
lupe  and   Colorado   rivers.     Having   stopi)ed    for   breakfast   and    to   kill 


lIlSTOm-  OF  TEXAS  61 

<;aiiie.  oiU'  of  our  luintcr.--  rLtnrncd  and  rt.-])ort(.-cl  seeinu;  iwo  Indians  below 
our  camp.  Thus  things  remained,  and  the  men  were  engaged  in  cooking, 
when  I  suggested  to  Captain  Kuykendall  the  necessity  of  sending  out  a 
party  to  ascertain  the  number  and  position  of  the  Indians,  and  to  order 
the  horses  caught  and  made  ready  for  removal  or  use.  He  requested  me 
l(t  take  such  number  of  men  as  I  thought  necessary,  and  scan  the  country 
in  the  direction  where  the  Indians  had  been  seen.  The  Indians  had  evi- 
deiitlv  heard  the  reports  of  our  guns,  and  had  been  sent  out  to  discover 
our  numbers  and  positions,  but  had  returned  when  they  saw  our  hunters. 
1  selected  five  or  six  men  for  the  purpose  indicated.  Before  leaving,  I 
requested  Captain  Kuykendall  to  keep  his  men  in  camp ;  telling  him  that 
if  I  di.scovered  the  Indians  and  could  draw  them  out  in  pursuit  of  us,  1 
would  dispatch  a  man  to  him,  and  that  he  should  have  all  the  horses 
removed  out  of  sight,  and  take  position  in  a  ravine  near  by,  which  ran 
down  to  a  small  creek  not  more  than  a  hundred  yards  from  our  fires.  I 
then  moved  forward,  keeping  down  the  small  creek  some  three  miles  to 
a  considerable  bluff,  which  commanded  a  bottom  prairie  some  half  mile 
in  width  and  running  to  the  timber  of  another  creek.  Here  we  saw  two 
or  three  Indians  come  out  of  the  timber,  and  they  were  soon  followed 
by  others.  They  soon  saw  us,  hallooed  and  beckoned  us  to  them.  Some 
twenty  or  twenty-five  had  got  into  the  prairie;  all  on  foot  except  one,  the 
chief,  who  was  mounted  on  a  horse.  When  they  saw  we  would  not 
advance  they  came  forward  at  a  run.  When  thev  had  made  about  half 
the  distance  across  the  |)rairie  thev  fired  several  shots,  one  of  which 
struck  one  of  our  horses,  and  wounded  him  slightly,  .\fter  being  satis- 
fied that  they  would  pursue  us  if  we  retreated  slowly,  I  dispatched  a 
man  to  Captain  Kuykendall  to  inform  him  that  we  would  bring  the 
Indians  into  the  ambush  The  Indians  jiursued.  firing  an  occasional  shot, 
and  we  retreated  slowlv  before  them,  l^nfortunately,  the  firing  so  ex- 
cited the  men  at  camp  that  thev  set  forward  without  regard  to  order,  and 
came  rushing  to  our  assistance.  We  re(|uested  them  to  return  to  the. 
camp,  which  thev  did,  but  not  before  thev  were  .seen  by  the  Indians.  The 
Indians,  after  this  discovery,  moved  more  slowly  and  cautiously,  and 
when  within  a  quarter  of  a  mile  of  our  camp,  took  position  in  a  cedar 
thicket,  with  a  small  prairie  intervening  it  and  the  post  oaks.  Seeing  that 
they  did  not  intend  to  advance  further,  and  as  thev  opened  fire  from  the 
thicket,  the  main  body  of  the  men  rushed  forward  and  formed  near  the 
edge  of  the  jtrairie  in  the  post  oaks.  Thev  were  ordered  not  to  fire  with- 
iiiU  orders.  Regardless  of  this  order,  several  shots  were  fired,  but  with- 
out elTect.  as  the  Indians  were  some  .WO  yards  distant.  It  was  aiipariMit 
that  they  could  not  be  dislodged  or  driven  from  their  jxjsition  without 
exposing  our  men  to  a  destructive  fire,  and  ;i  cost  of  many  lives.  The 
captain  then  asked  what  was  best  to  be  done.  He  was  advised  to  draw 
off  his  force  at  a  quick  pace  in  the  direction  of  our  camp,  the  ravine  in 
rear,  and  the  creek  on  our  right  flank,  hoping  thus  to  draw  the  Indians 
from  their  cover,  and  attack  them  at  advantage.  Thev  advanced  slowly 
and  cautiously  under  cover  of  the  timber  and  brush  of  the  creek  and  out  of 
range  of  our  guns.  We  then  crossed  the  creek  and  took  up  a  position 
from  which  we  could  observe  their  movements.  Thus  foiled  by  our  own 
imprudence   we  lost   rin  nppiirtunit\    of  ch.'isiising,  if  not  destroying,  this 


62  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

band  of  savage  marauders.  After  nianoeuvering  to  get  advantage  of 
these  wily  sons  of  the  forest  and  prairies  to  no  effect,  we  took  up  the 
line  of  march  for  Gonzales.  The  night  of  the  day  of  our  arrival.  Indians 
entered  the  town  and  stole  several  horses,  shot  at  some  of  the  citizens, 
and  attempted  to  lasso  another.  The  next  morning,  it  was  discovered  by 
their  fire,  and  other  signs,  that  the  party  did  not  consist  of  more  tliaii 
five  or  six  Indians.     Pursuit  was  useless. 

After  ordering  the  Bolms  out  of  the  colony,  the  company  returned  to 
San  Felipe.  This  little  expedition  had  the  effect  of  breaking  up  the  out- 
laws, and  giving  quiet  to  the  .\ustin  and  De  Witt  colonies.  In  the  mean- 
time, an  election  had  been  ordered  for  alcalde  and  members  of  the  ayun- 
tamiento  of  the  municipality  of  Au,stin.  My  name  was  offered  for  the 
office  of  alcalde.  I  was  elected  by  a  larpe  majority  over  my  competitor, 
qualified,  and  entered  uijon  the  duties  of  the  office.  This  is  an  impor- 
tant and  responsible  office,  with  jurisdiction  in  all  civil  and  criminal 
]iroceedings. 

In  1831,  the  state  congress  passed  a  decree  requiring  all  merchants 
and  traders  to  take  out  and  pay  a  license  tax.  The  national  government, 
during  the  same  period,  established  three  additional  posts  in  Texas — one 
at  Tenoxtitlan.  upper  Brazos.  Col.  Francisco  Ruiz,  commander :  one  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Brazos,  commanded  bv  Colonel  Ugartechea.  and  one 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Trinity,  .\nahuac,  commanded  by  Col.  Juan  Davis 
Bradburn.  The  declared  object  for  establishing  the  military  posts  was 
to  give  protection  to  the  frontier,  and  to  insure  the  better  collection  of 
custom  duties,  but  the  real  object  was  to  hold  in  check  if  not  overawe  the 
colonists,  of  whom  thev  were  both  jealous  and  afraid.  .\  kindred  meas- 
ure more  insulting  and  unjust  and  calculated  to  effect  the  colony  disas- 
trouslv  was  the  decree  of  the  6th  of  April.  18,^0,  b\-  which  all  North 
.Americans  were  prohibited  from  cominsj  to  and  settling  in  Texas. 

In  the  early  part  of  Johnson's  administration  complaint  was  entered 
by  Colonel  Ruiz  against  a  Mr.  Millican,  whom  he  charged  with  .seizing 
and  whipping  one  of  his  soldiers.  This  Millican  denied,  and  charged 
that  he  found  the  soldier  with  one  of  his  beeves.  To  avoid  turning  Mil- 
lican over  to  the  Mexican  authorities  as  long  as  pos.sible.  the  case  was 
submitted  to  the  political  chief  at  Bexar,  and  a  correspondence  at  once 
took  place  between  the  alcalde  and  chief,  which  was  continued  until  near 
the  end  of  his  ofticial  term,  and  for  once  beating  them  with  their  own 
weapons.  For  this  success  the  alcalde  was  indebted  to  Samuel  M.  Wil- 
liams, Esq.,  colonial  secretary,  and  also  of  the  ayuntamiento  of  Austin 
who  conducted  the  correspondence.  But  our  troubles  were  not  to  end 
with  the  Millican  affair.  Col.  Martin  Parmer,  a  prominent  actor  in  the 
Fredonian  affair,  who  had  left  the  country  in  conse((uence,  returned,  and 
as  if  to  heard  the  lion  in  his  den.  in  comjjany  witli  Col.  James  Bowie 
visited  .'^an  .AiUonio.  Po]nilar  as  Bowie  was  at  that  time  with  the  Mex- 
icans, he  could  not  disabuse  them  of  the  jealousy  and  fears  of  Parmer. 
Parmer,  finding  his  situation  unpleasant  if  not  dangerous,  soon  returned. 
An  order  was  immediately  directed  to  the  alcalde  asking  the  arrest  of 
Parmer.  .Xccompanying  this  was  a  subaltern  officer  and  file  of  men, 
who  rejjorted  themselves  to  the  alcalde  and  held  themselves  subject  to 
his  order.      Without  unnecessary  delay,  yet  sufficient  to  enable  Parmer's 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  63 

frieiuis  lo  give  liiiii  notice  of  the  unfriendly  intention  of  the  Mexican 
authorities,  the  necessary  writ  for  the  arrest  of  Parmer  was  placed  in  the 
hands  of  tlie  deputy  sherilT,  Cajitain  Francis  Adams,  friend  and  associate 
of  Parmer.  Accompanied  by  the  officer  and  his  squad  of  men  Adams 
proceeded  to  make  diligent  search  for  Parmer,  but  the  bird  had  flown, 
the  search  was  unsuccessful,  the  party  returned  and  reported,  much  dis- 
ap]iointed.  and  the  officer  somewhat  chopf alien.  Thus,  again,  were  the 
colonists  relieved  of  another  unpleasant  alTair.  Small  as  these  things 
were  in  themselves,  they  were  fair  and  true  instances  of  the  feelings 
indulged  toward  the  Anglo-Americans  by  the  Mexican  authority  They 
tirsi  took  alarin  at  the  rising  at  Nacogdoches  in  1826  under  the  lead  of 
Fdwards,  which  may  be  said  to  be  the  germ  seed  of  their  subsequent 
troubles,  and  the  war  of  independence. 

In  the  early  part  of  '.M  Francisco  Madero,  accompanied  by  J.  M. 
Carbajal,  arrived  at  San  Felipe  de  Austin,  on  his  way  to  the  lower  Trinity 
in  Kastern  Texas.  Madero  had  been  ajipointed  commissioner  for  the 
purpose  of  extending  titles  to  the  settlers  in  that  region  and  to  establish 
and  organize  a  jurisdiction  and  cause  to  be  elected  an  alcalde  and  other 
municipal  officers.  After  spending  a  few  days  at  San  Felipe,  the  com- 
missioner, with  his  surveyor,  Carbajal,  proceeded  to  Liberty,  on  the 
Trinity,  and  entered  upon  his  duties  with  promptness  and  efficiency  : 
organized  a  municipality,  and  ordered  an  election  for  the  necessary 
officers,  who  were  dulv  installed  and  immediatelv  entered  upon  their 
several  duties. 

Madero,  by  his  independence  and  nianl\  course,  soon  drew  upon  him- 
self and  the  surveyor  the  prejudice,  distrust,  and  jealously  of  Rradburn. 
the  military  commander  of  the  post  of  .\nahuac.  Under  one  pretext 
and  another,  Bradburn  caused  Madero  and  Carbajal  to  be  arrested  and 
confined,  thereby  sus])ending  their  ofticial  ftmctions. 

The  gross  illegality  of  this  act  is  too  manifest  to  retpiire  ;irgumenl 
or  comment.  Madero  was  acting  under  the  authority  of  the  state  govern- 
ment, and  in  strict  conformity  to  both  the  decree  and  the  laws  of  the 
State  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.  Not  satisfied,  however,  Bradburn  abol- 
ished the  munici|ja!ity.  and  established  one  at  .Xnahuac.  without  the 
sanction  or  knowledge  of  the  state  government. 

.As  if  not  satisfied  with  these  acts  of  lawlessness  and  violence,  he 
nexl  arrested  and  imprisoned  a  number  of  citizens  in  the  fort,  imder 
one  pretext  or  another.  Of  those  arrested  and  imprisoned  William 
Barrett  Travis,  Patrick  C.  Jack,  .Samuel  P.  Allen  and  Monroe  Edwards 
were  of  the  number.  These  arrests  and  imprisonments  were  made  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  spring  of  18.32.  In  the  meantime,  the  constituted 
rmthorities  of  Liberty  continued  to  exercise  their  several  offices,  not- 
withstanding the  orders  and  threats  made  by  Bradburn. 

Having  served  out  my  term  of  office,  I  was  succeeded  by  Horatio 
Chriesman,  as  first,  and  John  Austin,  as  second  alcalde,  in  1832. 

In  the  fall  of  1832  I  was  appointed  principal  surveyor  of  Austin's 
Colony.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  fall,  in  company  with  my  friend  and 
])artner,  William  Moore,  I  ])roceeded  to  Tenoxtitlan  on  the  ujjper 
I'razus.  and  ctmimenced   work  in   what   was  kni.)\\n   as   the    Nashville 


(A  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

Grant,  or  Robertson  Colony,  where  we  continued  to  work  until   the 
early  part  of  July,  1833. 

This  year  marks  two  remarkable  occurrences — the  great  ovcrfloic 
and  cholera.  Moore  was  engaged  on  the  Upper  Brazos  and  I  on  San 
Andres,  or  Little  River.  Tenoxtitlan  was  the  highest  settlement  on 
the  Brazos,  except  a  trading  post  established  by  Francis  Smith  at  the 
falls  of  the  Brazos.  In  the  spring  of  this  year  I  found  myself  and 
party  one  morning  surrounded  by  Indians.  We  had  noticed  fresh 
"signs"  the  evening  before.  However,  as  our  position  was  a  secure 
one  and  the  Indians  perceived  us  prepared  to  defend  ourselves,  they 
declared  themselves  friends ;  held  a  talk  and  departed,  apparently  well 
satisfied.  They  were  a  hunting  party,  and  encamped  on  a  creek  some 
two  miles  distant,  where  they  remained  some  time,  but  gave  us  no 
trouble.  They  were  quite  a  strong  party,  numbering  some  hundred 
and  fifty.  In  the  latter  part  of  June,  while  engaged  making  surveys 
on  the  San  Antonio  road,  the  road  being  the  line  between  the  lower 
and  upper  colony,  I.  with  a  boy  whom  I  had  with  me,  and  a  Mr.  Con- 
nell,  was  meandering  the  road  and  establishing  the  courses  of  various 
tracts,  and  Thomas  A.  Graves,  with  the  main  partv,  was  running  the 
extension  line,  we  fell  in  with  a  small  party  of  Tonkawa  Indians.  Con- 
nell  and  the  boy  had  made  a  miscount  in  measuring  the  last  line,  and, 
Conneil  being  in  bad  health,  the  bov  and  myself  went  back  to  the  last 
station  to  correct  the  distance.  I  saw  that  the  boy  was  excited, 
alarmed,  and  assured  him  that  there  was  nothing  to  fear  from  the 
Indians,  that  I  knew  them  to  be  friendly.  \\'hile  we  were  measuring 
the  line  Conneil  sat  down,  and  on  turning  around  we  could  not  see 
him ;  this  greatlv  alarmed  the  boy,  but  I  reassured  him,  and  we  started 
back.  How  far  he  followed  me  I  do  not  know,  but  on  arriving  where 
I  had  left  Conneil  and  the  Indians,  Conneil  asked  me  where  the  boy 
was;  not  seeing  him.  I  hallooed  several  times,  but  received  no  answer. 
We  concluded  that  in  his  fright  he  had  run  to  our  camp,  which  was 
on  the  road.  The  Indians  made  us  understand  that  thev  wished  to  go 
to  Tenoxtitlan  ;  we  accompanied  them  to  our  camp,  then  gave  them 
something  to  eat,  and  a  letter  to  the  citizens  of  that  place,  and  cau- 
tioned them  in  approaching  the  place  to  hold  up  something  in  token 
of  friendship,  as  the  hostile  Indians  made  occasional  raids  on  the 
■  ttlement.  As  soon  as  the  Indians  departed,  we  went  in  search  of 
the  bov.  the  only  trace  of  whom  was  his  track  in  a  deep  ravine. 
.\ccording  to  his  own  account,  which  he  gave  later,  he  kept  in  ravines 
and  thickets  most  of  the  dav  but  all  the  time  making  his  wav  towards 
Tenoxtitlan,  where  he  arrived  the  next  morning,  and  rei^orf  d  us  killed 
by  the  Indians.  This  produced  great  excitement  and  a'arm  :  an  ex- 
press wa.s  immediatelv  sent  to  the  lower  settlements  to  reouest  aid.  in 
the  meantime  keeping  up  a  strict  watch.  The  call  wa«  responded  to 
promptly,  and  on  the  fourth  dav  some  fiftv  men  arrived  at  mv  camp 
to  perform  the  last  act  of  sepulture.  Vou  mav  well  imagine  their  sur- 
prise and  iov  at  finding  us  not  onlv  alive,  but  readv  for  our  allowance 
and  dailv  labor.  Thev  spent  the  dav  with  ns  in  a  manner  hiehlv  satis- 
factory to  all.  They  departed,  after  receivine  our  hearts-  and  heartfelt 
thanks,  to  their  several  homes.     Soon  after.  I  was  joined  b\   m\    friend 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  65 

Moore,  who  had  (|uit  work  some  time  before.  I  sent  the  boy  in  with 
him.  On  my  arrival  at  San  Felipe  I  was  informed  that  so  confident 
were  they  of  the  truth  of  the  first  report  that  a  meeting  was  called, 
resolutions  adopted,  and  a  eulogy  ])repared  by  Patrick  C.  Jack,  which  I 
doubt  not  was  more  complinuntary  and  laudatory  than  either  true  or 
deserved. 

In  the  fall  of  this  year  Captain  Horatio  Chriesman  and  John  H. 
Money  joined  Moore  and  myself  in  surveying.  We  continued  our 
work  until  the  beginning  of  the  summer  of  1834,  when  we  stojiped  on 
account  of  the  season.  In  the  meantime,  Robertson  had  applied  for 
and  obtained  an  extension  of  time  within  w-hich  the  families  con- 
tracted for  by  the  Nashville  Company  were  to  be  introduced.  Hence 
operations  in  the  Upper  Colony  were  suspended  for  the  time  by 
.Xustin  and  Williams,  who  had.   1832,  obtained  the  colony. 

In  December,  1834,  I  accompanied  S.  M.  Williams,  Esc).,  Dr. 
Robert  Peebles,  and  Major  B.  F.  Smith,  to  Monclova,  the  seat  of 
government,  where  the  state  congress,  or  legislature,  was  then  in 
session.  On  our  way  we  were  joined  by  Colonel  De  Witt  at  Gonzales. 
We  spent  a  day  or  two  at  San  Antonio  de  Bexar,  where  we  were 
treated  with  marked  consideration  and  respect. 

On  our  arrival  at  Monclova,  we  found  a  number  of  Colonists, 
among  whom  I  may  name  Colonel  B.  R.  Milam  and  James  Bowie. 
J.  K.  Allen,  A.  J.  Yates,  W.  H.  Steele.  James  Carter,  together  with 
several  others.  I  also  made  the  acquaintance  of  Colonel  James  Grant, 
a  deputy  in  the  legislature;  Dan  J.  Toler,  Dr.  John  Cameron,  General 
John  T.  Mason  and  Alexander  Newland.  Here  we  remained  until  the 
early  part  of  May  when  the  legislature  adjourned  to  meet  at  San 
.■\ntonio  de  Bexar,  and  to  prevent  being  dispersed  by  military  force, 
which  was  threatened  by  General  Cos,  the  military  commander,  with 
headcjuarters  at  Saltillo.  All  Mexico  was  in  a  ferment ;  the  Vice- 
President,  Gomez  Farias,  had  Iteen  arrested  and  thrown  into  prison 
but  escaped  and  arrived  at  Monclova.  where  he  was  secreted  b}'  his 
friends  until  necessary  arrangements  could  be  made  for  his  escai)e 
to  the  United  States  of  the  North. 

Before  closing  the  occurrences  of  this  year,  we  will  record  the 
scalping  of  Joseph  Wilbarger,  and  the  killing  of  two  men  Strother  and 
Christian.  Though  there  is  nothing  remarkable  in  the  killing  of  tw(j 
men.  and  the  scalping  of  another,  suiii)oscd  to  be  dead,  there  is  a  cir 
cunistance  connected  with  this  occurrence  that  carries  it  out  of  the 
ordinary  occurrences  of  the  sort.  The  account  of  this  affair  is  given 
by  a  gentleman  whom  we  have  known  for  some  forty  years,  and  whom 
we  know  to  be  a  gentleman  of  undoubted  veracity,  and  one,  too,  who 
knew  the  parties  who  were  the  suflferers.  James  R.  Pace  the  narrator, 
had  the  statement  from  Wilbarger,  and  those  who  visited  the  scene  of 
disaster,  buried  the  dead,  and  brought  in  Wilbarger.  The  n.irration 
is  as  follows  : 

"In  the  autum  of   1834,  a  party  of  five  men  left   Wilbarger's 

prairie,  six  miles  above  the  town  of  Bastrop — their  names  were 

Josiah  Wilbarger,  Thomas  Christian,  Haynie,  Strother.  and  King. 

The   j)artv   moved   up   the   east   margin   of   the   Cf)lora(lci    Rix'cr   lo 

vin..  I   5 


66  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

Mr.  Reuben  Hornsby's ;  frum  thence  they  continued  up  to  the  foot 
of  the  mountains,  just  above  the   [present]   city  of  Austin. 

"Here  they  remained  a  day  or  two ;  and,  on  the  evening 
previous  to  the  disaster,  which  well-nigh  destroyed  the  party, 
they  discovered  an  Indian  in  the  prairie  on  horse-back  about 
three-fourths  of  a  mile  from  the  foot  of  the  mountain  and  gave 
chase  to  him,  but  being  well  mounted  he  made  good  his  escape 
unharmed. 

"The  party  continued  their  examination  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Pilot  Knob  and  the  Colorado  until  the  following  day,  up  to 
noon,  when  they  halted  on  a  small  stream  which  now  passes 
through  Mr.  Steel  Mathew's  pasture,  to  get  their  dinner.  Haynie 
and  King  protested  against  stopping,  as  thev  were  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Indians,  but  numbers  ruled.  Wilbarger,  Christian, 
and  Strother  hobbled  their  horses,  while  King  and  Haynie  tied 
theirs  within  a  few  feet  of  where  they  had  stopped.  They  were 
not  long  in  making  ready  their  frugal  dinner.  While  eating, 
a  noise  or  roaring,  such  as  is  made  by  a  large  herd  of  bufTalo. 
was  heard.  Haynie,  who  had  never  been  in  an  Indian  country 
before,  was  alarmed,  jumped  up.  and  saw  a  large  body  of  Indians 
coming  down  through  the  timber,  and,  in  their  direction.  He 
gave  the  alarm  and,  upon  turning  his  head,  still  further  to  the 
left  he  saw  an  Indian  within  some  twenty  yards  of  them,  he 
immediately  raised  his  gun,  a  small  squirrel  rifle,  and  shot  him 
in  the  head,  which  produced  instant  death. 

"The  Indians  on  horseback  by  this  time  had  come  down  on 
the  north  side  of  the  creek  and  nearly  surrounded  them  :  while 
those  in  the  timber  had  got  in  close  range,  and  opened  fire. 
Strother,  who  was  near  the  mouth  of  a  small  ravine,  received  a 
mortal  wound,  of  which  he  informed  his  companions.  Christian 
up  to  this  time  had  sheltered  himself  behind  a  post-oak  tree, 
where  he  had  his  powder-horn  shattered  by  a  ball :  he  soon 
after  received  a  ball  that  produced  death.  Wilbarger  also  had 
taken  position  behind  a  tree,  where  he  was  shot. 

"King  and  Haynie  now  cut  the  stake  ropes  of  their  horses, 
mounted  and  passed  out  of  the  only  opening  not  yet  occupied  by 
the  Indians.  The  Indians,  in  the  meantime,  captured  the  three 
hobbled  horses.  Thus,  Wilbarger  was  left  alone  w-ith  his  dead 
companions,  on  foot,  and  wounded,  with  some  two  hundred  and 
fifty  Indians  around  him!  Escape  seemed  next  to  impossible, 
yet  he  essayed  it.  but  did  not  get  more  than  a  hundred  yards 
when  he  received  a  ball  in  the  neck,  fracturing  the  bone;  he  fell. 
and  was  unconscious  for  a  time.  While  in  this  state,  he  was 
stripped  and  scalped,  the  Indians  supposing  he  was  dead.  To 
escape  by  crossing  the  creek  was  impossible,  as  the  bluff  was 
occupied  by  some  hundred  Indians  on  foot.  With  sucli  fearful 
odds,  the  wonder  is  that  he  got  away  at  all. 

"Haynie  and  King  made  good  their  escape,  and  arrived,  in 
less  than  one  hour,  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Reuben  Hornsbv.  The 
'■    ». 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  67 

news  was  communicated  from  thence  to  the  lower  settlement  as 
rapidly  as  it  could  be  conve\cd  on  horseback. 

"The  settlers  below.  John  B.  Walters.  Wells,  and  others, 
whose  names  I  do  not  recollect,  collected  and  went  up  that  night 
to  Hornsby's.  All  was  excitement,  for  they  knew  not  at  what 
moment  an  attack  would  be  made  on  the  settlement.  Rut  little 
sleep  was  indulged  in;  however,  late  at  night,  all  being  (juiet. 
the  party  spread  their  pallets  and  enjoyed  a  sound  sleep  for 
a  time.  While  thus  asleep  the  party  was  aroused  b}-  the  screams 
of  Mrs.  Hornsb}-  who  called  upon  the  men  to  go  and  bring  in 
\\'ilbarger.  who  she  declared  was  not  dead  but  lying  under  a 
l)()St-oak  tree,  about  one  mile  from  the  place  of  disaster!  -Mr. 
llornsby,  and  the  company,  ridiculed  the  idea  of  W'ilbarger's 
being  alive,  and  ultimately  persuaded  Mrs.  Hornsbj-  to  go  to 
sleep  again,  which  she  did.  Sometime  before  dawn  the  whole 
party  were  again  aroused  by  the  screams  of  Mrs.  Hornsby,  who 
reiterated    her   former   declaration,   and   jumped   out    of   bed. 

"Preparations  were  at  once  made,  and  the  party,  as  soon  as 
thev  could  see  their  way,  set  forward  on  their  sad  and  ])aitiful 
journey.  They  took  the  route  for  the  place  of  attack;  and,  about 
one  mile  before  reaching  it,  Joseph  Martin,  I  think,  said  to 
Walters,  'shoot  that  d — <1  Indian,'  Walters  being  on  the  side 
next  to  the  supposed  Indian.  He  instantly  raised  his  rifle,  when 
Wilbarger,  a  pitiable  and  hideous  sight,  and  almost  exhausted, 
called  in  a  feeble  voice  'W'alters  don't  shoot,  it  is  me'  which  was 
heard,  and  the  voice  of  Wilbarger  recognized.  At  this  discovery, 
the  party,  wild  with  excited  joy.  sent  up  a  shout,  which,  could 
the  savages  have  heard  it,  would  have  caused  them  to  beat  a 
hasty  retreat. 

"Here  the  party  divided;  some  employed  themselves  in  mak- 
ing a  litter  on  which  to  convey  W'ilbarger  to  the  settlement.  The 
others  went  to  the  scene  of  disaster,  which  they  had  no  difficulty 
in  finding.  They  gave  to  the  dead  such  sepulture  as  their  limited 
means  would  admit  of;  returned  to  their  friends,  and  made  their 
way  back  to  the  settlement.  On  arriving  at  Mr.  Hornsby's.  a 
physician  was  immediately  sent  for.  and  all  that  kindness  and  the 
generous  feeling  of  a  hospitable  people  could  do  to  alleviate  the 
sufferings  and  minister  to  the  comforts  of  Wilbarger  were  ex- 
tended." 

The  part  of  Mrs.  Hornsby  in  this  tragic  affair  is,  to  sa\-  the  least, 
a  most  remarkable  case.  Her  declaration  is  verified  by  all  who  per- 
formed the  last  rites  of  the  dead — even  to  the  post-oak  tree,  and  the 
distance  from  the  scene  of  disaster  where  Wilbarger  was  discovered, 
were  found  to  be  substantiallv  correct. 

In  the  latter  part  of  this  year,  the  ayuntamiento  of  the  munici- 
pality of  Austin,  elected  Francis  W.  Johnson  judge  of  the  first  in- 
stance, and  George  Ewing,  judge  of  the  second  instance,  for  that 
municipality,  her  population  entitling  the  jurisdiction  U>  these  two 
officers. 


CHAPTER  VII 
FEDERAL  RELATIONS 

The  two  preceding  chapters  present  a  picture  of  Texas  with 
widely  separated  communities,  made  possible  by  comparative  freedom 
from  Indian  attack.  The  settlements  were  essentially  agricultural. 
Food  consisted  of  fresh  meat,  salt  pork,  wild  game,  corn  bread,  limited 
quantities  of  coffee  and  tea,  and  whisky  without  prescription.  Houses 
were  cabins,  and  daily  life,  as  well  as  business,  seem  largely  an 
outdoor  transaction.  Estimated  totals  of  trade  and  commerce  appear 
large,  but  the  tonnage  at  points  of  origin  demanded  only  ox-carts 
and  boats  of  lightest  draft. 

Aside  from  a  few  "bad  men,"  society  consisted  of  farmers,  traders, 
a  few  doctors  and  lawyers,  and  a  transient  element  of  travelers  and 
speculators.  On  the  whole,  the  picture  presented  is  of  an  easy-going, 
generous,  extremely  hospitable  people.  In  a  new  country  without  surplus 
wealth,  where  perforce  the  individual  must  pursue  some  form  of 
legitimate  activity,  the  disposition  to  agitate  and  cherish  imaginary 
ills  could  make  little  headway.  While  few  of  the  Texans  came  from 
colleges  and  made  any  claim  to  literary  culture,  the  letters,  resolu- 
tions and  other  documents  of  the  period  are  remarkable  for  the  con- 
structive thought  indicative  of  the  intellectual  processes  of  their 
authors.  In  Stephen  Austin,  in  particular,  the  colonists  had  a  coun- 
selor whose  dispassionate  judgment  frequentl)'  reached  the  heights 
of  true  statesmanship. 

If  this  view  of  their  character  is  essentially  just,  the  Texans 
obviously  could  not  be  denominated  a  war-like  people,  fomenting  and 
anticipating  trouble,  eager  for  pretext  of  rebellion.  They  were  "a 
citizenry  trained  to  arms"  by  the  exigencies  of  the  time  and  possessed  the 
individual  and  collective  faculty  of  resolute  and  courageous  action  in  com- 
bat distinctive  of  other  American  frontiersmen.  But  as  they  were  not 
of  the  inflammable  character  that  begets  war  from  within,  it  is  im- 
portant to  inquire  the  causes  and  factors  that  made  war  inevitable. 

These  factors,  unfortunately,  cannot  be  presented  in  a  paragraph. 
Nor  can  they  be  presented  in  chronological  sequence  or  in  relative 
value  of  importance.  The  revolutionary  storm  rose  out  of  elements 
from  without  and  within,  variable  and  confused  at  the  time.  Of  the 
exterior  causes  may  be  mentioned  the  instability  of  the  Mexcian 
government:  the  policy  adopted  for  colonial  administration:  the 
attitude  of  the  United  States  government. 

Successive  Governments  in  Mexico 

In  1828  the  term  of  the  first  president  of  the  Mexican  republic  ex- 
pired. Pedraza  was  elected  his  successor,  but  the  charge  of  fraud  was 
raised,  and  General  Santa  .A.nna  led  the  revolution  to  seat  the  defeated 
candidate,  Guerero.  For  four  days  the  streets  of  the  capital  were  the 
scene  of  riot  and  bloodshed,  ending  in  the  triumph  of  the  revolution- 
ists.    In  lanuary.  182Q,  the  congress  declared  Guerero  president,  and 

68 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  69 

Bustamente  vice  president,  the  latter  having  been  the  candidate  of 
the  Pedraza  party  for  that  office.  In  December,  1829,  Guerero  retired 
from  office,  thus  leaving  Bustamente  as  chief  executive. 

Bustamente,  as  head  of  the  government,  soon  proved  a  despot, 
though  he  had  begun  as  the  defender  of  the  constitution,  which  he 
claimed  to  have  been  violated  in  the  choice  of  Guerero  over  Pedraza. 
For  a  brief  term  supported  by  the  aristocracy,  clergy  and  army,  he 
ruled  absolutely,  disregarded  constitutional  restraints,  and  made  con- 
gress the  instrument  of  his  arbitrary  power. 

In  January,  1832,  a  counter  movement  began  in  the  garrison  at 
Vera  Cruz,  in  a  protest  by  the  officers  against  the  violation  of  the 
constitution  by  Bustamente  and  his  ministers.  This  was  the  "plan 
of  Vera  Cruz."  It  was  inspired,  no  doubt,  by  Santa  Anna,  who  had 
been  in  retirement  for  some  time,  but  now  came  forward  and  took 
the  active  direction  of  this  revolution  "for  constitutional  Hberty."  The 
troops  in  all  parts  of  the  republic  rapidly  fell  into  line  and  declared 
for  the  "plan  of  Vera  Cruz."  The  revolution  was  accomplished  with 
little  bloodshed.  In  November,  1832,  Bustamente,  being  deserted  by 
the  majority  of  his  troops,  resigned  his  office,  and  fled  the  country. 

Santa  Anna,  having  avowed  himself  as  the  restorer  of  the  constitu- 
tion, and  the  success  of  his  campaign  being  due  to  his  pose  in  the  char- 
acter, shrewdly  chose  a  course  of  action  that  would  not  reveal  his 
ulterior  designs.  His  first  act  was  to  recall  Pedraza,  who  had  been 
rightfully  elected  president  in  1828,  and  whose  term  would  expire 
early  in  1833.  This  increased  his  esteem  among  the  republicans.  He 
then  retired  to  his  estate.  Early  in  1833  occurred  the  elections  for  the 
third  president  of  the  republic.  Santa  Anna  was  the  unanimous 
choice  of  the  delegates,  and  entered  office  in  the  spring  of  that  year. 
So  far  his  conduct  was  above  criticism,  and  he  had  gained  the  highest 
office  of  the  republic  with  strict  regard  for  the  letter  of  the  consti- 
tution. 

Colonial  Administration  of  Texas 

Coahuila  and  Texas,  as  a  state  of  federal  Mexico,  was,  by  the  con- 
stitution of  1827,  divided  into  three  departments,  all  Texas  consti- 
tuting the  Department  of  Bexar,  with  its  capital  at  San  Antonio. 
Over  this  department  a  political  chief  presided.  He  was  nominated 
by  the  local  municipalities  and  apjiointod  by  the  governor,  for  a  term 
of  four  years.  His  salary  was  eight  hundred  dollars,  and  he  had  an 
allowance  of  four  hundred  dollars  for  clerk  hire  and  other  office 
expenses.  He  was  the  principal  executive  officer  of  his  department, 
responsible  for  its  tranquillity  and  good  order.  All  laws  and  in-: 
structions  from  the  superior  authorities  had  to  be  promulgated  by 
him,  and  he  was  the  medium  through  which  the  citizens  com- 
municated with  the  government. 

In  January,  1831,  the  eastern  part  of  Texas  was  erected  into  the 
separate  department  of  Nacogdoches,  with  its  capital  at  that  town. 
The  western  boundary  was  defined  as  beginning  "at  Bolivar  Point  on 
Galveston  Bay ;  thence  running  northwesterly  to  strike  between  the 
San  Jacinto  and  Trinity  Rivers,  following  the  dividing  ridge  between 


70  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

the  >aid  rivers  to  tlie  head  waters  of  the  San  Jacinto;  thence  follow- 
ing the  dividing  ridge  between  the  Brazos  and  Trinity  to  the  head 
waters  of  the  latter,  and  terminating  north  of  the  source  of  the  said 
Trinity  upon  Red  River."  Again,  in  March,  1834,  the  department 
of  Brazos  was  created  between  the  departments  of  Bexar  and  Nacog- 
doches, the  line  between  the  department  of  the  Brazos  and  that  of 
Bexar  being  in  general  the  Lavaca  and  Guadalupe  Rivers.  These 
changes  were  in  the  interest  of  the  Anglo-American  colonists,  and 
gave  them  a  greater  share  in  the  local  administration  than  thej-  had 
previously  enjoyed.  Each  department,  of  course,  had  a  ])olitical  chief 
of  its  own. 

The  departments  were  divided  in  turn  into  municipalities,  each 
municipality  consisting  of  a  town,  or  village,  and  an  indefinite  area  of 
the  country  surrounding  it.  The  government  of  the  municipality  was 
vested  in  a  board,  called  the  ayuntamiento,  and  elected  by  the  citizens 
of  the  municipalit}-.  The  presiding  officer  was  the  alcalde,  corre- 
sponding fairly  closely  to  the  mayor  of  a  modern  town.  Other  mem- 
bers of  the  board  were  two  or  more  regidores.  the  number  depending 
on  the  population  of  the  municipality,  and  a  sindico  procurador.  The 
regidores  were  the  modern  ward  aldermen,  and  the  sindico  was  the 
city  recorder.  The  alcalde  was  the  official  head  of  the  municipality, 
and  received  from  the  political  chief  all  public  documents  to  be  pro- 
mulgated in  the  community.  He  had  minor  judicial  power,  but  this 
was  apparently  decreased  through  the  creation  of  "primary  judges" 
liy  the  judiciary  laws  of  1834. 

General  Mier  Y.  Teran  was  commissioned  by  President  X'ictoria 
in  September,  1827,  to  proceed  to  East  Texas  for  the  purpose  of  sur- 
veying the  boundary  between  Mexico  and  the  United  States ;  and  at 
the  same  time  he  seems  to  have  been  instructed  to  make  a  careful 
inspection  of  the  colonies  and  report  his  observations  to  the  govern- 
ment. He  arrived  at  San  Antonio  on  ^larch  10,  1828,  and,  after  a 
leisurely  progress  through  the  colonies,  he  was  at  Nacogdoches  in 
Jime.  On  the  30th  day  of  that  month  he  wrote  Victoria  a  long  letter 
describing  conditions  around  Nacogdoches  and  show-ing  keen  insight 
into  the  situation  there.  The  refusal  of  the  United  States  to  ratify 
the  boundary  treaty  relieved  Teran  of  any  excu,«e  for  lingering  in 
Texas,  and  in  the  fall  of  1828  he  betook  himself  to  Matamoras.  He 
was  again  in  Texas  during  the  spring  of  1829,  making  observations 
and  formulating  plans  for  bringing  the  province  more  fully  under 
federal  control.  In  September,  1829,  he  was  appointed  commander 
of  the  Eastern  Provinces  and  thus  became  the  superior  militarx 
officer  of  Texas,  in  a  position  to  urge  his  views  upon  the  general 
government.  In  December  his  friend  .Xnastasio  Bustamente  unseated 
President  Guerrero  and  placed  himself  in  the  presidential  chair. 
Bustamente  had  been  commander  of  the  Eastern  Provinces  only  a  few 
months  before,  and  was  prepared,  therefore  to  give  Teran's  proposals 
a  sympathetic  hearing.  Teran  had,  in  fact,  already  been  authorized 
to  strengthen  the  military  establishments  in  Texas,  but  had  failed  to 
obtain  the  required  troops.  On  January  6,  1830,  he  reiterated  his 
request,    and    outlined    in    detail    his    plan     for    preserving    Texas    to 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  71 

Mexico.     In    February,    1830,   Lucas   Alanian,   the    secretar)-   of    foreign 
relations,  incorporated  Teran's  recommendations,  with   a  few  of  his 
own  ideas,  in  a  report  to  congress  and  urged  their  enactment  into  law. 
Out  of  these  proposals  came  the  famous  "decree  of  April  6,  1830." 
Teran's  program,  embraced  in  the  law,  is  thus  outlined : 

"(1)  The  removal  to  the  Nueces  of  several  companies  now 
on  the  Rio  Grande;  (2)  the  establishment  of  a  strong  and  perma- 
nent garrison  at  the  main  crossing  of  the  Brazos  River,  that  there 
may  be  an  intermediate  force  in  the  unsettled  region  sejiarating 
Nacogdoches  and  Bexar;  (3)  the  reinforcement  of  the  existing 
garrisons  by  filling  the  quota  of  infantry  properly  belonging  to 
them ;  (4)  the  occupation  and  fortification  of  some  point  above 
Galveston  Bay,  and  another  at  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos,  for  the 
purpose  of  controlling  the  colonies;  (5)  the  organization  of  a 
mobile  force  equipped  for  sudden  and  rapid  marches  to  a 
threatened  point;  (6)  and,  finally,  the  establishment  of  com- 
munications by  sea  between  other  Mexican  ports  and  lexas." 
The  political  measures  which  he  advised  were:  (1)  The  trans- 
portation of  Mexican  convicts  to  Texas,  where  they  should  serve 
their  sentence  and  then  settle;  (2)  "the  encouragement  by  all 
legitimate  means  of  the  emigration  of  Mexican  families  to  Texas ; 

(3)  the  colonization  of  Texas  with  Swiss  and  German  colonists, 
whose  language  and  customs,  being  different  from  those  of  our 
neighbors,    will   make    less   dangerous   the  proximity   of   the   latter ; 

(4)  the  encouragement  of  coastwise  trade,  which  is  the  only 
means  by  which  close  relations  can  be  established  between  Texas 
and  other  parts  of  the  Republic,  and  by  which  this  department, 
now  so  North  American  in  spirit,  ma\^  be  nationalized." 

The  particular  contributions  of  Alaman  to  the  decree  were  articles  ten 
and  eleven,  by  far  the  most  obnoxious  portions  to  the  Texans.  The  first 
forbade  the  further  introduction  of  slaves,  while  in  article  eleven  "it 
is  prohibited  that  emigrants  frotn  nations  bordering  on  this  Republic 
shall  settle  in  the  states  or  territories  adjacent  to  their  own  nation." 

The  stoppage  of  the  introduction  of  slaves  was  not  so  serious, 
because  means  had  alread}^  been  provided  by  the  state  congress  for 
evading  this  provision,  but  article  eleven  closed  the  door  completely 
for  the  future  to  the  legal  settlement  in  Texas  of  emigrants  from  the 
United  States.  It  is  doubtful  whether  Teran,  with  his  practical  knowl- 
edge of  conditions  in  the  provinces  would  have  endorsed  it.  Little 
can  be  said  against  this  decree  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  govern- 
ment, suspicious  as  it  was  of  the  designs  of  the  United  States,  and 
desperately  anxious  to  save  one  of  its  most  valuable  provinces.  The 
establishment  of  coasting  trade,  the  encouragement  of  Mexican  emi- 
gration, and  the  fortification  of  a  frontier  province  were  eminently 
proper;  the  prohibition  of  further  colonization  from  the  United  States 
might  well  be  considered  a  justifiable  measure  of  self-defense;  and 
even  the  establishment  of  convict  colonies  was  in  accord  with  the 
practice  of  the  most  enlightened  nations  (England  was  still  trans- 
porting criminals  to  her  colonies),  ffowever,  the  colonists  were  in 
no  mood   to  view   the   matter   from    the   Mexican    standpoint.     They 


72  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

saw  their  friends  and  relatives  debarred  from  joining  them,  while  the 
province  was  to  be  occupied  by  soldiers  of  extremely  questionable 
character,  and  overrun  by  criminals  and  vagabonds  from  the  lowest 
class  in  Mexico.  For  a  time  excitement  ran  high,  especially  in  the 
eastern  part  of  Texas;  but  it  subsided  with  less  murmuring  than 
might  well  have  been  expected. 

Teran's  conviction  that  stringent  measures  were  needed  to  save  Texas 
to  Mexico  was  probably  strengthened  by  his  knowledge  that  the  United 
States  was  very  anxious  to  extend  its  western  boundary  over  Texas. 
The  United  States  had,  in  fact,  been  trying  since  1825  to  obtain  all  or 
a  part  of  the  province  by  means  of  a  boundary  adjustment,  which  it 
was  thought  would  be  less  objectionable  to  Mexican  pride  than  an  out- 
right offer  of  purchase.  It  was  with  the  object  of  keeping  the  question 
open,  the  Mexicans  thought,  that  the  United  States  senate  had  failed  to 
ratify  the  treaty  of  limits  in  1828. 

A  brief  summary  will  suffice  to  present  the  attitude  of  the  United 
States.  On  March  26.  1825,  three  weeks  after  the  inauguration  of  Presi- 
dent John  Quincy  Adams,  Henry  Clay,  then  secretary  of  state,  wrote  to 
Joel  R.  Poinsett,  our  charge  d'affaires  at  Mexico,  instructing  him  to  feel 
the  pulse  of  the  Mexican  government  on  the  subject  of  a  readjustment. 
Clay  declared  that  the  Sabine  boundary  was  not  altogether  satisfactory, 
and  suggested  that  Mexico  might  perhaps  be  induced  to  substitute  for  it 
the  Brazos,  the  Colorado,  or  even  the  Rio  Grande.  He  wrote  Poinsett 
that  the  president  "thought  the  present  might  be  an  auspicious  period 
for  urging  a  negotiation,  at  Mexico,  to  settle  the  boundary  between  the 
territories  of  the  two  Republics."  The  success  of  the  negotiation  would 
probably  be  promoted,  he  said,  by  throwing  into  it  motives  not  strictly 
belonging  to  the  subject,  so  the  United  States  was  disposed  to  pay  a 
reasonable  pecuniary  consideration  for  such  a  boundary  as  was  desired. 
The  line  preferred  would  run  up  the  Rio  Grande  and  the  Pecos  to  the 
source  of  the  latter,  thence  north  to  the  Arkansas,  and  along  that  river 
to  the  forty-second  parallel,  "and  thence  by  that  parallel  to  the  South 
Sea."  A  less  desirable  line  would  ascend  the  Colorado  to  its  source. 
and  then  proceed  north  to  the  Arkansas,  as  before.  For  the  first  line  a 
maximum  price  of  a  million  dollars  might  be  offered,  and  for  the  second, 
five  hundred  thousand.  The  great  size  and  frequency  of  grants  of  land 
by  Mexico  to  citizens  of  the  United  States  led  the  latter  to  think,  he 
said,  that  Mexico  did  not  value  land  as  we  did.  Moreover,  the  emigrants 
would  carry  with  them  our  principles  of  law,  liberty,  and  religion ; 
collisions  might  be  expected,  and  those  collisions  would  insensibly  enlist 
the  sympathies  and  feelings  of  the  two  republics  and  lead  to  misunder- 
standings. Thus  a  new  boundary  would  prove  mutually  advantageous. 
Two  years  later  Martin  Van  Buren,  for  President  Jackson,  repeated 
these  instructions  in  a  modified  form.  The  eagerness  of  the  presidential 
desire  for  Texas  is  indicated  by  the  shrinkage  of  the  boundary  to  bei 
asked  for  and  the  expansion  of  the  price  to  be  offered.  The  most  pre- 
ferable southern  boundary  would  be  "the  desert  or  Grand  Prairie"  west 
of  the  Nueces.  For  this  the  minister  might  offer  four  million  dollars, 
but  the  president's  convictions  of  its  great  value  to  the  United  States  were 
so  strong  that  he  would  not  object,  if  it  should  be  found  "indispensably 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  73 

necessary,  to  go  as  high  as  five  millions."  Ahernate  proposals  were 
authorized  for  the  line  of  the  Lavaca,  the  Colorado,  or  the  Brazos  Rivers, 
and  a  proportionate  part  of  the  four  million  dollars  would  be  paid  for  it. 
The  president  was  aware  that  the  subject  was  a  difficult  one,  but  he  hoped 
that  the  considerations  to  be  advanced  by  Mr.  Poinsett,  pecuniary  and 
otherwise,  would  enable  him  to  accomplish  the  desired  cession.  Poinsett 
was  recalled  in  October,  and  the  same  authority  was  extended  to  Anthony 
Butler,  who,  as  charge  d'affaires  of  the  United  States,  succeeded  him. 
It  was  probably  known  in  Mexico  that  Butler's  special  mission  would  be 
to  secure  a  cession  of  Texas,  and  the  fact  was  bitterly  resented. 

No  Mexican  statesman  was  better  informed  of  the  desires  of  the 
United  States  concerning  Texas,  or  had  less  wish  to  see  them  accom- 
plished, than  Lucas  Alaman.  It  was  soon  after  Butler's  arrival  in  the 
City  of  Mexico,  that  Alaman  in  a  report  to  congress  urged  the  enactment 
above  described.  In  his  argument  he  bitterly  arraigned  the  greed  of  the 
United  States  for  territory  and  their  unscrupulous  methods  of  getting 
it: 

"The  United  States  of  the  North  have  been  going  on  success- 
fully acquiring,  without  awakening  public  attention,  all  the  terri- 
tories adjoining  theirs.  *  *  *  They  commence  by  introducing 
themselves  into  the  territory  which  they  covet,  upon  pretense  of 
commercial  negotiations,  or  of  the  establishment  of  colonies,  with 
or  without  the  assent  of  the  government  to  which  it  belongs.  These 
colonies  grow,  multiply,  become  the  predominant  party  in  the  popula- 
tion; and  as  soon  as  a  support  is  found  in  this  manner,  they  begin 
to  set  up  rights  which  it  is  impossible  to  sustain  in  a  serious  dis- 
cussion, and  to  bring  forward  ridiculous  pretensions,  founded  upon 
historical  facts  which  are  admitted  by  nobody.  *  *  *  These 
extravagant  opinions  are,  for  the  first  time,  presented  to  the  world 
by  unknown  writers  ;  and  the  labor  which  is  employed  by  others,  in 
oflFering  proofs  and  reasonings,  is  spent  by  them  in  repetitions  and 
multiplied  allegations,  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  the  attention  of 
their  fellow-citizens,  not  upon  the  justice  of  the  proposition,  but 
upon  the  advantages  and  interests  to  be  obtained  or  subserved  by 
their  admission. 

"Their  machinations  in  the  country  they  wish  to  acquire  are  then 
brought  to  light  by  the  appearance  of  explorers,  some  of  whom  set- 
tle on  the  soil,  alleging  that  their  presence  does  not  affect  the  ques- 
tion of  the  right  of  sovereignty  or  possession  to  the  land.  These 
pioneers  excite,  by  degrees,  movements  which  disturb  the  political 
state  of  the  country  in  dispute,  and  then  follow  discontents  and  dis- 
satisfaction, calculated  to  fatigue  the  patience  of  the  legitimate 
owner,  and  to  diminish  the  usefulness  of  the  administration  and  of 
the  exercise  of  authority.  When  things  have  come  to  this  pass, 
which  is  precisely  the  present  state  of  things  in  Texas,  the  diplomatic 
management  commences.  The  inquietude  they  have  excited  in  the 
territory  in  dispute,  the  interests  of  the  colonists  therein  established, 
the  insurrection  of  adventurers,  and  savages  instigated  by  them,  and 
the  pertinacity  with  which  the  opinion  is  set  up  as  to  their  right 
of  possession,  become  the  subjects  of  notes,  full  of  expressions  of 


74  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

justice  and  moderation,  until,  with  tlie  aid  of  other  incidents,  which 
are  never  wanting  in  the  course  of  diplomatic  relations,  the  desired 
end  is  attained  of  concluding  an  arrangement  as  onerous   for  one 
party  as  it  is  advantageous  to  the  other.     Sometimes   more  direct 
means  are  resorted  to ;  and  taking  advantage  of  the  enfeehled  state, 
or  domestic  difficulties,  of  the  possessor  of  the  soil,  they  proceed, 
upon  the  most  extraordinary  pretexts,  to  make  themselves  masters 
of  the  country,  as  was  the  case  in  the  Floridas;  leaving  the  question 
to  be  decided  afterwards  as  to  the  legality  of  the  possession,  which 
force  alone  could  take   from  them.     This  conduct   has  given   them 
the  immense  extent  of  country  they  occupy,  and  which  they  have 
acquired  since  their  separation  from  England :  and  this  is  what  they 
have  set  on  foot  with  respect  to  Texas." 
With  this  survey  of  external  influences  directed  upon  Texas,  it  re- 
mains to  examine  particularly  the  elTects  of  the  decree  of  April  6,  1830. 
and   other   issues    productive   of    distrust   between   the    settlers    and    the 
government. 

Slavery  Issue 

Most  of  the  colonists  came  from  the  South  and  owned  slaves.  As 
a  means  of  discouraging  immigration,  the  government  authorities  re- 
garded the  exclusion  of  slavery  as  the  readiest  and  most  feasible  method 
at  their  command. 

General  J.  M.  Tornel  was  the  advocate  of  this  policy  in  the  federal 
congress,  and  twice  he  secured  the  passage  through  the  senate  of  a  bill 
which  would  have  had  the  desired  efTect.  but  both  times  it  failed  in  the 
lower  house.  Back  of  Tornel.  apparently,  was  General  Manuel  Mier 
y  Teran,  commander  of  the  Eastern  Internal  Provinces,  and  chief  of 
the  commission  appointed  to  run  the  boundary  between  Texas  and  the 
United  States.  Failing  to  get  his  measure  through  congress,  Tornel 
turned  to  President  Vicente  Guerrero,  and,  while  the  latter  was  tempo- 
rarily invested  with  dictatorial  power  in  the  fall  of  1829.  induced  him  to 
issue  a  decree  freeing  all  the  slaves  in  the  Republic  of  Mexico. 

Anti-slavery  sentiment  had  been  strong  in  ^lexico  since  the  liberation 
from  Spain,  and  the  first  general  colonization  law.  passed  during  the 
short  reign  of  Iturbide.  while  permitting  settlers  to  bring  in  their  own 
slaves,  forbade  the  buying  and  selling  of  slaves  in  the  empire,  and  pro- 
vided that  the  children  of  slaves  born  in  ^Mexico  should  become  free  at 
the  age  of  fourteen.  After  the  downfall  of  Iturbide.  congress  took  up 
the  matter  again  and  passed  a  stringent  law  (July  13.  1824).  against  the 
slave  trade.  "Commerce  and  traffic  in  slaves."  proceeding  from  any 
country  were  prohibited ;  and  slaves  introduced  contrary  to  the  tenor 
of  this  provision  were  declared  "free  in  virtue  of  the  mere  act  of  tread- 
ing Mexican  territory."  There  was  some  question  as  to  whether  the 
provision  of  the  law  did  not  make  illegal  the  further  immigration  of 
slaves  with  their  masters.  At  the  time,  however,  it  was  not  so  inter- 
preted. The  federal  constitution,  which  was  completed  in  October,  1824. 
did  not  mention  slavery,  and  there  were  no  more  federal  laws  on  the 
subject  until  the  famous  decree  of  April  6.  1830.  The  state  constitution 
of   Coahuila   and   Texas,   however,   promulgated    March   21.    1827,    pro- 


HISTORY  Ob'  TEXAS  75 

hibited  the  further  immigration  of  slaves  after  six  months,  and  declared 
that  children  of  slaves  born  in  the  state  should  be  free  at  birth.  A  law 
of  September  15  following  required  each  municipality  to  make  a  list  of 
the  slaves  in  its  jurisdiction,  and  to  keep  a  register  of  the  children  born 
of  slaves  after  the  publication  of  the  constitution,  which  should  be 
reported  to  the  governor  every  three  months.  This,  of  course,  was  ex- 
pected to  facilitate  the  enforcement  of  the  constitutional  provision. 
Shortly  afterward  (November  24,  1827),  a  decree  was  passed  giving  a 
slave  the  right  to  change  his  master,  provided  the  new  master  would 
indemnify  the  old  one.  This  was  no  doubt  designed  in  the  interest  of 
ihc  slave,  but  it  can  be  readily  seen  that  it  afforded  an  easy  means  of 
evading  the  law  against  buying  and  selling  slaves.  We  have  no  evidence 
concerning  its  operation,  but  nothing  would  have  been  simpler  than  for 
the  two  masters  to  come  to  a  satisfactory  agreement  and  then  represent 
that  the  slave  wished  to  change  his  master. 

The  slave  question  was  as  an  intensely  practical  one  in  Texas,  and 
settlers  already  in  the  province,  as  well  as  others  who  contemplated  set- 
tling there,  were  deeply  interested.  Little  free  labor  was  to  be  had, 
and  slaves  were  considered  indispensable  in  breaking  the  wilderness. 
Austin  had  bestirred  himself  from  the  beginning  to  prevent  the  pro- 
hibition of  slavery,  and  the  recognition  of  the  institution  in  Iturbide's 
colonization  law  was  due  entirely  to  his  persistent  and  strenuous  efforts. 
Again,  in  the  state  congress,  it  was  the  tireless  activity  of  the  Texans 
and  of  their  agent  in  the  capital  which  prevented  the  outright  liberation 
by  the  constitution  of  the  slaves  already  in  the  state.  By  1828  members 
of  the  state  congress  were  brought  to  see  the  practical  side  of  the  ques- 
tion, and  a  law  of  May  5  legalized  contracts  made  in  "foreign  countries" 
between  emigrants  and  "the  servants  or  day  laborers  of  working  men 
whom  they  introduce."  The  object  of  this  law  was  palpably  to  enable 
colonists  to  continue  to  introduce  slaves  under  the  device  of  peonage  con- 
tracts, and  they  were  not  slow  to  use  it.  Just  before  crossing  the  boun- 
dary an  emigrant  would  visit  a  notary  in  the  United  States  and  have 
his  slaves  sign  the  necessary  contract. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  Guerrero's  emancipation  decree  would  have 
affected  negroes  introduced  under  this  device,  since  technically  they 
were  not  slaves  but  corresponded  to  the  peons  of  the  Mexican  haciendas. 
But  the  colonists  were  greatly  alarmed  and  did  not  pause  to  draw  a  dis- 
tinction. Besides,  there  were  probably  a  thousand  slaves  in  the  country 
who  had  been  brought  in  before  1828,  and  these  were  unquestionably 
affected.  The  colonists  were  convinced  that  ruin  stared  ihem  in  the 
face,  and  first,  in  order  to  gain  time,  arranged  with  the  various  ayunta- 
mientos  to  delay  the  official  publication  of  the  decree,  when  it  should 
arrive;  and  then,  as  always  when  in  trouble,  ihey  turned  to  Stephen  F. 
Austin  for  direction.  The  following  letter  from  Au.stin  to  John  Durst 
of  Nacogdoches  shows  how  strongly  Austin  felt  on  the  subject,  as  well 
as  his  ])lan  of  procedure  to  obtain  relief : 

"\\'hat  the  peojilc  of  Texas  have  to  do  is  to  rejiresent  to  the 
gt)vernnient  through  the  Ayuntaniientos  or  some  other  channel,  in  a 
very  respectful  manner  that  agreeable  to  the  constitution,  and  the 
colonization  laws,  ail  their  projjerty   is  guaranteed  to  them   without 


76  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

exceptions  in  the  most  solemn  and  sacred  manner.  That  they 
brought  their  slave  property  into  the  country  and  have  retained  it 
here,  under  the  faith  of  that  guarantee,  and  in  consequence  of  a 
special  invitation  publicly  given  to  emigrants  by  the  government  in 
the  colonization  law  to  do  so.  That  the  constitution  of  the  state 
expressly  recognizes  the  right  of  property  in  slaves  by  allowing  six 
months  after  its  publication  for  their  introduction  into  the  state. 
That  they  will  defend  it,  and  with  it,  their  property. 

"There  ought  to  be  no  vociferous  and  visionary  excitement  or 
noise  about  this  matter.  Our  course  is  a  very  plain  one — calm,  de- 
liberate, dispassionate,  inflexible,  firmness ;  and  not  windy  and 
ridiculous  blowing  and  wild  threats,  and  much  less  anything  like 
opposition  to  the  Mexican  Constitution ;  nothing  of  this  kind  will 
do  any  good ;  it  will,  in  fact,  be  unjustifiable,  and  will  never  be 
approved  of  by  me,  but  on  the  contrary  opposed  most  decidedly.  I 
will  not  violate  my  duty  as  a  Mexican  citizen. 

"The  constitution  must  be  both  our  shield,  and  our  arms ;  under 
it,  and  with  it.  we  must  constitutionally  defend  ourselves  and  our 
property." 
Partly  through  Austin's  influence,  and  partly  because  he  himself  was 
convinced  that  the  emancipation  of  the  Texas  slaves  would  be  a  disas- 
trous blow  to  the  province,  the  political  chief  of  the  department  of 
Bexar  (which  then  included  all  Texas)  withheld  the  publication  of  the 
decree  until  he  could  memorialize  the  president  for  its  withdrawal  or 
modification.  His  petition  was  forwarded  through  the  governor  of  the 
state,  and  that  ofificial  also  addressed  the  president,  urging  relief.  The 
arguments  of  these  officials  had  the  desired  effect,  and  on  December  2, 
1829,  the  governor  was  notified  that  the  president  had  been  pleased  "to 
declare  the  department  of  Texas  excepted"  from  the  operation  of  the 
general  decree.  This  reprieve  was  transmitted  by  the  governor  to  the 
political  chief  at  San  Antonio,  and  by  him  it  was  forwarded  to  the  various 
ayuntamientos  and  formally  published  in  the  usual  manner.  A  copy  is 
preserved  in  the  Texas  Gazette  of  January  30,  1830. 

The  crisis  thus  passed,  but  it  left  scars  in  its  wake.  The  colonists 
thought  the  decree  a  wanton  interference  with  their  rights  of  property, 
guaranteed  by  the  constitution ;  and  the  Mexican  authorities  could  not 
forget  the  threatening  tone  of  colonial  remonstrances.  Austin's  letter 
quoted  above  plainly  suggests  that  the  Texans  might  resist  by  force  the 
execution  of  the  decree,  and  the  governor  in  his  memorial  thought  that 
its  enforcement  might  "draw  upon  the  state  some  commotions."  He 
did  not  wish  to  imply  by  this,  he  said,  that  the  settlers  were  turbulent 
and  insubordinate ;  in  fact,  he  had  nothing  but  proof  to  the  contrary, 
but  he  thought  that  resistance  could  be  easily  inferred  if  one  reflected 
upon  the  natural  inclinations  of  man  "when,  from  one  day  to  another,  he 
is  about  to  be  ruined,  as  would  result  to  manv  of  them,  whose  whole 
fortune  consists  in  their  slaves." 

Military  Occupation 

The  decree  of  April  6.  1830,  was  the  more  resented  because  it  seemed 
to  be  the  intention  of  the  government  to  enforce  it.     Teran  had  already 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  71 

been  authorized  to  proceed  with  his  plan  of  military  occupation,  and 
this  was  now  continued  as  a  means  of  executing^  the  law.  Garrisons  were 
placed  at  Tenoxtitlan.  where  the  San  Antonio  and  Nacogdoches  road 
crossed  the  Brazos ;  at  Velasco,  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos ;  at  Anahuac, 
near  the  head  of  Galveston  Bay ;  and  troops  were  moved  from  the  Rio 
Grande  to  Lipantitlan,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Nueces.  There  were  gar- 
risons already  at  San  Antonio.  Goliad,  and  Nacogdoches.  In  spite  of  all 
efforts  to  enforce  the  law  it  was  generally  evaded ;  and  friction  soon 
developed  between  the  colonists  and  the  soldiers. 

The  declared  object  for  establishing  these  posts  was  to  insure  the 
better  collection  of  custom  duties,  and  the  protection  of  the  frontier 
against  the  Indians,  the  real  object  was  to  strengthen  them  by  sending 
in  small  detachments  of  troops  from  time  to  time,  until  the  number 
would  enable  President  Bustamante  to  enforce  his  arbitrary  and  despotic 
rule  in  Texas.  With  the  establishment  of  these  military  posts  was  an 
order  making  Galveston  Island  a  port  of  entry,  with  the  custom-house 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Trinity,  which  greatly  annoyed  the  masters  of  ves- 
sels engaged  in  the  Texas  trade. 

During  this  year,  1831,  the  alcalde  of  San  Felipe  had  serious  trouble 
with  the  authorities  of  the  state :  First,  in  consequence  of  one  of  the 
colonists  inflicting  summary  punishment  on  a  soldier  belonging  to  the 
garrison  at  Tenoxtitlan,  of  which  act  Colonel  Ruiz  made  complaint. 
Millican,  the  offending  party,  declared  that  he  found  the  soldier  butcher- 
ing one  of  his  beeves.  A  correspondence  was  at  once  opened  by  the 
Political  Chief  and  the  alcalde  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Austin,  which  was 
kept  up  until  near  the  end  of  the  term  of  the  latter,  when  Millican  was 
relieved.  The  next  trouble  was  occasioned  by  the  return  to  Texas  of 
Colonel  Martin  Parmer,  of  Fredonian  notoriety.  He,  however,  eluded 
the  vigilance  of  the  civil  and  military  authorities  by  the  aid  of  friends. 
The  next  cause  of  trouble  was  the  arrival  of  Alexander  Thompson  and 
a  few  families  at  Nacogdoches,  where  they  had  .some  trouble  with  the 
commandant  of  that  post.  Colonel  Piedras,  who,  in  compliance  with 
orders,  refused  to  let  them  pass,  and  ordered  them  out  of  the  country. 
However,  they  made  their  way  to  Austin's  colony.  Austin  received  them 
as  colonists,  and  made  a  favorable  report  to  the  government,  which 
averted   further  trouble. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1829  Don  Juan  Antonio  Padilla,  who 
had  been  appointed  commissioner  to  extend  titles  and  put  the  inhabitants 
east  of  Austin's  colony  in  possession  of  their  lands,  accompanied  by  his 
.surveyor,  Thomas  Jefferson  Chambers,  arrived  at  San  Felipe  de  Austin, 
where  they  remained  some  time,  and  thence  proceeded  to  Nacogdoches, 
where  he  established  his  ofiRce  and  appointed  surveyors  for  the  rural 
districts.  Soon  after  this,  however,  he  was  arrested  and  imprisoned  in 
Nacogdoches  on  a  false  charge  of  murder.  Thus  he  was  prevented 
from  extending  titles  and  giving  the  inhabitants  possession  of  their  lands. 
However,  surveys  were  made  for  the  settlers  in  the  several  districts. 

Following  the  arrest  of  Padilla,  Don  Francisco  Madero,  of  Coahuila 
was  appointed  to  fill  the  vacancy.  Madero.  with  his  surveyor  J.  M. 
Carbajal,  reached  San  Felipe  de  Austin  in  the  latter  part  of  December. 
1830.  or  early  in  January.  1831,  where  he  spent  some  time  with  Colonel 


78  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

Austin,  whom  he  consuUed  as  to  the  best  mode  of  proceeding  in  his  new 
mission.  Instead  of  establishing  his  office  at  Nacogdoches,  as  Padilla 
had  done,  he  proceeded  to  Liberty,  on  the  Trinity  River,  estabhshed  his 
office,  created  the  municipality  of  Liberty,  and  held  an  election  for 
alcalde  and  members  of  the  ayuntamiento  of  the  municipality.  Having 
organized  the  government,  he  took  necessary  measures  to  have  the  lands 
of  the  settlers  surveyed. 

These  measures  of  Madero  seem  to  have  given  great  offense  to 
Colonel  J.  D.  Bradburn.  who  commanded  the  new  garrison  at  Anahuac. 
and  who.  in  accordance  with  instructions  from  General  Teran,  or  on 
his  own  motion,  caused  Madero  and  his  surveyor.  Carbajal.  to  be 
arrested  and  imprisoned  at  Anahuac  under  the  charge  of  acting  in 
violation  of  the  decree  of  April  6,  1830.  To  further  annoy  the  people 
of  Liberty,  Bradburn  annulled  the  act  of  Madero  in  creating  a  municipal- 
ity, and  established  one  at  Anahuac.  composed  of  creatures  of  his  own 
and  subservient  to  his  will.  However,  this  new  creation  of  his  was 
short  lived,  and  soon  fell  to  pieces  by  its  own  inherent  rottenness.  His 
first  measure  was  to  close  the  port  of  Brazos  and  make  Galveston  the 
only  port  of  entry  in  Texas,  with  the  custom  house  at  Anahuac.  Against 
this  lawless  and  arbitrary  act  the  citizens  of  Brazoria  protested,  and 
deputed  Dr.  Branch  T.  Archer  and  George  B.  McKinstry  to  wait  upon 
Colonel  Bradburn  and  get  the  order  countermanded.  Bradburn  pre- 
varicated when  called  upon  by  the  committee,  and  said  he  would  have 
to  consult  his  commander,  General  Teran.  but  these  stern  republicans 
were  not  to  be  put  off  by  .so  transparent  a  pretense,  and  demanded  revoca- 
tion of  the  obnoxious  order.  Bradburn  reluctantly  yielded  and  issued 
the  necessary  order  to  re-open  the  port  of  Brazos. 

In  May,  1832,  an  outrage  committed  by  a  soldier  of  the  garrison 
caused  a  number  of  citizens  to  assemble,  and  the  perpetrator  was  severely 
punished.  For  this  and  on  other  pretexts  Bradburn  had  W'illiam  Bar- 
rett Travis,  Patrick  C.  Jack.  Samuel  T.  Allen.  Monroe  Edwards,  and 
other  citizens  of  the  jurisdiction  arrested  and  imprisoned  in  Fort 
Anahuac. 

Their  release  was  demanded  on  the  ground  that  the  civil  and  not 
a  military  court  had  jurisdiction.  A  force  was  hastily  assembled 
under  arms,  and  F.  W.  Johnson  elected  captain.  On  the  march  to 
Anahuac,  some  Mexican  cavalry  were  captured,  and  on  the  third 
day  of  the  siege  Bradburn  agreed  to  turn  over  the  citizens  the  follow- 
ing day  on  condition  the  Texans  released  their  prisoners  and  retired 
to  Turtle  Bayou.  The  Texans  restored  the  prisoners,  but  the  next  day 
Bradburn  marched  out  of  his  fort  and  fired  on  the  town. 

"Thus  far."  to  quote  Captain  Johnson,  the  historian  of  the  ex- 
pedition, "we  had  acted  on  our  own  motion,  and  without  authority 
of  law,  and  had  already  been  denounced  as  traitors."  A  consultation 
ensued,  arid  "in  forming  our  decision  we  were  greatly-  aided  by  certain 
intelligence  that  General  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna  had  taken 
up  arms  against  President  Bustamante,  and  in  support  and  defense 
of  the  constitution  of  1824  which  had  been  violated  by  Bustamante's 
despotism.  In  this  was  presented  a  haven  of  safety.  A  committee 
was   appointed      to   draft   a    preamble    and   resolutions    setting   forth 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  79 

the  causes  which  cunipelled  us  to  take  up  arms,  our  devotion  to  the 
constitution  of  1824,  and  our  support  of  the  gallant  chieftain.  General 
ATitonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna." 

The   rejwrt.   adopted   June    13lh,   was   known   as   the   "'iurtle    Bayou 
Resolutions."  a  jjrotest  against  the  military  occupation  and  \iolation 
of  civil  rights — an  afifirmation   of  loyalty  and  devotion   "to  a   ct)rrcct 
inter])retatioii   and  enforcement  of  the  constitution   and  laws  accord 
ing  to  their  true  spirit." 

.\t  the  same  time  it  was  voted  that  the  investment  of  .\nahuac 
should  continue,  and  reinforcements  summoned  from  more  distant 
settlements.  John  .'\ustin  and  William  J.  Russell  were  sent  to  Rra- 
zoriti  for  artillery  and  ammunition.  The  commandant  of  Fort  Velasco 
refusing  permission  to  trans])ort  this  material  by  water,  the  Rra- 
zorians  resolved  to  attack  and  capture  F'ort  Velasco.  and  then  pro 
cced  to  Anahuac.  .\  schooner  was  commandeered  and  three  pieces 
of  cannon  jnit  on  board,  while  the  main  force  moved  by  land.  The 
attack  was  oi^ened  from  the  vessel  and  the  land  forces  in  the  early 
hours  of  June  26th.  and  at  10  a.  m.  a  white  flag  was  hoisted  on  the 
fort.  The  terms  of  surrender  w-ere  signed  June  29th.  In  this  battle 
the  colonists  had  seven  killed,  and  seventeen  wounded — and  in  this 
respect  the  battle  of  Velasco  stands  out  as  one  of  the  important 
eng.'igements  of  the  revolutionary  period. 

In  the  meantime  Colonel  I'iedras  had  marched  from  .Nacogdoches 
to  relieve  .\nahuac.  but  had  found  the  citizen  army  barring  all 
a])proaches.  In  the  course  of  a  formal  interview  between  Johnson 
and  Fiedras.  a  courier  arrived  with  mail  from  Nacogdoches,  including 
an  official  document  promoting  Colonel  Piedras.  who  is  quoted  by 
Johnson  as  saying  "I  now  rank  Colonel  Bradburn.  and  will  cheer- 
fullv  deliver  the  citizen  ])risoners  to  the  alcalde  of  Liberty."  lie 
proved  true  to  his  word,  and  thus  the  primary  object  of  the  camjiaign 
was  achieved. 

This  bold  attack  on  two  military  posts  caused  profounrl  excite 
iiient  through  the  colonies.  The  majority  doubtless  viewed  the  matter 
m  the  light  of  the  immediate  circumstances  and  approved  the  fortn- 
tuite  issue  if  not  all  the  means  employed.  The  grave  concern  felt 
by  the  more  thoughtful  was  due  to  the  fear  of  more  repressive 
measures  by  the  government,  certain  to  impair  and  distmb  the  period 
of  relative  prosperity  the  colonists  were  then  enjoying. 

In  fact,  the  local  councils  of  San  Felipe  and  Matagorda  expressed 
formal  disa|)proval  of  the  forceful  measures,  and  the  politicil  chiel 
of  the  department  hurried  from  San  Antonio,  but  after  attetidiug 
the  meetings  and  receiving  the  reports  ni  the  commanders  of  the  two 
expeditions  expressed  himself  satisfied  with  what  had  been  done. 

The  people  of  Nacogdoches.  San  .Augustine.  Teneha  and  Bevil's 
settlement  on  the  Neches.  not  to  be  outdone  in  the  good  work,  called 
a  public  meeting,  which  resolved  to  organize  an  armed  force,  march 
ui)on  Nacogdoches,  invite  Colonel  Piedras  and  his  troops  to  declare 
for  the  constitution  of  1824.  surrender,  or  tight.  Janus  W  .  I'.ullock 
wa>  elected  tri  the  command. 


80  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

On  the  first  of  August,  1832,  Colonel  Bullock  marched,  and  en- 
camped near  Nacogdoches.  Isaac  W.  Burton,  Philip  Sublett,  and 
Henry  Augustine  were  appointed  a  committee  to  wait  upon  Colonel 
Piedras,  and  communicate  to  him  the  resolutions  of  the  citizens  then 
in  camp  near  the  town,  and  numbering  some  three  hundred  men. 
Piedras  received  them  courteously,  but  firmly  declined  to  declare  for 
General  Santa  Anna,  and  informed  them  that  he  would  defend  his 
position  to  the  utmost  of  his  ability. 

The  next  day  Colonel  Bullock  marched  near  the  town,  hoping  to 
draw  Piedras  out,  but  that  cautious  commander  remained  quietly 
in  his  quarters,  a  large  church,  with  strong  walls,  and  impervious 
to  the  shot  of  small  arms.  Colonel  Bullock,  failing  to  provoke  an 
attack  by  Piedras,  marched  into  the  town.  On  his  march,  the  Mexican 
cavalry  made  a  dash  at  and  fired  on  the  Texans,  then  wheeled  and 
retreated  to  their  position,  with  what  result  we  are  not  informed. 
In  the  rally  by  the  cavalry,  Don  Encarnacion  Chirino,  alcalde  of 
Nacogdoches,  was  killed.  The  Texans  then  took  possession  of  the 
"Old  Stone  House,"  the  hotel  of  John  S.  Roberts,  then  occupied  as 
a  storehouse,  and  several  others  on  the  plaza,  from  which  positions 
a  desultory  fire  was  kept  up — the  Texans  firing  only  when  a  Mexican 
showed  himself.  Thus  the  battle  was  kept  up  until  evening,  when 
the  Mexican  made  a  sortie,  but  being  repulsed  with  loss  they  retired 
to  the  church. 

Many,  if  not  all.  of  Piedras's  subalterns  were  known  to  be  republi- 
cans and  under  these  circumstances  and  with  communications  cut.  he 
wisely  determined  to  retreat  under  cover  of  night,  and  gave  the  neces- 
sary order.  He  threw  his  ammunition,  except  a  few  rounds,  into  wells, 
but  left  all  his  stores,  his  dead  and  wounded. 

The  next  morning  his  advance  was  fired  on,  while  letting  their 
horses  drink  at  the  Angelina.  Piedras,  believing  his  retreat  cut  oflf. 
turned  over  the  command  to  Major  Francisco  Medina,  who  on  assum 
ing  command  declared  for  the  constitution  of  1824  and  General  Santa 
Anna  and  surrendered  his  force  on  demand  to  the  Texans.  The  Mexi- 
cans lost  in  this  battle  forty-seven  killed  and  as  many  wounded. 
The  Texans  had  three  killed  and  five  wounded. 

In  the  meantime,  at  the  first  sound  of  alarm.  Colonel  Francisco 
Ruiz,  of  Tenoxtitlan,  evacuated  that  place  and  fell  back  to  San 
Antonio.  The  garrison  at  Anahuac  had  sailed  for  Mexico  in  July, 
to  join  Santa  Anna,  and  thus  the  Anglo-American  settlements  were 
freed  from  the  military.  Garrisons  still  remained,  however,  in  the 
Mexican  settlements  at  Goliad  and  San  Antonio. 

Meanwhile,  news  of  the  disturbance  at  Anahuac  and  Velasco  had 
been  communicated  to  the  national  and  state  authorities.  Colonel 
John  Austin  was  a  delegate  to  the  state  legislature,  then  in  session, 
but  on  receipt  of  the  news  from  Texas  he  obtained  leave  of  absence 
to  return  home.  On  his  arrival  at  Matamoras  he  met  Colonel  Jose 
Antonio  Mexia,  who  informed  him  that  he  had  been  ordered  to  reduce 
Matamoras  first  and  then  proceed  to  Texas  to  reduce  the  rebellious 
colonists.  He  said,  however,  that  he  had  entered  into  a  convention 
with   Colonel   Guerra.  commandant  of   Matamoras   under   the   Busta- 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  81 

mantc  government,  and  that  lie  had  a  squadron  of  five  vessels  and  four 
hundred  soldiers.  Colonel  Austin  informed  him  that  he  was  then  on 
his  way  to  Texas,  and  that  he  had  no  doubt  that  the  colonists  had 
been  misrepresented  to  the  government.  Mexia  invited  him  to  take 
passage  with  the  squadron,  which  Austin  readily  accepted.  On  the 
14th  of  July  they  left  Brazos  Santiago  and  sailed  for  the  mouth  of 
the  Brazos  River,  where  they  arrived  on  the  16th. 

Colonel  Alexia  remained  six  days  at  Brazoria  and  was  entertained 
by  the  colonists  in  lavish  fashion,  with  public  meetings,  a  banquet 
and  a  ball.  He  was  apparently  thoroughly  convinced  of  the  sincerity 
of  the  Texan  declarations  in  favor  of  Santa  Anna  and  the  plan  of 
Vera  Cruz,  and  left  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos  on  July  23.  After 
his  departure  the  municipalities  of  Texas  generally  passed  resolutions 
declaring  their  adhesion  to  Santa  Anna. 


\oi,.   1—6 


CHAPTER  VIII 
CONVENTIONS  OF  1832-33 

By  a  fortunate  turn  of  affairs  the  calamity  of  invasion  and  war  was 
averted  from  Texas  for  three  years.  During  this  period  the  Texas  colo- 
nies were  knit  together  in  practical  experience  and  sentiment,  and  thus 
prepared  for  united  resistance  when  the  crisis  came.  Without  this  period 
of  preparation,  during  which  the  colonies  became  accustomed  to  assem- 
bling in  convention  and  acting  in  combination  on  matters  affecting  their 
general  welfare,  it  is  doubtful  if  Texas  could  have  presented  an  organ- 
ized resistance  to  Santa  Anna's  armies,  and  the  settlements  would  have 
fallen  one  by  one  before  an  overwhelming  force. 

On  August  22,  just  a  month  after  the  departure  of  Colonel  Mexia, 
the  ayuntamiento  of  San  Felipe  issued  through  its  two  alcaldes  a  call 
for  a  convention  to  meet  at  San  Felipe  on  October  1,  1832.  Several 
reasons  were  given  for  issuing  the  call :  ( 1  )  The  separate  districts  of 
Texas  had  been  taking  action  individually  to  restore  the  constitution 
and  laws  which  had  been  deranged  by  the  troops.  "These  measures 
have  heretofore  been  adopted  by  the  inhabitants  of  each  district  without 
any  general  concert ;  thus  exposing  Texas  to  the  danger  of  confusion, 
which  might  materially  affect  the  public  tranquility."  (2)  "The  late 
occurrences  have  been  grossly  misrepresented  by  the  enemies  of  Texas, 
and  efforts  have  been  made,  and  are  continually  making,  to  prejudice 
our  fellow-citizens,  in  other  parts  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  against  the 
people  of  Texas,  by  circulating  reports  that  the  object  of  the  late  events 
was  to  declare  this  country  independent  of  Mexico,  which  is  absolutely 
false  and  without  any  foundation  in  truth."  (3)  "The  Indians  have 
commenced  depredations  on  the  frontiers  of  the  Rivers  Brazos,  Colorado, 
(luadalupc  and  San  Antonio ;  and  the  scattered  situation  of  the  settle- 
ments imperiously  requires  that  some  measures  should  be  adopted  for 
their  security."  (4)  "There  are.  indeed,  many  subjects  connected  with 
the  welfare  of  Texas  which  ought  to  be  laid  before  the  Constitutional 
authorities  of  the  Mexican  Nation :  and  these  considerations  of  safety 
to  ourselves,  respect  for  the  character  of  the  people  of  Texas,  the  mo- 
tives which  have  influenced  them,  and  the  sanctity  of  the  cause  of  the 
Constitution,  as  proclaimed  in  Vera  Cruz,  which  we  have  espoused,  have 
induced  the  civil  authorities  of  the  Municipality  of  Austin,  to  recom- 
mend that  the  people  of  Texas  should  be  consulted  at  this  important 
crisis,  which  may  be  done  by  the  election  of  delegates." 

Though  the  time  allowed  bv  the  call  was  short,  sixteen  districts  of 
the  Anglo-American  section  of  Texas  elected  delegates  to  the  convention. 
From  San  Felipe  w^ere  Stephen  F.  Austin,  Wilv  Martin,  F.  W.  Johnson 
and  Luke  Lesassier ;  from  Brazoria  (the  district  of  Victoria,  as  it  was 
called),  George  B.  McKinstry,  William  H.  Wharton,  John  Austin,  Charles 
D.  Sayre ;  from  Mina  (Bastrop),  Ira  Ingram,  Silas  Dinsmore,  Eli  Mer- 
cer :  from  Hidalgo.  Nestor  Clay,  Alexander  Thompson ;  from  San 
Jacinto.  .Archibald  B.  Dobson.  George  F.  Richardson,  Robert  Wilson; 
from  \'iesca.  Jared  !•"..   Groce,   \\'i11iani   Robin.son.   Joshua   Hadly  ;    from 

82 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  83 

Alfred,  Samuel  Bruff.  Uavid  Wright.  William  D.  Lacy,  William  R. 
Hensley,  Jesse  Burnhani :  from  Labaca.  William  Menifee.  James  Kerr. 
( leorge  Sutherland,  Hugh  McGuffin,  Joseph  K.  Looney  ;  from  Gonzales, 
Henry  S.  Brown,  C.  Stinnett;  fmni  Mill  Creek,  John  Connell,  Samuel 
C".  Douglass;  from  Macogdoches,  Charles  S.  Taylor,  Thomas  Hastings, 
and  Truman  Hantz  ;  from  Ayish  Bayou,  I'hilip  Sublett,  Donald  McDon- 
ald, William  McFarland,  Wyatt  Hanks,  and  Jacob  Garret ;  from  Snow 
(  Neches)  River,  Thomas  D.  Beauchatiip,  Elijah  Isaacs,  Samuel  Looney, 
James  Looney  ;  from  Sabine,  Benjamin  Holt,  Absalom  Hier,  Jesse  Par- 
ker; from  Tenaha,  William  English,  Frederick  Foye,  George  Butler. 
John  M.  Bradly,  Jonas  Harrison;  from  Liberty,  Patrick  C.  Jack,  Clai- 
borne West,  James  Morgan. 

Stephen  F.  Austin  and  William  H.  Wharton  were  nominated  for 
[^resident  and  F.  W.  Johnson  and  C.  D.  Taylor  for  secretary.  Austin 
was  elected  by  thirty-one  votes  to  W'harton's  fifteen,  and  Johnson  won 
over  his  opponent  by-  a  vote  of  thirty-four  to  eleven.  It  is  noteworthy 
that  Austin  and  Wharton  represented,  respectively,  the  conservative  and 
the  radical  elements  of  the  colonists.  One  was  striving  with  all  his 
power  to  develop  Texas  in  citizenship  and  resources  to  a  point  where  it 
could  demand  its  just  rights  without  inviting  destruction  from  a  superior 
force ;  the  other  was  the  impetuous  patriot  willing  to  risk  all  in  a  quick, 
decisive  encounter. 

Nearly  all  manufactured  goods  required  by  the  colonists  had  to  be 
imported,  if  dependence  can  be  placed  on  the  report  of  the  committee 
on  tariflF : — 

"The  duties  on  articles  of  the  first  necessity  to  the  inhabitants, 
which  are  not,  and  cannot  be,  manufactured  in  Texas,  for  several 
years  to  come,  are  so  high  as  to  be  equivalent  to  a  total  prohibition ; 
that  many  other  articles  which  are  prohibited  by  the  Tariff  are  of 
the  first  necessity  to  the  settlers  of  Texas;  and  as  the  people,  in 
this  .section  of  the  Republic,  are  yet  almost  without  resources,  and 
are  generally  farmers  who  make  their  support  by  cultivating  the 
land,  and  have  no  manufacturing  establishments  yet  erected  within 
the  limits  of  Texas — they  respectfully  petition  the  general  govern- 
ment to  grant  for  three  years  the  privilege  of  introducing  free  of 
duty  such  articles  as  are  indispensable  to  the  prosperity  of  Texas; 
among  which  this  convention  begs  leave  to  enumerate  the  following, 
viz. :  Provisions,  Iron  and  Steel,  Machinery,  Farming  Utensils. 
Tools  of  the  various  Mechanic  Arts,  Hardware  and  Hollow-ware. 
Nails,  Wagons  and  Carts,  Cotton  Bagging  and  Bale  Rope,  coarse 
Cotton  Goods  and  Clothing,  Shoes  and  Hats,  Household  and  Kitchen 
I""urniture,  Tobacco  for  chewing  in  small  quantities.  Powder.  Lead 
and  Shot,  Medicines,  Books  and  Stationery.  The  foregoing  articles 
include  the  jirincipal  imports  made  use  of,  and  wanted  by  the 
inhabitants  of  Texas ;  many  of  them  are  prohibited,  and  on  those 
which  are  allowed  to  be  introduced  the  duties  are  so  high  that  they 
amount  to  a  prohibition.  The  trade  to  Texas  is  small,  and  the  re- 
sources limited,  but  if  fostered  by  a  liberal  policy  on  the  part  of  the 
general  government,  it  will,  in  a  few  years,  \ield  a  revenue  of  no 
small  importance." 


84  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

After  some  discussion  this  memorial  was  adopted  without  amend- 
ment. 

The  work  of  the  convention  is  outlined  in  a  letter  written  by  Secre- 
tary Johnson  to  the  ayuntamiento  of  San  Antonio,  subsequent  to  adjourn- 
ment. 

"After    full    deliberation   it    was   concluded   to    represent    to    the 
congress,  agreeably  to  article  2d  of  the  law  of   May  7,   1824,  that 
Texas  has  the  proper  requisites  to  form  singly  a  state  separate  from 
Coahuila.     It  was  further  agreed  to  claim  a  reform  of  the  maritime 
tariflf,  and  the  abrogation  of  article  11th  of  the  law  of  April  6,  1830, 
prohibiting  the  immigration  of  natives  of  the  United  States  of  th(? 
north.     A  request  was  also  made  to  the  government  to  appoint  a 
commissioner   for  the  settlement  of  land  matters,   and   to  establish 
an  ayuntamiento  between  the   San  Jacinto  and  Sabine  rivers ;  also 
to  grant  certain  lands  to  the  ayuntamientos  of  Texas,  by  the  sale 
whereof  they  might  raise  the  funds  needed  to  erect  schoolhouses  and 
support  schools  of  the  Spanish  and  American  languages.     In  view 
of  the  exposed  situation  of  the  country  to  Indian  depredations,  the 
convention    agreed   upon    framing   a   provincial    regulation    for    the 
militia.     They  also  appointed  a  standing,  or  central,  committee  in 
this  town  and  subordinate  committees  in  every  section  represented 
in  the  body.     It  was  made  the  duty  of  the  central  committee  to  cor- 
respond with  the  subordinate  committees,  inform  them  concerning 
subjects  of  general  interest,  arid,  in  case  of  emergency,  to  call  another 
general  meeting  or  Texas  convention." 
In  Texas,  the  convention,  like  American  mass  meetings  in  general, 
provided  a  vent  for  the  pent-up  excitement  attending  the  commotions  of 
the  time,  and  in  so  far  it  tended  to  calm  the  people  and  enable  them  to 
resume  their  regular  routine  of  life.     Austin,  replying  to  a  letter  from 
the  political  chief  at  San  Antonio,  who  condemned  the  convention  and 
threatened   punishment   to  the   colonists    for   such   proceedings,   declared 
that  as  a  result  of  the  convention  "already  the  public  is  better  satisfied, 
and  we  have  had  more  quiet  than  we  had  some  time  anterior  thereto." 
Continuing,  he  said : 

"In   times   like   the   present,   any    measure   is   bad   that  tends   to 

irritate    and    produce    excitement :    every    measure    is    good    that    is 

calculated  to  soothe,  bind  up  and  bring  about  tranquility  and  good 

order." 

As  to  the  ultimate   results.   .Austin's  opinion,  expressed   in   the   same 

letter,  was  gloomy. 

"T  have  but  little  hope  of  obtaining  anything  from  the  govern  ■ 
ment  of  Mexico.  There  is  little  probability  that  we  shall  soon  have 
a  stable  and  peaceable  order  of  public  affairs ;  and  I  give  it  as  mv 
deliberate  judgment  that  Texas  is  lost  if  she  take  no  measure  of 
her  own  for  her  welfare.  I  incline  to  the  opinion  that  it  is  your 
duty,  as  chief  magistrate,  to  call  a  general  convention  to  take  into 
consideration  the  condition  of  the  country.  I  do  not  know  how  the 
state  or  general  government  can  presume  to  say  that  the  people  of 
Texas  have  violated  the  constitution,  when  the  acts  of  both  govern- 
ments have  long  since  killed  the  constitution,  and  when  the  confed- 


Sam  Houston 


86  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

eration  itself  has  hardly  any  life  left.     I  cannot  approve  the  asser- 
tion that  the  people  have  not  the  right  to  assemble  peaceably,  and 
calmly  and  respectfully  represent  their  wants.     In  short,  the  condi- 
tion of  Texas  is  bad,  but  we  may  fear  to  see  it  still  worse." 
The  administration  of  affairs  in  Texas  at  that  time  required  careful 
handHng,  a  fact  that  was  understood  by  Santa  Anna  himself.     In  a  let- 
ter   written    to    the    minister    of    state    under    the    reinstated    President 
Pedraza,  he  wrote : 

"Satisfied,   as   I    am.   that   the    foreigners    who   have    introduced 
themselves  in  that  province  have  a  strong  tendency  to  declare  them- 
selves independent  of  the  republic ;  and  that  all  their  remonstrances 
and  complaints  are  but   disguised  to  that  end,   I   think   it   to  be  of 
paramount   importance  that   General   Filisola  should   forthwith   pro- 
ceed to  fulfill  his  mission,  having  first  been  well  supplied  with  good 
officers  and  the  greatest  number  of  troops  possible,  with  instructions 
both  to  secure  the  integrity  of  our  territory  and  do  justice  to  the 
colonists.     The  interest  of  the  nation  requires  a  kind  policy  towards 
those  people,   for  they  have  done  us  good  service,  and,   it   must  be 
confessed,  they  have  not  on  all  occasions  been  treated  with  justice 
and  liberality." 
Among  the  colonists  themselves  the  convention  of  1832  had  not  given 
entire   satisfaction.     Some  complained   that   its   action   was   not   positive 
enough,  that  it  ought  to  have  proceeded  immediately  to  the  adoption  of  a 
.state  constitution  and  the  organization  of  a  government,  instead  of  peti- 
tioning  for   permission   to  do   so.     Others  thought   that   the   convention 
would  better  not  have  been  held  at  all ;  and  still  others  were  dissatisfied 
because  the  convention  had  followed  so  closely  upon  the  call  for  elections 
that  it  had  been  difficult  to  elect  representatives  and  get  them  to   San 
Felipe  in  time   for   the  meeting.     These  conditions,   in   connection   with 
the   fact  that  during  the  winter  of   1832-1833   Santa  Anna   was  elected 
president,  led  the  Central  Committee  to  call  a  second  convention  to  meet 
at  San  Felipe  on  April  1,  1833.     The  notice  was  issued  in  January,  and 
the  elections  were  to  take  place  the  first  of  March,  thus  allowing  ample 
time  for  deliberation  and  action.     It  was  hoped  that  Santa  Anna  would 
view  with  favor  the  petitions  of  the  Texans  who  had  assisted  him  by 
expelling  from  the  province  the  officials  of  his  rival,  Bustamante. 

The  same  districts  were  represented  in  this  assembly  as  in  the  con- 
vention of  1832,  and  for  the  most  part  by  the  same  representatives. 
One  of  the  notable  additions  to  this  body  was  General  Sam  Houston, 
who  had  arrived  in  Texas  the  preceding  December.  Johnson  was  not 
a  member.  Stephen  F.  Austin  and  William  H.  Wharton  were  again 
rivals  for  the  presidency,  and  this  time  Wharton  was  elected.  Thomas 
Hastings  was  elected  secretary. 

The  convention  did  little  more  than  re-enact  the  resolutions  and 
memorials  of  the  preceding  meeting.  In  the  petition  for  separation  the 
delegates  went  further  than  they  had  thought  wise  to  go  in  1832.  A 
committee  of  which  Sam  Houston  was  chairman  drew  up  a  constitution 
for  submission  to  the  approval  of  congress,  and  David  G.  Burnet,  as 
chairman  of  another  committee,  drafted  a  long  memorial  arguing  for  its 
acceptance. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  87 

The  constitution  \va>  a  slightly  modified  copy  of  the  organic  law  of 
individual  American  states.  Mexican  officials  of  that  time,  and  con- 
servative American  today,  would  see  dangerous  radicalism  in  the  "bill 
of  rights,"  the  first  two  articles  being: 

"Art.  1.  All  power  is  inherent  in  the  people,  and  all  free  govern- 
ments are  fortned  upon  their  authority,  and  established  for  their 
peace,  safety,  and  hajjpiness.  For  the  advancement  of  those  ends, 
they  have  an  inviolable  right  to  alter,  reform  and  abolish  the  govern- 
ment in  such  a  manner  as  they  may  think  proper. 

"Art  2.     Government    being   instituted,    for    the    protection    and 
common  interest  of  all  per.sons,  the  slavish  doctrine  of  non-resist- 
ance  against   arrogant   power  and   oppression,   is   discarded,   as   de- 
structive to  the  happiness  of  mankind,  and  as  insulting  to  the  rights, 
and  subversive  to  the  wants  of  any  people." 
Stephen  F.  Austin  was  not  in  full  accord  with  the  convention.     He 
feared  it  would  be  misunderstood,  and  thought  that  it  would  have  been 
better  to  repeat  the  action  of  the  first  convention  and  apply  for  permis- 
sion to  frame  a  constitution,  instead  of  going  ahead  and  submitting  the 
finished  product  to  congress  for  approval.     Nevertheless  the  convention 
elected  him  to  go  to  Mexico  to  urge  the  acceptance  of  the  various  petir 
tions.     The  members  knew  his  influence  with  the  government,  and  hoped 
that  he  would  be  successful  in  gaining  the  desired  reforms.     Dr.  J.  B. 
Miller  of  San  Felipe  and  Erasmo  Seguin  of  San  Antonio  were  elected 
to  accompany  him,  but  neither  went,  so  that  Austin  undertook  the  mis- 
sion alone. 


CHAPTER  IX 

AUSTIN'S  MISSION 

On  April  22,  a  little  more  than  ten  days  after  the  adjournment  of  the 
convention,  Austin  set  out.  He  was  to  go  by  San  Antonio  and  Goliad, 
and  endeavor  to  get  the  Mexican  settlers  of  the  department  of  Bexar 
to  join  in  the  petition  for  a  state  government.  He  reached  San  Antonio 
on  the  29th  and  remained  until  the  7th  or  8th  of  May.  His  visit  failed 
of  its  object. 

There  is  no  report  of  the  result  of  Austin's  visit  to  Goliad,  though, 
as  there  were  a  number  of  Anglo-American  residents  in  that  district, 
it  is  probable  that  he  was  more  successful  than  he  had  been  at  San 
Antonio.  At  Matamoras  he  called  on  the  military  commandant  of  the 
Eastern  Provinces,  General  Vicente  Filisola,  explained  to  him  the  pur- 
pose of  the  mission  to  Mexico,  and  obtained  a  passport.  At  the  same 
time  he  forwarded  through  Filisola  a  copy  of  the  constitution  and 
memorials  to  the  government.  He  left  Matamoras  about  the  first  of 
June,  expecting  to  reach  Vera  Cruz  in  six  or  seven  days,  but  in  fact  he 
did  not  arrive  until  July  2,  after  a  voyage  of  thirty  days.  The  vessel 
on  which  he  was  embarked  was  a  small  schooner,  provisioned  only  with 
salt  food,  and  the  hardships  of  the  last  ten  days  of  the  voyage  were 
increased  by  a  shortage  of  fresh  water. 

The  Civil  war  which  had  removed  Bustamante  from  the  presidential 
chair  was  still  going  on,  conditions  were  very  unsettled,  and  travel  was 
far  from  safe.  Nevertheless,  Austin  set  out  for  the  capital  on  the  5th 
of  July.  He  was  detained  for  some  days  at  Jalappa,  because  the  military 
commandant  at  Vera  Cruz  had  neglected  to  endorse  his  passport,  and 
only  reached  the  City  of  Mexico  on  July  18,  nearly  three  months  after 
his  departure  from  San  Felipe.  Santa  Anna,  the  president,  was  absent 
from  the  city,  conducting  a  campaign  against  Generals  Arista  and  Duran, 
the  representatives  of  the  old  Bustamante  regime ;  so  that  Austin  ex- 
plained his  business  to  the  vice-president,  Gomez  Farias,  and  the  ministry. 
In  his  argument  he  confined  himself  to  pressing  the  separation,  and  says 
nothing  about  the  acceptance  of  the  constitution  which  he  took  to  Mexico. 

The  petition  for  state  government  was  referred  by  the  ministry  to  the 
house  of  deputies  on  August  21,  with  a  suggestion  that  prompt  action  was 
desirable ;  but  at  about  the  same  time  congress  adjourned  on  account  of 
a  raging  epidemic  of  Asiatic  cholera,  and  was  not  again  in  session  for 
nearly  a  month.  The  uncertainty  of  the  Civil  war  and  the  tedious  delay 
amid  such  harrowing  conditions  were  wearing  out  Austin's  patience. 
Then  toward  the  end  of  September  he  heard  of  the  ravages  of  cholera 
in  Texas.  Some  of  his  best  friends,  and  his  little  niece,  Mary  Perry, 
had  died.  Sick  at  heart  and  impatient  of  the  dilatory  methods  of  the 
government,  he  called  on  the  vice-president  and  told  him  plainly  that 
unless  some  attention  were  quickly  given  to  the  petition  of  the  Texans 
he  feared  that  they  would  act  without  the  government's  authorization. 
Farias,  interpreting  this  as  a  threat,  became  very  angry,  and  Austin  left 
the  conference  convinced  that  no  relief  was  to  be  expected  from  that 

88 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  89 

source.     Reporting  the  meeting  to  his  brother-in-law   the  next  day,  he 
said, 

"I  am  tired  of  this  government.     Texas  must  take  care  of  her- 
self without  paying  any  attention  to  these  people  or  to  the  govern- 
ment.    They  always  have  been  in  revolution,  and  I  believe  always 
will  be.     I  have  had  much  more  respect  for  them  than  they  deserve 
— but  I  am  done  with  all  that." 
The  same  day    (October  2)    he  wrote  to  the   ayuntamiento   of   San 
Antonio  recommending  that  all  the  ayuntamientos  of  Texas  jjut  them- 
selves into  communication  with  each  other  without  delay    for  the  pur- 
pose of  organizing  a  local  government  for  Texas,  in  the  form  of  a  state 
of  the  Mexican  federation  founded  upon  the  law  of  May  7,   1824,  and 
have  everything  ready  to  accomplish  this  in  union  and  harmony  as  soon 
as  it  is  known  that  the  general  congress  has  refused  its  approbation. 

"This    step   is   absolutely    necessary    as   a   preparatory    measure, 
because  there  is  now  no  doubt  that  the  fate  of  Texas  depends  upon 
itself  and  not  upon  this  government ;  nor  is  there  any  doubt  that, 
unless  the  inhabitants  of  Texas  take  all  its  affairs  into   their  own 
hands,  that  country  is  lost." 
.\    few   days    later,    October    7,    1833,    Santa    Anna    won    a    decisive 
victory    over    the    reactionary    forces    at    Guanajuato.      Congress    on 
October  22nd  passed  the  repeal  of  the  eleventh  article  of  the  law  of 
April  6,  1830;  and  on  the  arrival  of  Santa  Anna,  who  was  expected 
in   a   few  days,  he   intended  to   make  a  final  effort  to   settle   the   state, 
question.     The  United  States  was  making  a  strong  effort,   through 
Colonel   Anthony    Butler,   charge   d'affaires   at   Mexico,    to    obtain    a 
transfer  of  Texas ;  and  Austin  had  some  hope  that  the  government 
would  either  organize  it  as  a  state  or  transfer  it  to  the  United  States. 
On  November  5,  1833,  Santa  Anna  called  a  meeting  of  his  cabinet, 
which  Austin  attended,  to  discuss  the  Texas  questions.    The  president 
announced  himself  as  favorably  disposed  toward  Texas,  and  said  that 
the  general  government  would  consider  all  the  petitions  presented  by 
Austin  ;  and  would  recommend  to  the  state  government  a  reform  of 
the  judiciary  system,  so  as  to  give  the  colonists  trial  by  jury.     He  did 
not  think  Texas  was  yet  prepared  for  state  government,  but  in  the 
effort  to  help  it  attain  fitness  for  that  end  he  would  take  imder  con- 
sideration the  advisability  of  sending  troops  to  Texas  to  protect  the 
settlement  from  the  Indians. 

Finally,  on  December  7,  Austin  was  informed  by  tlie  minster  of 
Relaciones  of  the  status  of  his  affairs.  The  objectionable  article  of 
the  law  of  April  6  was  repealed,  recommendations  had  been  made  to 
the  state  government  for  reforms  to  meet  the  wishes  of  the  Texans, 
and  other  matters  had  been  referred  to  the  treasury  de])artnient, 
from  which  Austin  would  doubtless  hear  in  due  time.  The  question 
of  separate  state  government  was,  of  course,  closed. 

With  this  Austin  was  forced  to  be  content,  and  believing  that  he 
had  accomplished  all  that  was  possible  at  that  time,  be  began  his 
homeward  journey  on  December  10.  But  he  was  destined  not  to 
see  Texas  for  nearly  two  years.  The  unfortunate  letter  he  had  writ- 
ten (October  2),  quoted  above,  had  been  transmitted  by  the  political 


90  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

chief  to  the  federal  authorities,  and  its  arrival  in  Mexico  started 
a  veritable  avalanche  of  official  correspondence.  In  spite  of  the  fact 
that  Austin  had  left  the  city  openly  in  a  public  cache,  after  securing 
a  passport  and  paying  formal  farewell  visits  to  the  vice-president  and 
other  officers,  the  government  feared  that  he  would  escape.  The  state 
department  warned  the  governor.s  of  nearly  every  state  in  the  confed- 
eration to  watch  for  him  and  cause  his  arrest ;  while  the  war  depart- 
ment sent  similar  notices  to  most  of  the  military  commandants.  This 
tremendous  activity  was  not  to  go  without  its  reward,  especially  as 
Austin  did  not  know  that  he  was  being  sought  and  made  no  eflfort 
to  conceal  his  movements.  On  arriving  at  Saltillo  on  January  3,  1834, 
he  called  on  the  military  commandant,  whom  he  had  been  making 
forced  marches  to  overtake  ever  since  leaving  San  Luis  Potosi,  and 
received  notice  that  he  was  arrested  and  must  return  to  the  capital. 

In  his  correspondence  during  the  next  year  and  a  half  Austin 
continued  to  talk  optimistically  to  the  colonists,  urging  them  to 
eschew  political  activity,  to  attend  to  their  personal  affairs,  and  rely 
confidently  on  the  kind  intentions  of  the  government ;  while  to  the 
government  he  spoke  of  the  patience  of  the  colonists  under  multiplied 
neglect  and  abuses,  and  boldly  demanded  reforms.  If  on  the  one 
hand  he  pretended  to  a  confidence  in  the  government  which  he  did 
not  feel,  and  on  the  other  somewhat  exaggerated  the  long-suflfering 
loyalty  of  the  colonists,  who  can  blame  him?  He  wished  to  avoid 
an  outburst  in  Texas  and  no  doubt  he  still  wished  to  be  loyal  to 
Mexico ;  but  at  the  same  time  the  interest  of  Texas  was  paramount, 
and  unless  the  government  recognized  its  obligations  no  efTort  of  his 
would  long  be  continued  to  save  the  province  to  Mexico. 

For  several  months  Austin  was  confined  incotnmunicado  in  a 
dungeon  of  the  inquisicion,  and  while  conditions  were  ameliorated 
he  remained  a  prisoner.  He  was  not  informed  of  the  charges  against 
him,  and  during  the  summer  of  1834  his  case  was  transferred  from 
one  court  to  another.  Peter  W.  Grayson  and  S.  H.  Jack  who  carried 
memorials  in  his  behalf  from  Texas,  secured  his  release  on  bail, 
within  the  limits  of  the  city,  on  Christmas  day. 

Austin's  release  was  finally  due  to  the  passage  of  an  amnesty  law. 
Congress  met  on  January  4,  1835,  and  this  was  introduced  early  in  the 
session.  When  Grayson  and  Jack  left  the  capital  at  the  beginning  of 
February  they  and  Austin  thought  that  it  would  be  published  in  a 
few  days,  but  by  March  10  it  had  only  gotten  to  the  president,  who 
expected  to  return  it  to  Congress  for  certain  changes.  Austin  was 
detained  in  the  city  on  one  formality  or  another  until  July  13,  when 
he  departed  for  Vera  Cruz,  intending  to  embark  for  New  Orleans, 
where  he  could  get  passage  to  Texas.  At  Vera  Cruz,  however,  the 
military  commandant  declined  to  allow  him  to  ship,  and  a  visit  to 
Santa  Anna  at  his  hacienda.  Manga  de  Clavo,  was  necessarj'  to  get 
an  order  for  the  commandant  to  let  him  pass.  After  a  few  days  in 
New  Orleans  he  sailed  for  Texas  and  arrived  at  Brazoria  on  Septem- 
ber 1,  1835,  two  years  and  a  half  after  his  departure  on  the  mission 
of  1833. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  91 

Why  was  Austin  su  long  dcUiined ?  He  sfcmed  convinced  that 
Santa  Anna  was  kindl}  disposed  toward  him,  hut  was  powerless  to 
hasten  the  slowly  moving  wheels  of  justice.  Santa  Anna  had  been 
absent  from  the  capital  during  the  most  of  1833,  and  was  absent  when 
Austin  was  committed  to  prison  in  1834.  Two  weeks  after  his  return 
to  the  capital  in  April,  1834,  the  rigor  of  Austin's  confinement  was 
relieved,  and  the  case  began  its  round  of  the  courts.  Nevertheless 
it  has  been  plausibly  suggested  that  Santa  .Anna,  planning  to  over- 
throw the  federal  system  and  estalilish  a  stronglv  centralized  govern- 
ment, and  foreseeing  opposition  to  this  program  from  the  republican^ 
of  Texas,  was  really  holding  Austin  as  a  hostage.  This  certainly 
would  not  be  inconsistent  with  what  we  know  of  the  president's 
methods,  but  as  yet  no  direct  evidence  has  appeared  to  establish  the 
fact.  Austin  thought  at  times  that  his  case  was  hurt  by  his  personal 
enemies,  both   in    Mexico  and   in   Texas,   and   by    injudicious   friends. 

The  cjuestion  of  how  Austin's  attitude  toward  Mexico  was  affected 
by  his  imprisonment  cannot  receive  a  positive  answer.  As  he  wrote  to 
Senator  Llanos  a  fortnight  after  his  arrest,  he  considered  it  his  first 
duty  to  guard  the  interest  of  the  settlers  who  had  come  to  Texas  at  his 
solicitation,  and  his  observance  of  Mexican  politics  at  close  range  dur- 
ing the  two  years  of  his  involuntary  residence  at  the  capital  may 
have  forced  the  reflection  upon  him  that  a  large  measure  of  independ- 
ence or  complete  separation  from  Mexico  was  the  onl}^  thing  that 
could  ])ermanently  protect  Texas  from  the  incessant  wrangles  which 
there  seemed  every  reason  for  believing  would  continue.  The  surest 
way  for  Texas  to  attain  this  favored  ])osition,  assuming  that  .Austin 
had  such  an  idea  in  mind,  was  to  so  strengthen  itself  that  the  govern- 
ment could  not  safely  reject  its  demands  when  next  they  were  made. 
While  his  letters  af?ord  no  clue  that  he  had  deliberately  thought  the 
matter  out  in  this  way.  the  advice  that  he  gave  was  consistent  with 
such  a  conclusion.  To  his  brother-in-law  he  wrote  Januar}-  16,  1834: 
"My  advice  to  Texas  is  what  it  has  always  been — remain  quiet — popu- 
late the  country — improve  your  farms — and  discountenance  all  revo- 
lutionary men  or  principles."  To  Oliver  Jones,  representative  of  the 
department  of  the  Brazos  in  the  state  congress,  on  May  30,  1834 : 
"All  you  need  in  Texas  is  peace,  a  dead  calm,  and  to  make  good 
crops;"  and  nearly  a  year  later,  March  4,  1835.  to  his  brother-in-law 
again  :  "Calm,  a  dead  calm,  and  close  attention  to  farming,  and  no 
excitement  nor  party  divisions,  are  all  that  Texas  needs  at  present." 
On  March  10.  1835,  he  wrote  Perrv  that  the  feeling  toward  Texas  was 
much  better  than  it  had  ever  been,  and  be  believed  that  "if  the  atten- 
tion of  government  and  of  congress  was  not  distracted  by  the  disjointed 
state  of  the  times,  something  material  would  be  done  for  Texas. 
However,  it  is  really  not  so  ■i'crv  important  whether  anything  is  done 
or  not  if  a  dead  calm  and  union  can  be  preserved  in  the  country — 
immigration — good  crops — no  i)art\-  divisions — no  excitement — no 
personalities — should  be  the  political  creed  of  every  one  in  Texas." 
The  legislature  had  passed  a  number  of  laws  favorable  to  Texas 
during  the  session  of  1834,  and  on  March  31,  1835,  Williams  wrote 
Austin  that  during  Januar\    aiul   Februar\    two  thousand   immigrants 


92  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

had  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos  alone.     Texas  could  afford  to 
be  patient. 

Austin  seems  to  have  felt  no  enthusiasm  for  a  union  of  Texas  with 
the  United  States.  On  July  13,  1834,  Colonel  Anthonj'  Butler  wrote 
the  secretary  of  state  of  the  United  States: 

"He  is  unquestionably  one  of  the  bitterest  foes  to  our  Govern- 
ment and  people  that  is  to  be  found  in  Mexico,  and  has  done 
more  to  embarrass  our  negotiations  upon  a  certain  subject  than 
all  the  rest  of  the  opposition  together;  and  I  am  very  sure  that 
he  was  the  principal  cause  of  my  being  defeated  in  the  last  effort 
to  obtain  a  cession  of  Texas." 
On  the  eve  of  his  departure  for  home,  Austin  appeared  not  to  look 
beyond  a  continuance  of  the  connection  with  Mexico  as  a  separate 
state,  and  the  development  of  the  province  under  the  Mexican  system. 
Whatever  may  have  been  Austin's  inmost  wishes  concerning  th'e 
ultimate  disposition  of  Texas  it  is  clear  enough  that  he  regarded  the 
rapid  population  of  the  country  from  the  United  States  as  of  funda- 
mental importance,  because  with  such  a  population  Texas  would  be 
master  of  its  own  destinv. 


CHAPTER  X 
STATE  OF  COAHUILA-TEXAS,  1833-35 

The  year  1833  was  a  hard  one  for  Texas.  Disastrous  floods  and  a 
sweeping  epidemic  of  Asiatic  cholera  laid  heavy  toll  of  sutTerrng  and 
sorrow  upon  the  land.  James  F.  Perry  warned  Austin  that  he  would 
find  on  his  return  many  vacancies  in  the  ranks  of  his  friends ;  eighty 
died  in  Brazoria  alone,  he  thought,  and  the  dead  sometimes  lay  un- 
buried  became  of  the  terror  of  the  survivors.  In  some  cases  whole 
families  were  wiped  out.  John  Austin,  one  of  the  alcaldes  of  San 
Felipe,  and  leader  of  the  attack  on  Velasco  in  1832,  D.  W.  Anthony, 
editor  of  the  Brazoria  paper,  and  the  empresario  Martin  de  Leon, 
were  among  the  conspicuous  losses  to  Texas  during  this  memorable 
year. 

But  after  the  passage  of  the  cholera  the  chief  interest  of  the  Texans 
shifted  to  state  politics,  the  trend  of  which  offered  many  additional 
reasons  for  desiring  separation  from  Coahuila.  The  trouble  here  was 
due  partly  to  a  local  quarrel  between  Saltillo,  in  the  southeastern 
corner  of  Coahuila,  and  Monclova  in  the  northwest,  and  parth'  to  the 
disturbed  condition  of  national  afl^airs.  On  March  9,  1833,  the  legis- 
lature of  Coahuila  and  Texas  passed  a  decree  removing  "for  the 
present"  the  capital  of  the  state  from  Saltillo  to  Monclova,  and  requiring 
the  governor  and  other  members  of  the  executive  department  to  take 
up  their  residence  there  by  April  1. 

The  legislature  that  met  at  Monclova  on  January  1,  1834,  was  un- 
usually liberal  in  its  treatment  of  Texas.  Four  new  municipalities 
were  created,  Matagorda.  San  Augustine,  San  Patricio,  and  Mina : 
the  department  of  the  Brazos  was  established  between  the  former  de- 
partments of  Bexar  and  Nacogdoches ;  Texas  was  allowed  an  addi- 
tional representative  in  the  legislature ;  the  use  of  English  in  official  docu- 
ments was  legalized  ;  and  the  judiciary  system  was  revised  so  as  to  allow 
Texas  an  orderly  series  of  courts  with  trial  by  jury  in  criminal  cases. 
.'Ml  these  measures  tended  in  the  direction  of  a  greater  degree  of  local 
self-government  for  the  Anglo-American  portion  of  Texas,  and  may 
have  been  influenced  in  part  by  the  recommendations  of  Santa  .\nna 
and  the  general  government,  growing  out  of  the  conference  with 
.Austin  on  October  5,  1833.  Henry  Smith  was  appointed  political 
chief  of  the  new  department. 

Toward  the  end  of  April  the  legislature  adjourned,  leaving  the 
government  in  the  hands  of  the  acting  governor,  \'illasefior,  and  the 
permanent  deputation.  On  May  23  some  of  Santa  .'\nna's  adherents 
in  the  state  of  Morelos  proclaimed  the  j)lan  of  Cuernavaca,  which 
declared  null  liberal  reforms  recently  adopted  bv  Congress,  protested 
against  changes  in  the  state  religion,  and  called  on  Santa  .'\nna  to 
dissolve  Congress  and  defend  the  constitution.  On  June  24,  the 
permanent  deputation  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  called  the  legislature  to 
meet  at  Monclova  on  August  9  to  take  measures  for  the  "safety  of 
the    federation"    and    "for    the    permanent    restoration    of    the    public 

03 


94  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

tranquillity,  at  present  interrupted  by  the  collisiun  uf  the  supreme 
national  authorities,  and  by  [^ronimciamcntos  which  as  a  pretext  in- 
voke religion,  which  is  really  free  from  danger ;  and  for  the  avoidance 
of  any  internal  disturbance  which  such  events  might  occasion."  At 
the  same  time,  declaring  that  the  state  would  not  permit  "the  exalted 
name  of  religion  to  be  wantonly  invoked  within  its  territory."  it 
authorized  the  governor  to  banish  from  the  state  anyone  who  showed 
a  disposition  to  disturb  the  public  peace  in  such  manner.  A  month 
later,  however,  the  opposition  to  the  plan  of  Cuernavaca  was  with- 
drawn, because,  as  it  was  said,  the  nation  seemed  to  concur  in  accept- 
ing it.  and  Coahuila  and  Texas  would  never  stand  in  way  of  the  will 
of  the  majority  of  the  states.  The  legislature  w-as  prevented  from 
organizing  by  the  failure  of  some  members  to  attend  and  by  the 
withdrawal  of  the  two  members  from  Saltillo. 

In  the  meantime.  Saltillo,  hoping  to  regain  its  old  position  as 
capital  of  the  state  by  supporting  Santa  Anna,  had  forestalled  Mon- 
clova  by  pronouncing  in  favor  of  Santa  Anna  and  the  plan  of  Cuer- 
navaca on  July  19.  It  then  proceeded  to  set  up  a  rival  government 
and  declared  all  acts  of  the  legislature  since  January  1,  1834.  null 
and  void.  Civil  war  threatened  between  Saltillo  and  Monclova,  and 
Acting  Governor  Villasefior  was  deposed  at  ilonclova  to  make  way 
for  a  military  executive  in  the  person  of  Juan  Elguezabal.  Hostile 
preparations  went  on  a-pace  and  on  September  2.  1834.  Oliver  Jones, 
the  representative  of  the  department  of  the  Brazos  at  Monclova.  wrote 
pessimistically  to  Political  Chief  Henry  Smith  that  the  Saltillo 
government  was  gaining  strength  daily. 

After  some  skirmishes  had  occurred  between  the  forces  of  the  rival 
towns  civil  war  was  averted  by  an  agreement  on  November  6  to  refer 
the  quarrel  to  the  arbitration  of  Santa  .\nna.  The  president's  deci- 
sion was  rendered  December  2,  and  declared  that  Monclova  should 
remain  the  capital :  that  Elguezabal  should  continue  to  hold  the 
executive  office  until  a  new  election  could  be  held :  and  that  an  elec- 
tion should  immediately  be  called  to  choose  a  full  corps  of  state 
officials.  This  election  should  have  taken  place  in  the  fall,  but  it  had 
been  prevented  by  the  confusion  in  Coahuila.  The  election  was  now 
held  on  Februarv  9.  1835,  and  the  legislature  convened  on  March  1. 
1835. 

By  many  the  omission  of  the  elections  in  the  fall  of  1834  was  re- 
garded as  putting  both  governments  outside  the  law,  and  as  leaving 
Coahuila  and  Texas  entirely  without  government.  Some  of  the  Coa- 
huilans  gathered  at  Bexar  and  induced  the  political  chief  of  that 
department  to  issue  on  October  13  a  call  tor  a  convention  to  meet  at 
Bexar  on  November  15  to  organize  a  provisional  government,  pend- 
ing the  settlement  of  the  quarrel.  A  portion  of  the  address,  which  is 
translated  in  Edward's  History  of  Texas,  presents  a  graphic  picture 
of  the  political  situation  :  "The  disastrous  events  which  have  lately 
taken  place  in  the  great  Mexican  nation,  of  which  you  are  a  part,  and 
the  deplorable  and  perilous  situation  in  which  the  state  is  now  placed, 
demand  imperiously  your  exclusive  and  most  serious  attention.  The 
baleful  and  jjortentous  spirit  of  revolution  has  torn  the  re])ublic  into 


?IlSTORY  OF  TEXAS  95 

pieces,  and  threatens  in   the   most  alarming   manner   the  liberal   and 
republican  institutions  which  you  have  sworn  to  maintain.     *     *     ♦ 

"The  congress  of  the  state  has  ceased  to  exist;  the  elections 
have   not   been    made ;    the    state    is    dissolved.     Two    governors, 
equally  illegitimate,  contend  with  each  other  for  the  exercise  of 
executive  power  of  the  state ;  and  its  inhabitants  are  under  no 
legal  and  constitutional  obligation  to  obey  either  the  one  or  the 
other;  as  you  have  been  made  fully  sensible  of,  by  your  returned 
representatives.    This  monstrous  phenomenon  which  has  appeared 
in  the  political  horizon  of  the  state,  has  caused  a  universal  and 
frightful  disorder  and  confusion  ;  convincing  us  that  we  have  no 
time  to  lose.     Therefore,  we  the  undersigned  entreat  the  people 
of  Texas  to  unite  with  their  fellow-citizens  of  Bexar,  in  deliber- 
ating upon  the  means  which  it  may  be  expedient  to  adopt,  in  order 
to   save   the   countrv   from    such    unparalleled   anarchy    and    con- 
fusion !" 
This  address,  with   characteristic    Mexican   sluggishness,   reached 
the  political  chief  of  the  Brazos  on  October  28,  after  he  had  already 
been  moved  to  action  on  his  own  account.    On  October  20  he  issued  a 
broadside  of  four  columns  entitled  "Security  for  Texas,"  which  was 
reprinted  in  the  Texas  Republican  of  the  25th.     Quoting  Oliver  Jones's 
letter  of  September  2,  he  said  that  the  necessity  of  organizing  a  gov- 
ernment  in   Texas   must  be   admitted  by   all.     Since   both   state   and 
national  governments  had  yielded  to  anarchy,  some  would  be  in  favor 
of  organizing  as  a  separate  state,  independent  of  the   Mexican  con- 
federation.   But  it  would  be  more  prudent  merely  to  consider  the  union 
with  Coahuila  dissolved  and  organize  as  a  Mexican  state.     He  suggested 
that  each  ayuntamiento  should  issue  the  usual  writ  for  an  election,  and 
fill  all  vacancies  in  the  municipal  offices.     .\t  the  same  time  let  the 
Central  Committee,  exercising  the  power  vested  in  it  by  the  conven- 
tions of  1832  and  1833,  "immediately  convoke  the  people  of  all  'I'exas 
through  their  representatives  to  meet  in  public  council  and  formally 
protest  against   the  further  interference  of  Coahuila  within   her  do- 
main," declare  the  two  provinces  separated,  and  nullify  all  laws  passed 
by  Coahuila  since  "her  innovation"  which  were  calculated  in  any  way 
to  interfere  with  the  local  political  affairs  of  Texas.    Texas  could  thus 
put  herself  in  the  attitude  of  maintaining  the  legitimate  government 
of  the  state,  while  Coahuila,  torn  by  revolution,  would  be  left  without 
organization. 

This  proclamation  was  effectivelv  answered  in  another  broadside 
issued  from  San  Felipe  on  October  28  by  the  Central  Committee.  This 
committee  was  now  composed  of  James  R.  Miller,  Wily  Martin,  Rob- 
ert Peebles,  William  Pettus,  William  R.  Travis,  William  11.  Jack,  and 
F.  W.  Johnson.  They  argued  that  it  was  absurd  to  contend  that 
because  revolution  had  temporarily  overtaken  Coahuila  the  constitu- 
tion was  overthrown  and  the  union  with  Texas  dissolved.  "Recause 
one  part  of  a  state  or  community  has  lawlessly  violated  the  constitu- 
tion, is  that  a  justification,  or  even  an  excuse,  for  another  for  doing 
the  same?  If  this  political  doctrine  be  true  as  to  a  state,  it  is  equally 
true  as  to  individuals;  and  when  apjilied  to  men  it  becomes   f-^ol    pre- 


96  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

posterous  and  absurd  that  the  weakest  minds  will  easily  detect  its 
folly."  There  was  every  assurance  that  the  conflict  between  Saltillo 
and  Monclova  was  in  a  fair  way  of  settlement ;  the  State  Legislature 
had  recently  removed  many  of  the  evils  that  had  annoyed  Texas, 
making  it  possible  for  the  people  to  enjoy  most  of  the  advantages  of 
separate  state  government  without  the  expense  of  maintaining  a  state 
administration ;  and  the  good  will  of  the  general  government  was 
proved  by  the  repeal  of  the  11th  article  of  the  law  of  April  6,  1830, 
and  the  continued  exemption  of  Texas  from  import  duties.  Finally, 
the  situation  of  Colonel  Austin,  who  had  gone  to  Mexico  as  the  agent 
of  the  people  and  suflfered  imprisonment  for  them,  demanded  tran- 
(|uillity  in  Texas,  and  the  people  were  in  honor  bound  to  do  nothing 
that  might  aggravate  his  difficulties.  The  committee  desired  nothing 
more  earnestly  than  a  state  government,  but  it  was  "equally  anxious 
that  none  but  constitutional  measures  should  be  adopted  for  the  pur- 
pose  of   obtaining   it." 

On  receiving  the  communication  from  Bexar,  Smith  had  written  to 
the  political  chief,  saying  that  he  was  entirely  in  accord  with  the  move- 
ment for  a  local  provisional  organization,  but  that  he  feared  there  was 
not  sufificient  time  before  the  meeting  of  the  convention  for  the  scattered 
and  somewhat  disorganized  ayuntamientos  of  the  department  of  the 
Brazos  to  order  the  election  of  delegates.  He  suggested,  therefore,  that 
the  convention  adjourn  from  day  to  day  until  the  elections  were  held 
and  the  delegates  could  arrive.  On  November  6  he  wrote  again  to  say 
that  the  plan  had  met  with  much  opposition,  "principally  instigated  by 
what  I  can  call  nothing  but  a  violent  party  spirit  which  has  unfortunately 
been  of  long  standing,  and  the  party  are  now  invigorating  themselves 
by  working  on  the  sympathies  of  the  people,  owing  to  the  confinement 
of  Colonel  Austin  in  the  City  of  Mexico — telling  them  that  it  is  on  their 
account  he  has  been  doomed  to  suflfer  so  much,  and  that  any  move  on 
their  part  would  only  tend  to  accumulate  his  sufferings ;  and  to  remain 
quiet,  that  everything  will  soon  be  right,  or,  in  fact,  that  nothing  is  now 
wrong.  This  party  is  ever  vigilant,  and.  as  it  were,  on  the  wing,  en- 
deavoring to  counteract  every  popular  move  in  the  people  except  it 
should  be  recommended  by  Colonel  Austin,  considering  him  as  their 
God."  The  prime  movers  in  this  party  dreaded  organization,  said  Smith, 
because  they  feared  investigation.  He  urged  the  authorities  at  Bexar 
to  continue  the  movement  for  organization,  and  promised  to  persist  in 
his  efforts  to  get  the  department  of  the  Brazos  to  co-operate. 

At  about  the  same  time — the  document  is  undated — Smith  issued  as  a 
broadside,  "Explanatory  Remarks  on  the  Official  Document,  under  the 
Title  of  'Security  for  Texas,'  with  a  Fair  View  of  Her  Present  Political 
Situation."  This  was  really  an  answer  to  the  Central  Committee's  pro- 
clamation of  October  28.  and  was  designed  to  convince  the  people  of  the 
necessity  for  the  convention  and  the  organization  of  state  government. 
His  previous  communication  was  based,  he  said,  on  information  from 
the  representatives  of  Texas  in  the  legislature  certified  by  the  superior 
judge  of  Texas,  Judge  T.  J-  Chambers.  This  information  showed  in 
substance  "that  our  constitution  was  violated  and  scattered  to  the  four 
winds  of  Heaven."     While  this  proclamation  was  issued  hastily,  before 


I11STUK^    Ol"  TEXAS  ,  ''7 

the  people  were  sufficiently  informed  of  the  need  of  action,  he  felt  justi- 
fied from  the  fact  that  the  Mexicans  of  Bexar,  who  were  not  given  to 
radical  measures,  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  local  organization  wa-^ 
essential  to  prevent  the  si)read  of  anarchy  to  Texas.  His  arfjument  was 
hriefly  this  :  It  was  the  duty  of  the  'i'exans  to  restore  constitutional  gov- 
ernment in  the  state  ;  this  they  were  physically  unahle  to  do  in  Coahuila  : 
if  they  remained  quiescent  they  became  equally  guilty  with  Coahuila; 
therefore  it  was  necessary  to  set  up  a  provisional  government,  with  due 
regard  for  all  the  constitutional  forms  in  Texas. 

"Some  there  are."  he  continued,  "who  say  that  Texas  is  not  ca|)al)lc 
or  able  to  sustain  herself  in  a  se|)arate  government:  that  she  lacks  num- 
bers, talent,  and  finally  means.  1  can  with  propriety  say  to  such  that  she 
has  so  far  been  self-governed  ;  ;md  a  great  part  of  the  expenditures  uf  the 
whole  state  have  been,  in  one  way  or  another,  drawn  from  her  resources. 
Her  inhabitants  are  rated  at  40.000 — and  whether  that  be  under  or  over 
a  fair  estimate — that  no  section  of  the  civilized  world  comprising  her  own 
numbers  can  produce  more  intelligence  and  general  information  than  will 
be  found  among  her  .settlers." 

The  strongest  practical  argunKin  against  Smith  was  that  Texas  was 
])rosperous  and  the  people  as  yet  felt  no  personal  inconvenience  from  the 
disorganization  in  Coahuila.  This  he  naively  reveals  himself:  "I  have 
now  given  you  the  true  situation  of  the  government ;  but  what  is  that  of 
the  people?  They  are  indeed,  as  in  the  days  of  Noah,  marrying  and 
giving  marriage,  eating  and  sleeping,  and  selling  their  cotton  forsooth  at 
a  tolerable  ];rice  :  and  this,  the  committee  would  jiersuade  them,  is  irre- 
fragible  proof  that  all  is  well." 

Smith  issued  his  ])roclamatiiiii  from  llrazoria,  and  his  op])onenls,  evi- 
denth-  fearing  that  the  counter-proclamation  of  the  Central  Committee 
might  need  additional  su]:)port.  prepared  a  strong  "public  declaration" 
against  his  proposal,  which  wa^  to  l)e  circulated  in  the  Brazoria  district 
for  signatures.  The  declaration  was  based,  in  part,  on  the  following 
grounds : 

"Because  we  deem  the  measure  to  be  fraught  \\  ith  the  most  ruin- 
ous consequences  to  the  ])eople  of  Texas;  as  directly  at  v.iriance  with 
the  true  interests  of  our  adopted  country,  tending  to  confirm  all  the 
imfounded  suspicions  (which  ha\e  been  created  by  evil  minded  ])cr- 
sons),  of  our  revolutionary  and  rebellious  dispositions,  and  destruc- 
tive of  all  confidence,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  in  the  stability  and 
security  of  political  rights  and  in  the  rights  of  person  and  property 
in  Texas;  which  we  consider  to  be  the  basis  of  all  public  and  private 
prosperity — 

"P)ecause  we  conceive  that  the  General  Ciovernment  by  the  repeal 
of  the  11  article  of  the  obnoxious  6  Ajiril  law  and  leaving  us  until 
this  late  period  exem[)t  from  the  i)ayment  of  import  duties,  paid  by 
the  jwople  of  all  other  [larts  of  the  Republic,  has  shown  a  most 
paternal  regard  for  our  prosperity — 

"Because  we  believe  that  the  state  Congress  has  given  us  all  the 
elements  of  good  government,  order  and  securitv  tmder  the  law,  by 
enacting  laws  establishing  ;i  system  of  jurisprudence  ada|)tecl  to  our 
situation   with   trial  bv    jury,   which  is  carried  out  according  to  the 

vot.    1-7 


98  ,  HISTORY  Ol"  TEXAS 

provisions  of  the  law  and  sustained  by  the  people,  would  place  jus- 
tice within  the  reach  of  every  citizen,  according  to  the  judgment  of 
his  oti'ii  peers;  Jiis  ozcn  neighbors  or  equals: 

"Because  we  are  convinced  that,  however  desirable  a  slate  gov- 
ernment may  be  //  obtained  bv  moral  force  (constitutional  and  legal 
means )  that  it  has  become  less  necessary  to  our  prosperity  since  the 
establishment  of  a  system  of  jurisprudence  which  is  calculated  to 
give  us  most  of  the  benefits  without  the  enormous  expense  of  sus- 
taining a  state  government — 

"Because  we  conscientiously  believe,  that  the   frequent  agitations 
of  political  revolutionary  measures  in  Texas,  tends  not  only  to  bring 
us  into  collision  with  the  state  and  general  governments  without  a 
chance  of  success  in  a  contest  in  arms  :  but  by  passing  to  the  United 
States  of  the  North  with  exaggerations  destroys  all  confidence  there 
in  the  security   of  property  in  Texas,   prevents  the   immigration  of 
men  of  capital  and  force,  renders  property  valueless,  and  blights  for- 
ever the  hopes  we  have  entertained  of   seeing  'the  zcilderness  blos- 
som as  the  rose.' " 
In  a  letter  of  December  7  James  F.  Perry  gave  Austin  an  account  of 
this  aflfair,  saying  that  the  people  "almost  with  one  voice  opposed  the 
measure   in   toto."     He  had  heard  of  but  three  elections  in  accordance 
with   Smith's  proposal — at   Brazoria.   Columbia,   and   Velasco.     At   Bra- 
zoria the  returns  showed  fifty-seven   against  and   sixteen  in   favor  of  a 
convention :    at    Columbia   twenty-four   against   and   three    favorable :    at 
Velasco.  according  to  Perry,   "there  was   actually   not   more   than   from 
seven  to  ten  legal  votes  to  be  given,  but  at  the  time  of  the  election  there 
was  two  or  three  vessels  lying  here  with  their  crews  and  passengers,  and 
to  accoinmodate,  I  suppose,  Mr.  Wharton  and  Dr.  Archer,  they  all  went 
forward  and  voted  for  their  candidate,  and  I  have  been  told  there  were 
between  fiftv  and  sixtv  votes  there  when  there  was  not  more  than  ten  in 
the  precinct."'     Perry,  of  course,  was  a  peace  party  man.  and  his  state- 
ment of  the  general  opposition  to  .Smith's  proposal  needs  to  be  weighed 
with  some  care.     The  electioii  returns,  which  are  preserved  in  the  Austin 
T^apers.  seem  to  bear  him  out. 

There  was  a  lull  in  state  politics  after  Santa  Anna  rendered  his 
decision  concerning  the  location  of  the  capital,  but  it  lasted  only  until  the 
meeting  of  the  legislature  on  March  1.  18,^5.  The  deputies  from  Saltilln 
contended  that  the  election  of  February  9  was  not  legal  and  took  advan- 
tage of  the  passage  of  an  un])Oi)iilar  land  law  to  withdraw  from  the 
legislature.  Saltillo  thereupon  called  on  (leneral  Cos.  commander  of  the 
F.astern  Provinces,  to  disperse  the  illegal  bod\'.  Cos  responded,  and  thus 
increased  the  confusion  bv  introducing  the  federal  military  into  the 
-(|uabble. 

There  appear  to  have  been  two  main  reasons  for  the  interference  of 
Cjeneral  Cos ;  (^ne  was  the  passage  by  the  legislature  of  some  land  laws 
of  which  speculators  took  advantage  to  obtain  large  grants  of  land  in 
Texas,  contrarv.  as  it  was  alleged,  to  be  federal  colonization  law  ;  the 
Jther  was  the  passage  of  a  vigorous  protest  against  the  changes  that 
.Santa  Anna  was  effecting  through  Congress  in  the  national  constitution. 
Cos  urged  the  first  as  his  excuse,  but  it  is  likely  that  he  was  much  more 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  99 

deeply  moved  by  the  protest  than  by  the  sale  of  Texas  lands.  For  a  clear 
understanding  it  is  necessary  to  go  somewhat  fully  into  these  two 
questions. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  state  colonization  law  reserved  to  the 
state  the  right  to  sell,  to  Mexicans  only,  land  in  eleven  league  blocks  at 
the  nominal  price  of  $100,  $150,  and  $200  a  league,  according  to  whether 
it  was  grazing  land  or  unirrigable  or  irrigable  farming  land.  The  spec- 
ulation in  Texas  lands  seems  to  have  grown  out  of  this  right  of  the  gov- 
ernment to  sell  to  Mexicans.  The  first  sale  by  the  government  was  made 
to  Juan  Antonio  Padilla,  in  1828.  During  the  next  two  years  only  a  few 
sales  were  made,  but  in  1830  James  Bowie  went  to  Saltillo,  at  that  time 
the  capital  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  and  returned  with  fifteen  or  sixteen 
eleven-league  grants,  which  he  had  induced  Mexican  citizens  to  apply  for 
and  had  then  purchased  from  them.  Other  Mexicans,  some  of  them  as 
far  away  as  the  City  of  Mexico — perceiving  a  chance  of  profit — also 
applied  for  eleven-league  grants,  and  received  them.  Doubtless  from  this 
time  dated  a  considerable  traffic.  Later  testimony  shows  that  the  traffic 
became  very  extensive.  In  February,  1835,  B.  R.  Milam  petitioned  the 
political  chief  to  ask  the  governor  to  appoint  special  commissioners  to 
assign  lands  and  titles  to  isolated  families  in  Texas,  and  gave  as  the  rea- 
son for  his  request  that  many  people  who  had  come  to  Texas  eight  or 
ten  years  before  under  the  terms  of  the  colonization  law  and  had  settled 
on  vacant  lands  and  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Mexico  had,  during 
the  last  year,  "been  surveyed  in  and  attempted  to  be  dispossessed  by 
foreigners  and  others  under  pretended  eleven-league  grants."  His  efforts' 
as  empresario  and  those  of  the  state  "to  colonize  designated  portions  of 
the  lands  of  Texas,"  were,  he  said,  "in  great  danger  of  being  defeated 
by  the  claimants  of  eleven-league  grants."  And  Thomas  F.  McKinney, 
writing  in  October,  1835,  said  that  the  government  had  been  in  the  habit 
of  issuing  great  numbers  of  these  eleven-league  grants  at  from  $100  to 
$150  a  league.  There  had  never  been  any  "hue  and  cry"  raised  against 
it.  many  of  the  best  citizens  had  engaged  in  the  business,  and  some  of 
them  held  grants  in  their  name  for  friends  residing  in  the  United  States. 

But  in  1834  and  1835  a  bewildering  series  of  laws  was  passed  which 
opened  wide  the  gates  to  sjieculation  on  a  wholesale  scale.  The  first  law 
(March  26,  1834),  decreed  that  the  vacant  lands  of  the  state  should  be 
surveyed  in  lots  of  177  acres  each,  and  sold  at  public  auction  to  the 
highest  bidder  at  a  minimum  in  Texas  of  $10  a  lot.  Payments  were  to 
be  made  in  three  instalments,  one-third  down  and  the  balance  in  one  and 
two  years.  Nobody  was  to  be  permitted  to  buy  more  than  eleven  leagues, 
but  the  law  was  particularly  liberal  in  that  it  allowed  foreigners  to  pur- 
chase and  gave  them  a  year  in  which  to  move  their  families  to  the  state 
and  become  naturalized — which  was  necessary  for  the  perfection  of  their 
titles.  .Another  liberal  feature  provided  that  no  one  should  be  molested 
for  religious  or  political  opinions  so  long  as  he  kept  the  peace.  And, 
finally,  it  was  decreed  that  no  further  colonization  contracts  should  be 
entered  into,  which  meant,  of  course,  that  the  profits  formerly  accruing 
to  the  empresarios  in  premiums  would  now  go  to  the  government.  By  a 
su[)plementary  law  of  April  23,  1834,  it  was  decreed  that  after  the  lands 
liad   been   "once  exposed   at   public   sale   with   all   the    formalities,"   if   no 


100  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

offer  were  received  as  high  as  tlie  mininntm.  the\  iiiii^ht  later  be  sold  to 
any  person  offering  the  niiniimnn  jnice  "without  the  necessity  of  again 
opening  the  auction." 

That  advantage  was  taken  of  this  law  for  si)eciilative  purposes  does 
not  positively  appear — perhaps  the  eleven-league  limit  made  it  unattrac- 
tive— but  the  supplementary  decree  certainly  does  suggest  a  clearing  of 
the  decks  for  rapid  action.  And  Judge  T.  J.  Chambers,  writing  in  1837. 
declared  that  only  by  his  efforts  was  defeated  the  proposal  of  a  "foreign 
millionaire  company,"  whose  agent  was  Gen.  John  T.  Mason,  to  purchase 
for  a  "pittance"  some  twentv  million  acres  of  land  on  the  Eastern  frontier. 
"He  was  informed  bv  several  means."  he  said,  "that  members  of  the  legis- 
lature and  the  governor  were  offered  large  bribes  to  pass  the  measure  : 
the  governor  was  ]>ledged  to  him  to  veto  the  bill  if  it  passed,  but  fortu- 
nately a  majority  of  the  members  were  honest  and  killed  it."  Ma.son 
did,  however,  secure  a  large  grant  during  this  session  of  the  legislature, 
and  after  reviewing  all  the  evidence  it  is  not  altogether  clear  that  he  did 
not  get  it  under  some  extension  of  this  law.  Stephen  F.  Austin,  writing 
from  prison  to  Oliver  Jones,  expressed  satisfaction  with  the  system  of 
public  sale — "such  a  law  is  necessary — public  sale  is  the  best  and  only 
true  basis  for  a  land  law.  It  will  benefit  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas 
greatly  and  fill  its  treasury,  and  also  benefit  Texas.  I  recommended  this 
system  to  the  ministers  here."  Austin  wrote  from  rumor,  and  did  not 
know  the  details  of  the  law,  so  that  it  is  not  certain  that  he  would  have 
endorsed  this  law  so  freely. 

The  second  law  affecting  the  public  lands  was  passed  April  IQ,  18.H. 
"\\'ith  the  intention,"  runs  the  preamble,  "of  protecting  the  lives  and 
property  of  the  citizens,  constantlv  sacrificed  to  the  jierfidy.  rage,  and 
barbarity  of  the  hostile  Indians."  "For  said  object  the  executive  may 
dispose  of  such  number  as  he  shall  consider  necessary  of  the  militia  which 
the  state  has  in  the  departments  wherein  hostilities  are  committed,  and 
for  paying  or  remunerating  the  militiamen,  he  may  take  of  the  vacant 
lands  to  the  amount  of  400  sitios.  distributing  them  agreeablv  to  the  rules 
and  conditions  he  shall  establish."  Just  a  vear  later,  .April  14,  1835.  an- 
other law  declared  that  the  executive  could  not  dispose  of  the  400  sitins 
of  land  mentioned  in  article  2nd  of  this  law.  "except  solelv  for  the  object 
which  said  law  determines";  but  "agreeablv  to  the  afore-mentioned  law 
the  executive  has  been,  and  is,  authorized  to  contract  the  afore-mentioned 
lands,  or  to  distribute  them,  as  he  shall  think  most  proper,  among  the 
militiamen,  who  prosecute  the  war  against  the  savages." 

Under  this  law  of  .\pril  10.  1834,  S.  M.  Williams.  Robert  Peebles, 
and  F.  W.  Johnson  obtained  a  grant  for  400  leagues.  P.nt  Chambers 
declares  that  Mason  also  manipulated  it  to  accomplish  on  a  comparatively 
.small  scale  what  Chambers  had  previouslv  prevented  his  doing  on  a  ver\ 
large  one.  Chambers's  statement,  in  brief,  is,  that  the  Indians  really 
were  troubling  the  frontiers  and  that  the  law  was  passed  in  good  faith  to 
provide  a  means  of  suppressing  them.  It  was  the  intention  of  the  law 
that  the  land  should  be  distributed  to  the  militia,  and  not  sold,  but  by  a 
trick  in  the  enrolment  of  the  bill  it  was  so  changed  as  to  authorize  the 
governor  to  sell  it  to  anybody,  and  he  implies  that  Mason  took  it  all. 
Mason    did    get  hold   of   some   land — how    much    is   uncertain — in    1834. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  101 

under  a  conlrai;t  dated  June  19,  but  that  it  was  granted  by  authority  of 
this  law  is  not  clear.  Chambers's  story  of  the  trick  of  enrolment,  though 
it  is  clever  and  may  be  true,  is,  in  view  of  the  evidence,  somewhat  im- 
probable. If  the  land  was  to  be  distributed  only  to  the  soldiers,  and 
not  sold,  what  is  the  meaning  of  article  3,  which  appropriates  $20,000  "of 
the  first  receii)ls  of  the  state  trcasurv  for  sales  of  lands  made  by  virtue  of 
the  law  on  tlie  subject"?  .\nd  does  not  the  su])plementary  law  of  April 
14,  1833,  declaring  that  the  governor  shall  only  dispose  of  the  lands  for 
the  purpose  designated  in  the  original  law,  suggest  the  inference  that  the 
400  leagues  had  not  up  to  that  time  been  sold  at  all?  The  whole  matter 
is  extremely  confused  and  the  only  positive  .statement  that  one  feels  war- 
ranted in  making,  until  further  evidence  develops,  is  that  Mason  got  a 
grant  in  June.  1834,  for  ninety-five  leagues,  certainly  ;  probably  for  300 
leagues,  and  ])ossibly  for  more.  He  may  have  obtained  it  by  a  manijni- 
lation  of  the  law  of  ]March  26,  or  by  the  law  of  April  19 — though  the 
latter  is  improbable — or,  finally,  he  may  have  gotten  it  by  some  private 
arrangement  of  which  we  do  not  know. 

The  next  law  in  the  series,  passed  March  14,  1835,  authorized  the 
governor,  in  order  to  meet  "the  present  exigencies  of  the  state,"  to  dis- 
po.se  of  the  jjublic  land  to  the  amount  of  400  leagues,  .\rticlc  2  allowed 
him  to  regulate  the  colonization  of  this  land  on  such  conditions  as  he 
thought  projier,  "without  sul)jection  to  the  provision  of  the  law  of  the 
26th  of  March  of  the  year  last  past."  .\s  an  afterthought,  it  occurred 
to  the  legislature  that  this  might  be  interpreted  too  liberally,  and  two 
weeks  later  (March  30)  another  decree  ex])lained  that  the  governor  was, 
of  course,  to  consider  himself  "subject  to  the  general  laws  of  the  union." 

Under  this  act  S.  M.  Williams  and  J.ohn  Durst  obtained  124  leagues, 
and  we  have  it  on  the  authority  of  the  legislature  that  the  other  contracts 
were  made  for  the  remainder  of  the  400  leagues,  but  by  whom  we  do  not 
know,  since  the  grants  appear  never  tft  have  been  located.  Williams  and 
Durst  immediately  re-sold  121  leagues  of  their  grant  to  fourteen  persons, 
mainly  in  blocks  of  ten  leagues  each,  which,  were  located  principally  in 
the  present  counties  of  Harrison,  Nacogdoches,  and  Red  River. 

The  national  Congress  hearing  of  this  law  of  March  14,  annulled  it 
!))•  a  decree  of  .\])ril  25.  The  reason  assigned  was  that  the  law  was 
contrary  in  articles  1  and  2  to  the  national  colonization  law  of  .'\ugust  18, 
1824.  The  decree  declared  moreover,  that  "by  virtue  of  the  authority 
reserved  to  the  general  Congress  in  article  7  of  the  law  of  .August  18. 
1824,  frcjiitier  and  coast  states  were  forbidden  to  alienate  their  vacant 
lands  for  colonization  until  rules  could  be  established  to  govern  the  same. 
In  the  meantime,  if  any  state  wished  to  sell  a  part  of  its  vacant  domain, 
it  must  fir.st  .secure  the  apjjroval  of  the  general  government,  which  should 
in  every  case  have  the  right  to  take  the  land  for  itself  and  |)ay  the  state 
a  suitable  indemnity  for  it.  Therefore,  in  conformity  with  articles  3  and 
4  of  the  law  of  .\])ril  6,  1830,  the  general  government  might  buy  from 
the  slate  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  the  400  leagues  f)f  land  which  it  was  said 
to  be  necessary  to  sell."  Re])lying  .Ma\  1.^,  tiic  legislature  expressed  its 
"extreme  regret"  at  the  "impossibility  of  fultilling  tiie  decree  of  the  gen- 
eral Congress."  Not  an  article,  it  declared,  in  the  whole  l.iw  of  .\ugust 
18.    1824.   applied   to  article    1    of   the  law   in   (piestion,   and.  as   regards 


T.TTtWARY 


102  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

article  2,  the  governor  liad  been  expres.sly  instructed  to  guide  himself  in 
his  rules  for  the  settlement  of  the  lands  by  the  national  law.  Continuing, 
the  memorial  said :  "This  legislature  has  read  and  deliberately  weighed 
the  literal  text  of  article  7th  of  the  general  law  [referred  to  by  the  law] 
of  the  25th  of  April  last,  and  does  not  find,  either  in  the  letter  or  the 
spirit  of  the  former,  the  reasons  of  the  latter  for  prohibiting  the  border 
•md  literal  [littoral]  states  from  alienating  their  vacant  lands  for  colon- 
izing thereon."  The  land  was  already  sold  and  part  of  the  purchase 
price  had  been  received,  the  contracts  were  made  in  good  faith  and  were 
not  opposed  to  the  general  law ;  therefore  the  legislature  prayed  Congress 
to  repeal  its  decree  of  April  25.  Here  the  matter  rested  until  the  ap- 
proach of  federal  troops  put  the  legislature  to  flight. 

In  an  opinion  of  some  4000  words  David  G.  Burnet,  late  in  1835, 
upheld  the  right  of  the  general  government  to  annul  these  sales. 

The  next  and  final  law  of  which  advantage  was  taken  to  sell  Texas 
land  was  passed  April  7,  1835.  News  had  been  received  that  General 
Cos  had  ordered  troops  to  march  on  Monclova  and  suppress  the  legis- 
lature, and  that  body  forthwith  authorized  the  governor  "to  take  of  him- 
self whatever  measures  he  might  think  proper  for  securing  the  public 
tranquillity  and  sustaining  the  authorities  in  the  free  exercise  of  their 
functions."  Article  4  declared  that  "The  executive  is  hereby  competently 
authorized  to  contract  loans  upon  the  state  rents  for  the  purpose  of  dis- 
charging the  expense  incurred  in  the  execution  fif  this  decree."  It  is 
somewhat  surprising  to  find  that  the  governor  considered  this  as  sufficient 
authority  to  dispose  of  more  Texas  land.  Perhaps  he  thought  that  at 
all  times  a  "proper  measure."  At  any  rate,  on  May  2,  Dr.  James  Grant 
was  allowed  to  contract  for  a  quantity  of  certificates  for  one  league  each. 
One  hundred  of  these  he  sold  in  Nacogdoches  through  his  agent,  Alex- 
ander Newlands,  and  the  titles  were  issued  by  John  Cameron  after  the 
closing  of  the  land  offices.  Besides  these.  James  Ogilvy,  an  attorney  of 
New  Orleans,  wrote  in  1839  that  Grant's  heirs  had  in  their  possession 
300  similar  certificates,  and  that  he  had  been  interested  in  500  altogether. 
The  face  of  the  certificates  shows  that  the  price  was  paid  in  full,  but 
does  not  specify  what  it  was.  Ogilvy  intimates,  however,  that  Grant 
paid  $100  a  league.  It  is  possible  that  some  of  the  certificates  referred 
to  by  Ogilvy  were  purchased  under  the  law  of  March  14. 

Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that  the  transgression  of  Williams, 
Peebles,  and  Johnson  in  the  final  speculation  was  by  no  means  unique. 
It  was  not  even  novel  in  its  magnitude.  tJiough  it  may  have  been  some- 
what original  in  method.  On  the  11th  of  May,  1835,  they  addressed  a 
note  to  the  governor,  saying  that  they  had  "informed  themselves  of  the 
tenor  of  the  law  of  April  19,  1834,  empowering  him  to  dispose  of  400 
leagues  of  land  and  restrain  the  arrogance  of  the  wild  Indians."  We 
"have  conceived  the  idea,"  they  continued,  "of  blending  the  object  of  this 
benevolent  design  with  the  augmentation  of  the  population  by  means  of 
a  contract,  which  we  ofifer  your  Excellency,  strictly  and  literally  to  fulfill. 
We  obligate  ourselves  to  place,  subject  to  the  orders  of  your  Excellency. 
1,000  able-bodied  men,  with  all  their  efpiipments  of  war  for  the  term  of 
one  year,  and  we  will  cause  them  to  rendezvous  at  the  place  which  may 
be  designated  to  us  within  the  term  of  four  months  at  most,  on  the  con- 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  lOo 

dition  that,  in  compcn.satiun  for  our  labors,  the  400  leagues  of  land  be 
"granted  to  us."  The  governor  ajjproved  the  proposal,  and  two  days  later 
a  formal  contract  was  signed.  Tlu'  jietitioners  were  required  to  raise  by 
voluntary  enlistment  within  two  months  500  men,  and  within  four  months 
the  whole  number  of  1,000.  Thev  were  to  be  provided  by  the  contractors 
with  good  arms  and  an  ainmdance  of  ammimition  at  all  times  ;  but  the 
government  would  furnish  them  food  and  horses.  Article  12  declared 
that  failure  to  fulfill  anv  of  the  slipulatiotis  would  render  the  whole  con- 
tract void.  No  pecuniary  consideration  is  mentioned  in  the  contract,  but 
it  is  not  certain  that  the  contractors  were  not  also  required  to  pay  a 
nominal  sum  for  their  grant.  I-'or  D.  B.  Edward  declares  that  "A  com- 
mittee [headed  by  S.  M.  Williams]  from  a  company  of  land  speculators, 
whose  plans  were  well  laid  and  whose  funds  were  completely  organized, 
presented  themselves  before  this  *  *  *  Legislature ;  who  immediately 
passed  a  decree  to  sell  the  vacant  lands  of  Texas,  and  otherwise  arranged 
it  to  be  done  as  soon  as  bidders  should  present  themselves.  Of  course 
they  were  there — and  purchased  this  already  surveyed  land,  of  411  leagues, 
for  .$30,000  in  hand,  to  the  government."  This  statement,  with  slight 
variations,  appears  in  most  of  the  subsequent  histories  of  Texas.  It  may 
refer  to  this  contract  by  Williams,  Peebles,  and  Johnson,  or  to  some  of 
the  other  purchases  that  were  made  in  1835.  Johnson  himself,  in  a 
review  (MS.)  of  Edward's  History  of  Texas,  replied  to  this  charge  with 
an  emphatic  denial  that  either  he  or  his  associates  "bought  one  acre  of 
land  or  were  in  any  way  interested  in  the  purchase  of  said  land."  A 
natural  inference  to  be  drawn  from  this  statement  would  be  that  they  got 
no  land  at  all,  which,  of  course,  is  untrue.  To  save  Johnson's  veracity, 
therefore,  the  possible  explanation  presents  itself  that  no  money  passed 
in  this  deal,  and  that  the  contractors  viewed  themselves  merely  as  em- 
presarios,  who  were  to  get  their  premium  by  selling  the  lands  to  militia- 
men. 

Johnson's  own  account  of  his  presence  at  Monclova  upon  this  occa- 
sion is  interesting,  but  throws  little  additional  light  on  the  land  specula- 
tions. He  says :  "Desiring  to  be  present  and  witness  the  proceedings 
of  the  state  Congress,  Johnson,  with  Samuel  M.  Williams,  Doctor  Robert 
Peebles.  Major  Benjamin  F.  Smith,  Col.  Green  De  Witt,  together  with. 
some  Mexican  scouts,  left  in  the  latter  part  of  1834  for  the  seat  of 
government.  Monclova,  where  they  arrived  in  the  early  part  of  1835. 
*  *  *  [Here]  we  found  Col.  Benjamin  R.  Milam,  Thomas  J.  Cham- 
bers. W.  H.  Steel,  lladen  Edwards.  Jr..  James  Carter,  and  many  other 
colonists.  Here  Johnson  first  made  the  acciuaintance  of  Dr.  James  (".rant, 
of  Parras,  Coahuila,  who  was  a  delegate  ;  Dr.  John  Cameron,  Messrs. 
.Almy  and  Newlands ;  also  that  of  David  J.  Toler.  a  most  estimable  gen- 
tleman. *  *  *  Cien.  John  T.  Mason,  of  the  United  States,  arrived 
about  this  time  for  the  ])ur])Ose  of  having  confirmed  A  sale  made  by  the 
legislature  or  executive  the  year  previous. 

"Among  the  most  important  acts  of  this  Congress  was  a  decree  au- 
thorizing the  appointment  of  commissioners  for  Texas.  *  *  *  Under 
the  decree  George  .\.  Nixon,  George  \\  .  Smvth.  and  Charles  S.  Taylor. 
were  appointed  for  T<",astern  Texas :  Col.  Talbot  Chambers,  for  Milam's 
Colony :  Dr.  Robert   Peebles,   for   .\ustiii  anrl   Williams'  ITpper  Colony; 


104  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

and  Johnson  for  Austin  and  De  \\  itt's  Colony.  Bowie  was  appointed 
commissioner  for  General  Mason's  purchase.  The  state  treasury  thoi 
being  empty,  the  executive  was  authorized  to  sell  a  large  quantity  of  the 
public  lands  of  the  state  to  meet  the  current  wants  of  the  government ; 
and  another  decree  [was  passed]  placing  at  the  disposal  of  the  governor 
400  leagues  for  frontier  defense  and  protection.  These  acts  gave  great 
offense  to  the  federal  authorities,  and  the  Congress  declared  them  null 
and  void.  To  this,  the  state  authorities  simply  protested,  and  left  the 
matter  to  take  its  course,  pursuing,  however,  the  policy  inaugurated." 

News  now  arrived  that  troops  were  marching  toward  Monclova, 
and  there  was  a  hasty  exodus  of  the  Texans  and  other  lobbyists. 
WilliatTis  arrived  at  Bexar  June  3  and  Peebles  and  Johnson  reached 
San  Felipe  a  few  days  behind  him.  Williams,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  had  acquired  with  John  Durst  124  leagues  under  the  law  of 
March  14,  1835.  and  apparently  devoted  himself  principally  to  the  sale 
of  that  grant,  while  Peebles  and  Johnson  assumed  the  task  of  dis- 
posing of  the  400  leagues  in  which  all  three  were  interested.  A  hun- 
dred and  twenty-one  leagues  of  the  Williams  and  Durst  grant,  as  has 
already  been  shown,  were  soon  sold,  and  Peebles  and  Johnson  worked 
witii  equal  celerity.  By  August  20,  certificates  had  been  issued  to 
forty-one  persons  for  the  full  400  leagues.  Fifteen  of  the  certificates 
were  issued  by  Johnson  and  the  remaining  twenty-six  bv  Peebles. 
They  merely  state  that  Citizen  So  and  So  "has  voluntarily  entered  the 
service  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  as  a  soldier  for  the  term  of 
one  year,  and  Williams,  Peebles  and  Johnson  are,  by  their  contract, 
authorized  to  receive  his  enlistment  and  designate  a  portion  of  the 
vacant  land  as  a  reward  for  the  services  which  he  will  render,  there- 
fore they  give  their  consent  for  him  to  select  for  himself  such  land 
as  he  likes — usually  ten  leagues  of  it."  Their  contract  to  ])lace  1.000 
men  in  the  field  was  entirely  ignored. 

The  effect  of  the  speculations  upon  the  Texans  must  now  be 
briefly  noticed.  The  large  grants  of  1834  appear  not  to  have  attracted 
]jarticular  attention  in  Texas,  but  the  deals  of  1835 — especiallv  under 
the  law  of  March  14 — aroused  great  indignation.  Little  authority 
appears,  however,  for  the  statement  frequently  met  with  in  the  his- 
tories of  Texas,  that  the  Legislature  thought  the  separation  of  Coa- 
huila and  Texas  imminent  and  determined  to  plunder  the  latter  while 
there  was  yet  time.  The  earliest  expression  of  this  theor\-  is  in  a 
pamphlet  printed  by  T.  J.  Chambers  in  1837,  but  in  all  the  discussions 
aroused  by  the  act  of  March  14,  1835.  this  explanation  is  absent.  Aus- 
tin, indeed,  writing  to  D.  C.  Barrett,  December  3,  1835,  declared  the 
acts  of  1834  and  1835  all  of  a  piece  with  general  Mexican  ]jolicy,  both 
national  and  state.  The  Mexicans,  he  said,  considered  the  lands  value- 
less— this  was  evidenced  by  the  whole  history  of  the  colonization 
period — the  treasury  was  empty,  and  the  sale  of  the  land  promised 
the  only  relief.  He  blamed  neither  the  legislators  nor  the  speculators 
for  the  sale  itself,  but  the  sale  certainly  did  illustrate  the  defectiveness 
of  the  government  from  the  Texan  point  of  view. 

The  earliest  expression  of  disgust  with  the  wasteful  policv  of  the 
government  is   found   in   The   Texas  Republican  of   May  9.    1835.     .\x\ 


mS•l■()K^■  01--  TEXAS  105 

address  from  Governor  \  iesca,  calling  upun  the  i)euplc  uf  Texas  to 
rally  to  his  assistance  against  Santa  Anna,  was  ])rinted  in  this  issue, 
and  the  editor  introduces  it  with  the  remark  that  he  prints  it  as  a 
news  item  solely,  and  not  with  the  view  of  endorsing  the  governor's 
call  for  troops  "'to  sustain  him  and  a  vile  congress  that  have  bartered 
our  public  lands  for  a  mere  song."  In  the  same  jKiper  is  also  the 
answer  of  the  political  chief  of  the  Brazos  department  to  the  gov- 
ernor's api)eal.  He  sa\  s :  "I'he  people  view  with  equal  horror  antl 
indignation  the  acts  of  the  present  State  Congress  who  have  mani- 
fested a  determined  disposition  to  alienate  all  the  most  valuable  lands 
of  Texas  at  a  shameful  sacrifice,  and  thereby  utterly  ruin  her  future 
prospects.  The  law  of  the  14th  of  March  past  is  looked  upon  as  the 
death-l)low  to  this  rising  country.  In  violation  of  the  General  Con- 
stitution and  laws  of  the  Nation — in  violation  of  good  faith  and  the 
most  sacred  guarantees — Congress  has  trampled  upon  the  rights  of 
the  people  and  the  Government,  in  selling  400  leagues  of  land  at 
private  sale,  at  a  price  far  below  its  value ;  thereby  creating  a  monop- 
oly contrary  to  law  and  the  true  interests  of  the  country."  Accom- 
panying the  governor's  proclamation  was  a  rather  alarmist  postscrij)! 
".igned  by  Coaliiilltcxainis.  and  Henry  Austin,  in  referring  to  it,  sug- 
gested that  "this  firebrand  has  been  thrown  among  us  to  promote  the 
vic2i.'s  of  dcsigniiKi  speculators." 

Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that  General  Cos  ran  little  risk  of 
antagonizing  the  average  citizen  when  he  exj)lained  that  his  object  in 
marching  against  JMonclova  was  to  enforce  recognition  of  the  federal 
decree  annulling  the  most  objectionable  of  these  land  laws.  But,  as 
has  already  been  intimated,  Cos  was  probably  more  concerned  about 
the  protest  which  the  Legislature  made  against  changes  in  the  con- 
stitution and  against  a  federal  law  reducing  the  strength  of  the 
militia. 

The  memorial  of  April  22  dejirecated  the  unfortunate  policy  from 
which  Mexico  had  suffered  so  much  in  trying  to  mend  one  revolution 
by  another,  summarized  the  changes  wrought  under  pretext  of  the 
Plan  of  Cuernavaca,  and  asked,  "If  this  alone  caused  a  general  and 
simultaneous  movement  throughout  the  republic,  what  may  be  ex- 
pected from  the  violent  reforms  that  now  occupy  the  attention  of  your 
honorable  body?"  The  manner  in  which  it  was  jjroposed  to  elTect 
these  reforms  had  esjieciallv  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Legisla- 
ture. That  body  represented  a  peojjle  "proud  of  having  always  sus- 
tained the  immutability  of  the  fundamental  ])rinciples  of  the  constitu- 
tion." and  "it  would  be  wanting  in  its  most  sacred  duty  were  it  to 
refrain  from  manifesting  *  *  *  its  ardent  desires  for  their  preserva- 
tion and  its  determination  iirmly  to  sustain  them."  "For  effecting 
these  reforms,  ideas  and  o])inions  have  been  advanced  in  your  honor- 
able body."  it  proceeded,  "as  unreasonable  as  if  the  jiresent  general 
ccjngress  considered  itself  pos^essed  of  unlimited  power  to  alter  the 
constitution."  In  fact,  however,  Congress  had  no  other  power  than 
certain  articles  of  that  same  constitution  delegated  to  it,  "Therefore, 
the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  lawfully  re])resented  by  its  Legis- 
lature, protests  in  the  most  solemn  manner  that,  having  joined  in  the 


106  HISKJRY  OF  TEXAS 

confederac)-  b}  virtue  of  tht-  fundamental  pact,  and  on  the  basis 
therein  established,  it  neither  does,  or  ever  will,  recognize  the  acts  and 
measures  emanating  from  the  general  congress,  should  they  "ot  con- 
form to  the  plain  meaning  of  the  aforementioned  articles :  It  wiii 
admit  no  other  amendments  of  the  constitution  than  those  effected 
conformably  to  the  steps  and  requisites  provided  in  the  same."  It 
pointed  out  that  a  portion  of  the  state  was  settled  by  inhabitants 
whom  the  policy  of  change  did  not  suit,  and  that  "the  contemplated 
reforms  would  highly  compromit  not  only  the  internal  order  and  tran- 
quality,  but  also  the  very  integrity  of  the  national  territory."  The 
unwise  policy  of  abolishing  the  militia  was  condemned,  as  was  also 
the  president's  expedition  against  the  patriotic  state  of  Zacatecas, 
when  he  ought  rather  to  have  been  suppressing  the  revolution  of 
.\lvarez  in  the  South;  and  finally  attention  was  turned  to  General  Cos, 
who,  it  was  declared,  was  interfering  "in  the  most  turbulent  manner 
in  the  internal  administration  of  the  state,"  and  was  approaching  the 
capital  with  the  evident  intention  of  "overawing  the  civil  authorities." 

On  the  assembling  of  this  Legislature  (March  1,  1835),  a  canvass 
of  the  vote  for  governor  had  shown  the  election  of  Augustin  Viesca. 
Xeither  he  nor  the  vice-governor.  Ramon  Musquiz,  was  present,  and 
the  resignation  of  Elguezabal,  the  military  officer  who  had  been  in- 
vested with  the  office  since  August,  18.H,  made  it  necessary  to  appoint 
an  acting  governor.  Jose  M.  Cantu  was  selected  for  the  place,  which 
he  held  until  Viesca  was  inaugurated  al)out  April  15.  One  of  \'iesca's 
first  acts  was  to  call  for  100  militiamen  from  each  of  the  departments 
of  Texas  to  help  sustain  the  government,  but  it  met  with  no  response. 
The  Anglo-American  departments  of  Nacogdoches  and  the  Brazos 
were  angry  over  the  land  speculations  and  Colonel  Ugartecliea  suc- 
ceeded in  preventing  the  militia  of  Bexar  from  marching. 

In  the  meantime  Cos  was  pushing  forward  with  his  plan  of  crush- 
ing the  state  government.  On  March  10,  1835,  he  wrote  to  the  com- 
manders of  the  garrisons  at  Laredo,  Santa  Rosa  and  Rio  Grande  that 
he  had  learned  that  the  state  authorities  intended  "'to  attract  the 
attention  of  the  supreme  government  by  proclaiming  anarchy  in  imi- 
tation of  the  state  of  Zacatecas,"  and  he  instructed  them  to  arrest  any 
of  the  officials  or  legislators  who  might  attempt  to  cross  the  frontier. 
The  next  day  he  wrote  Ugartechea  at  Bexar :  "The  Legislature  at 
Monclova  has  determined  to  imitate  Zacatecas.  It  has  called  for 
civic  troo])s  on  the  specious  pretext  of  reducing  the  department  of 
Saltillo,  thus  contravening  the  law  of  March  31  last"  for  abolishing  the 
militia.  The  Legislature  adjourned  on  May  21,  after  passing  a  decree 
authorizing  the  governor  to  shift  the  government  to  a  safer  place. 
The  Tcxans  at  Alonclova  persuaded  Governor  Viesca  to  establish  the 
capital  at  Bexar,  and  with  them  and  a  bnd\-  of  militia  he  began  the 
march  on  May  25. 

"On  reaching  San  Felipe,"  wrote  F.  W.  Johnson,  "  we  learned  that 
the  colonists  were  both  excited  and  alarmed  by  the  political  state  of 
things  in  Mexico,  and  divided  in  opinion  in  regard  as  to  the  course 
that  should  be  pursued.  Our  report  and  representation  greatly  in- 
creased the  excitement  if  it  did  not  tend  to  cause  a  greater  diversity 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  107 

of  opinions.  Public  meetings  were  held  and  various  propositions 
made ;  among  which  was  one  to  raise  an  armed  force  and  rescue  the 
governor  and  his  companions,  who  were  known  to  be  imprisoned. 
Considerable  prejudice  was  created  in  the  minds  of  the  colonists  in 
consequence  of  the  large  sales  of  the  public  domain  in  Texas,  and  but 
little  sympathy  was  felt  for  the  state  authorities.  The  people  were 
>oon  divided  into  two  distinct  and  separate  parties — the  peace  and  K'ar 
parties." 

"Yoakum  .says  of  (jovernor  Viesca  and  Vice-Governor  Ramon  Mus- 
quiz :  'It  may  be  stated  in  advance,  that,  however  patriotic  these 
gentlemen  assumed  to  be,  they  were  men  of  easy  virtue ;  and,  in 
escaping  from  under  the  ruins  of  a  falling  government,  they  managed 
to  carry  off  more  plunder  than  belonged  to  them."  This  charge  against 
Governor  Viesca  and  Vice  Governor  Alusquiz  is  gratuitous,  to  saj- 
the  least.  Without  entering  the  lists  as  the  defender  of  these  gentle- 
men, we  cannot  in  strictness  of  truth  and  even-handed  justice  permit 
this  slander  to  go  unnoticed.  In  the  first  place,  both  were  regarded 
and  known  to  be  gentlemen  ;  if  Viesca,  in  leaving  Monclova,  'carried 
off  more  plunder  than  belonged  to  him,'  which  is  untrue,  he  would 
have  been  despoiled  of  his  ill-gotten  gains  by  the  military  who  ar- 
rested and  imprisoned  him.  As  to  his  installation,  it  occurred  a  few 
days  after  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature.  Of  Musquiz  it  is  sufificient 
to  sav  that  he  did  not  attend  the  session.  The  writer  knew  both  gen 
tlemen,  the  latter  for  years,  and  was  present  during  the  session  in 
(|uestion,  and  with  other  colonists  accompanied  the  gf)vernor  and 
))arty  until  it  was  determined  to  disband." 

General  Cos  appointed  Jose  M.  Falcon  provisional  governor,  but 
shortly  afterward  replaced  him  with  Rafael  Eca  y  Musquiz.  The 
Texans  had  no  respect  for  the  state  government,  but  its  overthrow  by 
federal  troops  helped  to  bring  home  to  them  the  danger  that  threat- 
ened from  Santa  Anna's  machinations.  In  general  they  refused  to 
recognize  the  militarv  government  established  by  Cos,  and  considered 
the  state  entirelv  without  a  civil  head. 


CHAPTER  XI 
FALL  OF  ANAHUAC 

As  UL'  have  seen,  one  of  the  measures  that  Santa  Anna  propused  m 
both  of  the  conferences  that  he  held  with  Austin  concerning  Texas — 
in  November,  1833,  and  October,  183^1 — was  to  send  enough  soldiers 
to  Texas  to  protect  the  colonists  from  the  Indians.  At  the  second 
conference  he  proposed  specifically  to  send  to  the  province  4,000  infan- 
try, cavalry  and  artillery.  The  first  step  toward  carrying  out  this 
program  was  the  appointment  of  Gen.  Martin  Perfecto  de  Cos  com- 
mander of  the  Eastern  Internal  Provinces,  in  October,  1834,  in  place 
of  Col.  Pedro  Lemus.  The  next  was  the  arrival  of  Col.  Domingo  de 
Ugartechea  at  Bexar,  December,  1834,  to  become  "'principal  military 
commandant  of  Coahuila  and  Texas." 

Ugartechea  immediately  began  calling  on  Cos  for  reinforcements 
and  for  money  and  supplies.  Cos  was  anxious  to  respond,  but  the  dis- 
turbed condition  of  Alexico,  the  insurrection  in  Zacatecas,  and  the 
threatening  outlook  elsewhere  made  it  difficult  to  find  troops  for  a  dis- 
tant province  like  Texas.  On  December  28,  1834,  he  wrote  Ugar- 
techea from  Matamoras  that  Capt.  Antonio  Tenorio  would  sail  in  a 
few  days  with  forty  men  to  garrison  the  custom  house  at  Anahuac  ; 
and  February'  23,  1835,  he  wrote  that  the  battalion  of  Morelos,  500 
strong,  would  embark  for  Copano  about  the  first  of  April.  Tenorio 
duly  arrived  at  Anahuac  in  January,  but  the  Morelos  battalion  was 
delayed  so  that  it  only  embarked  on  July  4,  and  it  had  then  shrunk 
from  500  to  a  mere  handful.  In  the  meantime,  however,  other  re- 
inforcements were  reaching  San  Antonio  from  Lampasos.  .\uevo 
Leon  and  Agua  Verde. 

Pending  the  actual  arrival  of  reinforcements  at  San  Antonio.  Cos 
tried  to  encourage  Ugartechea  bj-  telling  him  what  the  government 
intended  to  do  in  Texas  as  soon  as  conditions  were  more  tranquil  in 
Mexico.  On  May  4.  he  quoted  a  letter  from  the  minister  of  war  and 
marine,  dated  April  14.  which  said:  "The  su]:>reme  government  is 
seriously  occupying  itself  with  sending  a  strong  exjiedition  to  regu- 
late the  affairs  of  Texas.  This  will  take  place  as  suun  as  the  dis- 
tubances  of  Zacatecas  are  terminated."  On  May  20  he  quoted  an- 
other letter  saying  that  at  least  2.000  men  would  be  sent  "to  settle  the 
afTairs  of  Texas." 

The  demands  of  Ugartechea  for  reinforcements  and  the  expressed 
intention  of  the  government  to  send  a  large  force  to  Texas  were  not 
lost  on  the  colonists.  They  were  very  much  opposed  to  having  gar- 
risons established  in  Texas,  and  at  the  same  time  they  distrusted 
Santa  Anna's  motives.  They  believed  that  his  avowed  ])urpose  of 
protecting  the  settlements  from  the  Indians  was  merely  a  pretext : 
that  he  really  wished  to  get  possession  of  the  province,  under  this 
benevolent  excuse,  to  prevent  opposition  to  his  plan  of  establishing  a 
centralized  government  in  Mexico.  They  began  defensive  pre])ara- 
tions.    and    these    naturalK     increased    the    fears    of    Ugartechea    and 

108 


HIS'lOKV  OF  TEXAS  109 

caused  him  to  redouble  his  pleas  for  reinforcement.  Cos  issued  pro- 
clamations saving  that  the  troops  destined  for  Texas  had  no  hostile 
object,  but  the  colonists  did  not  believe  him.  In  turn,  the  colonists 
declared  that  they  were  loyal  citizens  of  Mexico,  willing  and  anxious 
to  perform  their  duty  as  such,  but  Cos  probably  could  not  have  be- 
lieved them  if  he  had  tried.  The  distrust  was  mutual,  racial  and 
probably  inevitable  and  ineradicable. 

As  a  companion  measure  to  the  establishment  of  the  garrisons  in 
Texas  it  was  the  plan  of  the  government  to  re-establish  the  custom- 
house. Colonel  Almonte  estimated  the  value  of  contraband  trade 
through  Texas  in  1834  at  $270,000,  and  Ugartechea  wrote  Cos  on 
December  11,  18,54,  that  the  smuggling  going  on  through  the  jjorts  of 
Galveston,  Brazoria  and  the  moutli  of  the  San  Bernard  River  was 
greater  than  the  imi)ortations  through  Matamoras.  In  fact,  mer- 
chants of  Taniaulipas.  Nuevo  Leon,  Coahuila  and  Chihuahua  who 
ordinarily  imported  through  Matamoras  or  Tampico  now  frecjuentlx' 
got  their  goods  through  these   Texas  jjorts  duty  free. 

With  Tenorio,  in  January.  1835,  came  a  collector  and  several  de]>u- 
ties  to  resuscitate  the  customhouse  at  Galveston,  or  Anahuac.  The 
collector,  Jose  Gonzalez,  stopped  at  Brazoria,  and  made  some  effort 
to  establish  an  office  there,  but  in  April  he  moved  down  the  Brazos 
to  V'elasco  and  is  said  to  have  collected  there  for  a  time  tonnage  duties 
on  vessels  entering  the  river.  Deputies  Martin  de  Alegria  and  Gil 
Hernandez  accompanied  the  soldiers,  and  established  themselves  at 
Anahuac — Tenorio  explained  that  there  were  no  buildings  at  Gal- 
veston, and  that  he  thought  it_best  to  go  on  to  Anahuac,  where  his 
detachment  could  find  convenient  quarters.  At  the  same  time  it  nnist 
be  remembered  that  the  customhouse  at  Matagorda  was  already  in 
o]>eration.  its  proceeds  being  devoted  to  the  maintenance  of  the  sol- 
diers at  Goliad  and  San  Antonio. 

.Anahuac  was  the  principal  port  of  the  department  of  Nacogdoches, 
whose  imports  Almonte  valued  in  1834  ;it  $265,000.  For  some  time 
after  the  departure  of  Bradburn's  garrison  in  1832  the  customhouse 
had  been  maintained  by  Sergeant  Juan  Cortina,  but  it  was  declared  in 
1835  that  no  duties  had  been  collected  there  for  several  years.  The 
settlers  of  that  section  retained  uni)leasant  memories  of  Mexican  sol- 
diery, and  they  further  resented  the  re-establishment  of  the  custom- 
house, so  that  from  the  beginning  Tenorio's  path  was  strewn  with 
thorns.  At  first,  however,  his  difficulties  were  due  rather  to  deficient 
ef|uipment  than  to  colonial  opposition.  He  complained  th.it  his  force 
was  tf)0  small  "tr>  compel  respect  for  the  national  honor,"  th.it  he  could 
not  ))revent  snniggling  because  he  had  no  small  boats,  that  he  had  no 
cavalry  to  use  for  couriers,  and  that  the  uncertainty  of  the  mail  service 
between  San  Antonio  and  Nacogdoches  left  him  almost  entirely  iso- 
lated. By  the  middle  of  March  his  supplies  were  almost  exhausted, 
and  the  merchants  of  Anahuac  refused  to  make  advances  because,  as 
Tenorio  said,  they  "justly  feared"  that  the  government  would  not 
repay  them.  Moreo\er.  the  force  that  he  had  was  only  ])artially 
armed.  .\n  invetitory  of  April  23.  1835.  showed  "in  good  condition": 
twentv  muskets,  twentv-nine  b;i\onets.  five  short  carbines,  fiftv  flints 


110  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

and  300  cartridges ;  "semi-useless,"  six  muskets,  twenty  flints  and 
ninety  cartridges;  "useless."  three  muskets  and  two  carbines.  Finally 
the  hardships  of  the  garrison  began  to  tell  on  the  morale  of  the  sol- 
diers. Two  of  them  went  into  the  pay  of  the  enemy,  informing  them 
of  everything  that  went  on  in  the  quarters  and  trying  to  induce  their 
comrades  to  desert.  Under  their  persuasions  several  of  the  soldiers 
did  desert — five  at  one  time,  and  others  in  smaller  numbers — and 
Tenorio  complained  bitterh-  that  not  only  would  the  civil  authorities 
not  help  him  to  recover  them,  but  that  they  actually  had  furnished 
them  passports  through  the  colonies. 

On  May  1  Tenorio  was  temporarily  encouraged  by  the  arrival  of 
Lieut.  Ignacio  Duran  with  nine  men  to  reinforce  the  garrison,  some 
muskets  and  ammunition,  and  $2,310  to  pav  the  troops,  but  his  satis- 
faction was  short-lived. 

For  a  time  the  discomforts  of  the  garrison  were  due  mainh  to  the 
original  lack  of  equipment  and  to  subsequent  neglect  by  the  govern 
ment ;  while  the  semi-passive  hostility  of  the  colonists  had  been  onl} 
a  vague  cause  of  uneasiness  in  the  background.  Some  of  the  colonists 
for  a  time  paid  the  duties  levied  on  their  goods:  others  promised  to 
pay  and  often  never  redeemed  their  pledge,  while  still  others  were 
considerate  enough  to  bring  in  their  cargoes  under  cover  of  night 
without  disturbing  the  officers,  and  thus  there  was  no  occasion  for 
friction.  Rut  in  this  arrangement  lay  the  seed  of  discord.  Those  who 
paid  began  to  murmur  that  the  illicit  trade  of  their  less  conscientious 
neighbors  should  be  suppressed,  and  the  latter  probably  grew  envious 
of  those  fortunate  individuals  whose  credit  was  good  at  the  custom- 
house and  who  were  thereby  enabled  to  introduce  their  merchandise 
free,  without  undergoing  the  inconvenience  of  smuggling.  The  result 
was  that  many  soon  refused  0])enly  to  pay  duties  at  all. 

The  discontent  of  the  colonists  was  increased,  too,  from  the  fact 
that  the  revenue  laws  were  not  enforced  consistently  in  different  parts 
of  the  same  section.  While  Gonzales  at  Velasco  was  collecting  only 
tonnage  duties,  .\legria  and  Hernandez  at  .\nahuac  were  enforcing 
the  tariff  to  its  fullest  extent.  The  opposition  of  the  merchants  of 
Anahuac  had  reached  such  a  point  l)y  the  middle  of  April  as  to  induce 
the  loyal  ayuntamiento  of  Libertv  to  issue  a  proclamation  (April  17) 
informing  "all  the  good  citizens  of  this  Jurisdiction  that  a  proper 
obedience  to  the  Laws  is  the  first  duty  of  a  good  citizen,"  and  that 
"the  revenue  laws  like  all  other  political  laws  are  to  be  respected  by 
those  who  come  within  the  legitimate  scope  of  their  action."  The 
ayuntamiento  was  of  the  opinif)n  that  the  tariff  was  "disproportionate 
in  some  particulars  and  op])ressivc  in  others,"  and  stood  in  "great 
need  of  modification";  but  thought  this  modification  could  only  be 
effected  by  the  national  Congress,  and  in  the  meantime  urged  all  good 
citizens  to  observe  and  all  military  officers  to  enforce  the  revenue 
laws. 

Whatever  the  discontented  taxpayers  may  have  thought  of  the 
avuntamiento's  appeal  for  obedience  to  the  laws,  the  suggestion  that 
the  laws  might  be  modified  bv  a  petition  to  the  government  seemed 
worth  trying.     On  Ma\  4  some  twentv  or  twenty-five  men  gathered  ;it 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  111 

the  house  of  Benjamin  Freeman  and  framed  a  memorial  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  state,  askinjj  him  to  intercede  with  Congress  for  a  remis- 
sion of  the  tariff  in  Texas.  They  gave  as  their  reason  for  this  reque.st. 
"That  for  several  years  past  no  duties  have  been  demanded  in  any 
l)art  of  these  colonies,  and  even  now  none  are  demanded  at  any  port 
Init  that  of  Galveston  ;  that  this  Jurisdiction  is  the  poorest  and  least 
improved  of  any  in  all  Texas :  that  though  any  part  of  these  colonies 
are  too  poor  to  pa}-  the  regular  duties  according  to  the  Mexican 
Tariff,  this  is  the  least  able  of  any.  *  *  *  And  though  they  have  so 
patiently  submitted  for  so  long  a  time  to  this  injustice,  they  have  at 
length  resolved  to  i)ay  no  more  till  custom  houses  shall  be  organized 
and  duties  collected  throughout  all  the  other  parts  of  these  colonies.  *  *  * 
The  poverty  of  the  citizens  of  these  colonies,  and  of  this  Jurisdiction 
in  ])articular.  their  increasing  population,  the  scarcity  of  provisions  in 
the  country  and  the  difficulty  of  securing  supplies  make  it  absolutely 
necessary  that  all  kinds  of  jirovisions  and  groceries,  and  all  other 
articles  of  absolute  necessity,  should  be  imported  duty  free,  it  being 
impossible  to  procure  these  things  in  a  Mexican  market,  a  sufficiency 
not  being  made  in  this  country,  and  there  being  an  insufficiency  of 
money  in  the  country  to  pay  the  dutj^  on  half  the  articles  of  absolute 
necessity  to  the  existence  of  these  colonies  " 

William  Hardin  was  chairman  of  this  meeting  and  J.  N.  More- 
land,  who  had  signed  the  manifesto  of  the  ayuntamiento  of  Liberty, 
was  secretary.  Tt  is  worthv  of  noting  that  while  the  ayuntamiento 
recommended  non-importation  until  the  laws  were  amended,  the 
Anahuac  meeting  ignored  this  suggestion  and  resolved  to  pay  no 
duties  until  collections  were  equallv  enforced  throughout  the  country. 
The  i)roceedings  of  this  meeting  are  chiefly  important  for  their  ex- 
pression of  opinion,  for  it  seems  that  the  documents  were  never  forwarded 
to  the  authorities,  .'\ndrew  Briscoe,  a  leading  member  of  the  meeting. 
later  explained  that  the  chairman  departed  for  the  United  States  imme- 
diately after  the  meeting  without  signing  the  resolutions,  and  that 
they  were  never  sent.  Nevertheless,  the  collector  and  all  his  deputies 
abandoned  .\nahuac  on  Mav  9.  five  days  after  the  meeting. 

There  was  a  strong  hint  in  the  manifesto  of  the  ayuntamiento  of 
Liberty  that  the  malcontents  were  foreigners,  and  not  citizens  of 
Texas,  and  a  ])ublic  meeting  of  the  people  of  Columbia  on  Jime  28 
condemned  the  resolutions  just  given  as  the  work  of  foreigners.  Bris- 
coe replied  to  this  in  The  Texas  Republican  of  August  8.  1835.  by 
saying  that  all  tho^^e  who  particijiated  in  the  Anahuac  meeting  of 
May  4  were  citizens  except  two.  and  that  these  two  owned  land  in 
Texas  and  intended  to  become  citizens. 

.\fter  the  abandonment  of  his  post  by  Gonzalez,  Tenorio  exercised 
the  duties  of  collector  for  a  time — without  authority,  as  he  himself 
admitted,  but  he  thought  it  would  establish  a  disastrous  precedent  to 
allow  ships  to  land  their  cargoes  without  any  attempt  to  collect  the 
duties,  and  felt  that  the  end  justified  the  means.  He  must  have  been 
soon  relieved  by  an  authorized  collector,  however,  for  he  tells  us  that 
on  the  eleventh  of  June  the  collector  asked  him  for  a  guard  of  four 
soldiers  and  a  corporal,  giving  as  his  reason  for  the  request  that  Mr. 


112  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

Briscoe  was  going  to  call  during  the  day  to  pay  some  duties  he  owed 
and  might  attack  the  office. 

"The  office  received  no  insult"  on  this  occasion,  writes  Tenorio. 
hut  on  the  "night  of  the  12th  the  same  Mr.  Briscoe  took  from  his  hous. 
a  box,  and  went  to  the  sea  shore  to  embark  it ;  but  the  collector  and 
the  guard  also  went  to  the  sea  shore,  and  when  they  tried  to  arrest 
Briscoe  and  two  other  Americans  they  resisted  with  arms,  and  one  of 
them — named  Smith — was  shot  and  wounded  by  one  of  the  soldiers. 
*  *  *  Mr.  Briscoe  was  simply  making  fun  of  the  collector  with  all  thi-^ 
business,  for  when  the  box  was  opened,  it  was  found  to  be  full  of 
mere  rubbish."  To  Tenorio  this  seemed  a  maliciously  planned  joke, 
but  the  account  of  DeWitt  Clinton  Harris,  one  of  the  "two  other 
.'\mericans"  with  Briscoe,  gives  another  view  of  it. 

Harris  says ;  *  *  *  "About  8  o'clock  a  young  man  came  to  the 
store  and  asked  Briscoe  for  a  box  to  put  ballast  in  ;  this  Mr.  Briscoe 
gave  him,  and  he  placed  it  in  a  wheelbarrow  filled  with  brick  and 
started  for  the  beach  ;  after  he  left  the  store  I  observed  to  Mr.  Briscoe 
that  we  could  now  ascertain  whether  my  goods  would  be  stopped  or 
not.  Shortly  after,  we  heard  the  young  man  calling  for  Mr.  Smith, 
the  interpreter.  Mr.  Briscoe  and  I  then  walked  up  to  the  young  man. 
and  found  that  he  had  been  stopped  by  the  guard.  Mr.  Smith  soon 
came  up  and  informed  the  guard  of  the  contents  of  the  box;  this  ap 
peared  to  satisfy  him,  and  the  box  was  taken  to  the  beach,  Mr.  Briscoe 
and  I  going  with  the  young  man.  After  the  box  was  put  in  the  boat 
and  we  were  about  returning,  ten  or  twelve  Mexican  soldiers  came  on 
us  and  ordered  us  to  stand.  Mr.  Briscoe  and  I  were  taken  prisoners. 
As  we  were  ascending  the  bank  a  young  man  named  \Vm.  Smith 
came  down  the  hill,  and  within  ten  feet  of  us  was  shot  down.  *  *  * 
Mr.  Briscoe  and  I  were  then  put  in  the  calaboose,  where  I  remained 
until  next  day  at  11  o'clock,  when  I  was  liberated,  Briscoe  .still  being 
detained."  On  his  return  to  Harrisburg,  Harris  sent  a  report  of  this 
trouble  to  San  Felipe,  and  his  statement,  together  with  other  events 
which  soon  occurred  there,  hastened  the  climax  of  Tenorio's  difficul- 
ties. 

News  of  this  affair  reached  San  Felipe  at  an  interesting  conjunc- 
ture. The  Texans  who  had  been  in  Monclova  during  the  session  of 
the  Legislature  had  just  returned  and  reported  the  dispersion  of  the 
Legislature  and  the  arrest  of  the  governor,  along  with  numerous 
rumors  of  the  unpleasant  designs  that  Santa  .\nna  had  upon  Texas. 
Then,  on  the  afternoon  of  June  21.  a  courier  arrived  from  General 
Cos  with  a  letter  for  the  political  chief.  Dr.  J.  B.  Miller.  This  letter. 
written  from  Matamoras  on  June  12  notified  the  political  chief  of  the 
arrest  of  the  governor  and  requested  him,  pending  the  appointment  of 
new  officials,  to  "take  special  care  of  the  administration  and  internal 
order"  of  his  department.  In  doing  this  he  was  to  subject  himself  to 
the  laws  of  the  state  "without  making  any  innovations  whatever. 
Nevertheless,  your  honor  will  dictate  sucfi  measures  as  are  in  your 
power,  to  prevent  under  anv  circumstances  a  disturbance  of  the  tran- 
r|uillit\'    of   the   department,   placing  \Durself    for   that   purpose    in   com- 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  113 

munication  with  the  nearest  military  chief,  who  will  afford  you  every 
assistance." 

As  we  have  seen,  the  mass  of  the  colonists  felt  no  particular  resent- 
ment at  the  dissolution  of  the  state  government,  and  Cos's  letter  was 
not  necessarily  alarming.  It  has  long  ago  appeared  from  this  narra- 
tive, however,  that  there  was  a  small  party  in  Texas  ready  to  make  the 
most  of  any  occasion  for  friction  with  Mexico,  and  some  members  of 
this  party  now  determined  to  search  the  courier  who  brought  the 
letter  to  the  political  chief  and  see  what  else  he  had  in  his  pack.  He 
tried  to  save  his  dispatches  by  secretly  passing  them  to  a  friendly 
American,  but  this  nio\ement  was  detected  and  they  were  soon  in  the 
possession  of  the  enemy. 

The  package  was  found  to  contain  several  letters  to  Captain 
Tenorio  at  Anahuac.  One  from  Cos,  dated  at  Matamoras  on  May  26, 
acknowledged  the  receipt  of  letters  from  Tenorio  of  May  2  and  4  com- 
plaining of  the  "impudence"  of  some  Texans  who  appeared  "to  have 
persuaded  themselves  that  the  ports  of  the  republic  were  exclusively 
for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  a  criminal  and  clandestine  commerce." 
Cos  said  that  he  had  forwarded  the  letters  fo  the  government  with 
others  of  his  own  urging  strong  measures  to  enforce  upon  the  Texans 
obedience  to  the  law.  He  had  no  doubt  that  the  government  would 
attend  to  the  matter  with  the  promptness  which  its  importance  de- 
manded, and  in  the  meantime  he  had  ordered  the  Morelos  battalion 
to  Copano,  whence  it  could  be  distributed  through  the  province  as 
needed.  "You  will  operate  in  everv  case,"  said  Cos,  "with  extreme 
prudence,  but  if  by  an\-  fatality  the  public  order  should  be  overturned, 
you  are  to  proceed  without  any  deliberation  against  whomsoever  may 
occasion  it ;  without  permitting  for  anv  cause  the  national  arms  to  be 
tarnished."  There  were  two  letters  from  familiar  friends  assuring 
Tenorio  that  he  was  soon  to  receive  strong  reinforcement,  and  a  let- 
ter from  Ugartechea  at  San  Antonio  dated  June  20.  Ugartechea  said : 
"In  a  very  short  time  the  affairs  of  Texas  will  be  definitely  settled,  for 
which  purpose  the  government  has  ordered  to  take  up  the  line  of  march 
a  strong  division  composed  of  the  troops  which  were  in  Zacatecas,  and 
which  are  now  in  Saltillo.  *  *  *  These  revolutionists  will  be  ground 
down,  and  it  appears  to  me  we  shall  soon  see  each  other,  since  the 
government  takes  their  matters  in  hand." 

The  first  fruit  of  these  disclosures  at  San  Felipe  was  a  proclama- 
tion the  same  day  (June  21)  from  the  political  chief.  Dr.  J.  R.  Miller, 
to  the  people  of  his  department.  It  was  his  duty,  he  said,  to  inform 
the  people  of  the  critical  situation  in  which  their  constitutional  rights 
were  placed  by  the  usurpations  of  the  military  authorities;  and  after 
enumerating  some  of  the  recent  encroachments  upon  the  constitution, 
he  asked : 

"Are  you  prepared  to  receive  such  a  government  as  it  may 
please  the  Commandant  General  Cos  and  his  masters  to  give  you 
and  again  receive  a  military  officer  as  your  governor ;  or  will  you 
support  and  maintain  the  officer  vour  own  voluntarv  vote  placed 
in  office  and  who  now  lies  in  prison  on  account  of  the  vote  made 
in  his  favor.     I  think  h\-  th<'  feeling-^  which  I  have  that  I  can  answer 

\U|..    J  _.1J 


114  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

yuu  will  never  submit  tamelv  to  such  a  course.     The  object  is  to 
establish    the    supreme    executive    authorit)-    of    the    state   in    Texas. 
This  is  highly  important   and   it  behooves  every  man   to   strain 
every  nerve  to  accomplish  so  desired  an  object,  and  in  obedience 
to   the   orders  we   have   received,   to   turn   out   immediately,   organ- 
ise, and  march  to  his   relief,   and   bring  him   to  a  place  of   safety 
in  this  favored  Texas ;     *     *     *     \'q^  will  march  to   this  place 
as  soon  as  possible  and  wait  for  further  orders." 
The  next  result  of  the  intercepted   correspondence   was   a   public 
meeting  at  San  Felipe  on  June  22,  presided  over  by  R.  M.  ^^'ilIiamson. 
who  issued  an  address  to  the  citizens  of   Coahuila  and  Texas  rallying 
them   to   the    support    of    "Liberty,    the    Constitution,    and    Federation." 
The   jurisdiction   of   San    Felipe   grieved   to   see   that   '"the   hopes   of 
patriots  and  the   lively   desires   of  a  numerous   people,   scarcely   free 
from  the  horrible  bond  that  subjected  them  to  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment, are  frustrated  so  abruptly  and  unexpectedly,  and  that  a  system 
equally  despotic  is  imposed  upon  them  anew."    For  a  long  time  the  people 
of  Texas  had  been  convinced  that  the  government  was  tending  toward 
the  destruction  of  the  constitution :  but  "being  such  recent  settlers, 
and  citizens  only  by  adoption,  taught  since  childhood  to  reverence 
and  respect  the  national   legislation."   they   had   looked   in   silence   upon 
unjustifiable  and  dangerous  aggressions,  leaving  it  to  native  citizens 
to  raise  the  voice  of  protest.     Even  now  they  would  not  protest  but 
for  the  fact  that  the  usurpations  of  the  general  government  had  reached 
the    state    of    their   adoption.     They    had    alway>    adhered    religiously    to 
ihe   constitution    as    they    understood    it.    and    would    continue    to    do    so 
"as    long    as    memorv    called    to    mind    its    excellence    and    worth."     As 
they  understood  it,  the  constitution  fixed  the  s])here  of  authority  for 
the  state  and  the  general  governments. 

"We  consider  that  the  general  government  was  created  for 
objects  wholly  exterior,  and  that  the  regulation  of  their  internal 
affairs  was  left  to  the  states.  An  invasion  of  the  rights  of 
another  b}-  whatever  power  is  uniformly  dangerous,  and  uni- 
formly to  be  resisted.  Such  invasion  has  been  committed  by  the 
general  government  against  the  State  of  Coahuila  and  Texas : 
(1)  In  the  persons  of  the  representatives  in  the  national  con- 
gress, when  they  were  prevented  by  military  force  from  discharg- 
ing the  duties  of  their  office :  (2)  by  the  decree  of  the  president 
ordering  a  new  election  of  officers  in  ()pi)ositii)n  to  a  regular  and 
constitutional  election  previously  held:  (,^)  by  the  decree  of  the 
general  congress  disbanding  the  civil  militia  and  recjuiring  the 
states  to  surrender  their  arms;  (4)  by  the  decree  of  the  general 
congress  prohibiting  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  from  issuing 
letters  of  citizenship  to  its  colonists;  (5)  by  the  arrest  by  regular 
troops  of  Don  Augustin  Viesca,  the  constitutional  governor  of 
the  state:  (6)  by  the  overthrow  of  the  state  authorities  by  regular 
troops ;  (7)  by  the  recent  resolution  declaring  that  the  general 
congress  has  the  right  to  alter  the  constitution  and  form  of  gov- 
ernment at  its  pleasure  without  pursuing  the  mode  pointed  out 
l)y  that  sacred  instrument:  (8)  by  the  creation  of  a  dictator  with 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  115 

absolute  power  whose  only  rule  of  conduct  is  his  own  will  and 
pleasure ;  and  (9)  by  numerous  other  acts,  all  manifesting  a  total 
disregard  for  the  rights  of  the  states,  and  a  determination  of  the 
present  ruling  authorities  of  the  nation  to  prostrate  the  republican 
federative  principle." 
Against  all  this  the  people  of  Texas  protested.     They  would  main 
tain  the  federal  and  state  constitutions  as  originally  adopted,  and  they 
would  maintain  the  governor  and  all  other  state  officials  in  the  dis- 
charge   of    their    duties.     In    these    two    resolutions    they    thought    were 
contained  every  obligation  that  could  be  demanded  of  citizens.     In 
carrying  out  these  obligations  they  pledged  their  "lives,  fortunes  and 
sacred  honor"  never  to  abandon  the  contest  until  the  last  drop  of  blood 
of  the  last  man  in  Texas  was  spilled.     Texans  and  Coahuilans  were 
separately   urged  to   stand   firm   in   support  of   the   constitution,   and 
thereby  stimulate  into  activity  the  liberals  of  Mexico.     The  Texans 
could  muster  10,000  rifles  for  their  defense,  and  there  was  not  ])Ower 
enough  in  the  Mexican  government  to  drive  them  from  the  country. 
Whatever  force  might  come  against  them  would  come  only  to  meet 
the  victorious  vengeance  of  a  peojile  who  always  had  been  brave  and 
always  would  be  free ;  they  were  invincible  in  Texas,  but  desired  also 
that   the    Coahuilans    should    be    free.     Moreover,   the    people    of   the 
United  States  were  interested  in   the  fortunes  of  the  Texans  and   in 
the  hour  of  danger  thousands  would  flock  to  their  aid. 

This  proclamation  was  printed  in  English  and  Spanish  and  circu- 
lated. The  summary  just  given  is  from  the  Spanish  copy  in  the  Aus- 
tin papers.  Ugartechea  forwarded  a  copy  to  General  Cos  on  July  15. 
and  one  can  easily  imagine  his  opinion  of  the  professed  loyalty  to 
the  constitution.  The  somewhat  highflown.  bombastic  style  of  the 
address  was  aimed  at  the  Coahuilans,  but  it  is  likely  that  they,  too. 
resented  the  hint  of  assistance  from  the  United  States  and  the  boasted 
invincibility  of  the  Texans. 

The  English  of  D.  B.  Edward,  a  queer  old  pedant  wlio  i)ublishe(l 
in  1836  his  history  of  Texas,  is  frequently  beyond  comprehension;  but 
so  far  as  it  is  possible  to  interpret  his  account  of  this  incident,  it 
seems  that  .some  of  the  radicals  who  attended  the  meeting  of  June  22, 
assembled  later  on  the  same  day.  with  the  political  chief  in  the  chair, 
and  adopted  resolutions  authorizing  volunteers  to  ex])el  Tenorio's  gar- 
rison from  .-Xnahuac  before  the  arrival  of  the  expected  reinforcements. 
William  Barrett  Travis  immediately  began  the  formation  of  a  vol- 
unteer company,  and  in  San  Felipe  and  Harrisburg  thirty  nvn  signe  1 
an  agreement  to  meet  at  T.ynch's  ferry  and  march  against  the  garri 
son.  Ten  of  these  failed  tf>  start  on  the  expedition,  and  three  <>f  the 
Harrisburg  contingent  withdrew  at  Vince's  Rayou  :  but  by  the  addi- 
tion of  eight  men  from  Lynchliurg  and  Spilman's  Island  the  partv  was 
again  increased  to  twenty-five.  .\  halt  was  made  at  Clopjjer's  Point, 
and  an  election  held,  the  result  of  which  made  Travis  captain,  Retson 
Morris,  first  lieutenant,  and  .\shmore  Edwards,  second  lieutenant. 
The  captain  then  appointed  John  W.  Moore  orderly  sergeant. 

The  sloop  Ohio,  belonging  to  David  Harris,  had  l)een  eh.irlered 
at    Harrisburg.    and    in    tlii-    tlic\    all    nnw    embarked    and    ]irneeede(l 


116  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

toward  Aiialuuic.  When  within  about  lialf  a  mile  of  the  shore,  the 
sloop  was  groimded,  and  Captain  Travis  ordered  a  shot  to  be  fired, 
by  way  of  warning,  from  the  small  cannon  which  they  had  on  board, 
mounted  on  a  pair  of  sawmill  truck  wheels.  The  gun  was  then 
placed  in  one  of  the  small  boats,  and  they  all  rowed  ashore,  where 
Travis  was  met  by  a  note  from  Tenorio  asking  the  purpose  of  his 
visit.  Travis  replied  that  he  had  come  to  receive  the  surrender  of 
the  garrison.  Tenorio  asked  that  he  be  allowed  till  the  next  morning 
for  consideration  ;  but  Travis  informed  him  that  he  could  have  only 
one  hour,  and  then,  without  waiting  for  the  expiration  of  that,  since 
it  was  growing  dark,  ordered  an  advance.  But  the  Mexicans  had 
made  use  of  the  delay  to  flee  to  the  woods,  and  the  Texans  found  the 
fort  deserted.  Travis  soon  received  a  message  from  Tenorio.  how- 
ever, asking  for  an  interview  on  the  river  bank  ;  and  this  being  granted 
him.  he  held  a  council  and  decided,  by  his  own  account,  "in  view  of 
the  difficulty  and  uselessness  of  making  a  defense,  that  a  capitulation 
should  be  made." 

On  the  next  morning  (June  30)  the  terms  of  the  surrender  were 
arranged.  Twelve  soldiers  were  to  be  allowed  to  retain  their  arms,  as 
a  protection  against  the  Indians  in  their  march  toward  Bexar,  and  the 
Mexican  officers  pledged  themselves  not  to  take  up  arms  again  against 
Texas.  Captain  Harris  says  there  were  forty-four  Mexicans  in  the 
garrison,  and  that  the  Texan  force  had  l^een  increased  by  several 
accessions  at  .\nahuac  to  about  thirty.  Travis,  writing  to  Henr}- 
Smith  about  a  week  after  the  capitulation,  says,  "1  received  sixty-four 
stands  of  arms  (muskets  and  bayonets)." 

The  Mexicans  and  the  Texans  returned  together  in  the  Ohio  to 
Harrisburg.  which  they  reached  in  time  for  a  liarbecue  on  the  fourth 
of  July.  One  may  well  imagine  that  Tenorio  was  rather  glad  than 
otherwise  to  be  relieved  of  his  trying  duties  at  Anahuac :  for.  at  the 
barbecue,  he  is  said  to  have  "walked  among  the  people,  shaking  hands 
with  the  men  and  acting  as  if  he  was  the  hero  of  the  occasion." 

By  July  17.  Tenorio  had  reached  San  Felipe  :  but  being  very  kindly 
received  by  the  authorities  there, — Wily  ]NIartin  having  superseded 
J.  B.  Miller  as  political  chief — he  remained  some  seven  weeks  in  the 
hope  that  Ugartechea  would  send  him  horses  and  money  with  which 
to  complete  his  journey  to  San  Antonio.  He  arrived  at  Bexar  about 
.September  8. 

The  attack  on  Anahuac  was  condemned  general!}-  throughout 
Texas,  except  by  the  most  radical  of  the  war  party,  which  was  still 
comparatively  small.  Town  after  town  adopted  resolutions  of  pro 
test  against  the  precipitate  action  of  a  few  rash  men  which  might 
involve  the  province  in  serious  trouble.  Travis,  indeed,  found  the 
general  sentiment  against  him  so  strong  that  for  several  weeks  he 
published  a  card  in  The  Texas  Republican  asking  the  people  to  sus- 
pend judgment  upon  him  until  he  could  publish  an  explanation  and 
justification  of  his  act.  This  was  tardily  written  on  September  1  and 
forwarded  to  his  friend  Henry  Smith  for  publication,  but  Smith  appar- 
e.ntly  thought  best  to  withhold  it  from  the  press.  The  original  is  now 
in  the  I.amar  Papers  in  the  state  library.     It  reads  as  follows : 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  117 

"To  the  Public: 

"The  undersigned  published  a  card  some  time  since,  stating 
that  he  would  give  the  public  his  motives  in  engaging  in  the  expe- 
dition to  Anahuac  which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  the  garrison 
of  that  place  on  the  30th  of  June  last.  Circumstances  beyond  my 
control  have  hitherto  prevented  me  from  redeeming  the  pledge 
therein  given.     I  will  now  do  so  in  a  few  words. 

"I  refer  the  public  to  the  following  documents  to  siiow  what 
were  my  motives  in  that  affair.  At  the  time  1  started  to  Ana- 
huac, it  seemed  to  be  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  people  here 
that  that  place  should  be  reduced.  The  citizens  about  Galveston 
Bay,  who  had  formed  a  volunteer  company  for  the  purpose,  sent 
to  this  place  for  aid.  The  political  chief  approved  the  plan  and 
l)resided  at  a  meeting  of  about  200  i)ersons  who  adopted  the  reso- 
lutions which  appear  below. 

"Being  highly  excited  by  the  circumstances  then  stated.  1 
volunteered  in  that  expedition,  with  no  other  motives  than  of 
patriotism  and  a  wish  to  aid  my  suffering  countrymen  in  the 
embarrassing  strait  to  which  they  were  likely  to  be  reduced  b}' 
military  tyranny,  f  was  casually  elected  the  commander  of  the 
expedition,  without  soliciting  the  appointment.  I  discharged 
what  I  conceived  to  be  my  duty  to  my  country  to  the  best  of  my 
ability.  Time  alone  will  show  whether  the  step  was  correct  or 
not.  .*\nd  time  will  show  that  when  the  country  is  in  danger  that 
I  will  show  myself  as  patriotic  and  ready  to  serve  her  as  those 
who  to  save  themselves  have  disavowed  the  act  and  denounced 
me  to  the  usurping  military. 

"W.  Barrett  Travis." 
"San  Felipe,  September  1st.  1835." 
The  documents  that  Travis  intended  to  publish  with  this  statement 
were  no  doubt  the  proceedings  of   the   meeting  that  authorized   the 
attack  ;  but  they  have  never  been  found. 

The  attack  on  Tenorio  convinced  the  government  even  more 
strongly  than  before  of  the  importance  of  hastening  troops  to  Texas. 
The  people  were  firmly  opposed  to  the  establishment  of  a  strong 
military  force  in  Texas,  and  to  prove  their  loyalty  passed  resolutions 
in  numerous  local  meetings  condemning  the  attack  on  Anahuac.  .Xnd 
in  general  their  condemnation  was  sincere.  The  government  had  no 
intention  of  suspending  the  military  movement  to  Texas,  but  I'gar^ 
techea  and  Cos  took  advantage  of  the  pacific  tone  of  these  resolutions 
to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  k-.-iders  of  the  war  party  for  military 
trial.  The  people  refused,  and  to  the  Mexican  mind  this  was  good 
evidence  of  the  revolutionary  intentions  of  the  colonists.  The  attack 
on  Anahuac  was  an  important  step  in  the  development  of  distrust  and 
misunderstanding  that   led  to  the  rexojutioii. 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE    STRUGGLE    BETWEEN    CONSERVATIVES    AND    THE 

WAR  PARTY 

By  the  arrest  of  the  governor  and  dissolution  of  the  legislature 
Texas  was  left  virtually  without  a  government.  What  was  best  to  be 
done  under  existing  circumstances  was  the  all  absorbing  question. 
But  few,  if  any,  thought  for  a  moment  of  submitting  to  the  usurpation 
and  tyranny  of  Santa  Anna.  While  some  favored  immediate  resist- 
ance, others  favored  a  temporising  policy,  by  which  time  would  be 
gained,  and  preparations  made  for  the  worst.  Texas  was  without  a 
treasury  and  the  appliances  of  war.  It  was  proposed  to  raise  a  force 
and  rescue  the  governor  but  it  failed.  The  people  were  indignant  at 
the  course  of  the  late  legislature;  they  were  also  grieved  and  alarmed 
at  the  fate  of  Zacatecas. 

Previous  to  these  occurrences,  however,  a  meeting  of  the  citizens 
of  Mina,  now  Bastrop,  had  assembled  on  May  17  and  appointed  a  com- 
mittee of  safety,  composed  of  Edward  Burleson,  D.  C.  Barrett,  John 
McGehee,  B.  Manlove,  and  Samuel  Wolfenberger.  Wolfenberger 
was  the  chairman  of  the  meeting,  and  John  W.  Bunton  secretary. 
This  action  was  made  necessary  by  the  frequent  inroads  of  the  Indians 
on  the  settlements  of  the  Colorado,  and  not  in  view  of  a  conflict  with 
Mexico.  The  example  of  the  citizens  of  the  municipality  of  Mina 
was  soon  followed  by  all  the  municipalities. 

The  political  chief's  proclamation  of  June  21  urging  an  expedi- 
tion to  rescue  the  governor  was  the  occasion  of  a  number  of  public 
meetings.  The  first  of  these  was  held  at  Columbia  on  June  23.  The 
proclamation  had  reached  that  place  on  the  22nd,  and  a  private  letter 
from  Henry  Austin  to  James  F.  Perry  written  on  the  23rd  gives  some 
of  the  intimate  history  of  what  followed.     He  says: 

"An  attempt  has  been  made  here  today  to  involve  us  in  an 
immediate  revolution  by  sending  troops  forthwith  in  obedience  to 
a  call  by  the  chief  of  police  to  fight  the  federal  forces — a  report 
and  resolutions  were  produced  cut  and  dried  in  caucus  last  night, 
compromitting  us  at  once — I  moved  as  an  amendment — that  the 
further  consideration  of  the  subject  matter  before  the  meeting 
should  be  postponed  until  the  great  body  of  the  people  of  this 
municipality  could  be  convened  to  express  their  sentiments  as  to 
the  expediency  of  a  measure  involving  the  security  of  the  rights, 
and  property  and  the  safety  and  lives  of  the  families  of  the  peo 
pie ;  this  was  not  admitted  by  the  agitators  as  an  amendment, 
when  it  was  determined  to  put  the  report  and  resolutions  to  vote 
first  and  then  take  the  vote  upon  my  motioii ;  on  division  two- 
thirds  were  against  their  report.  They  then  without  taking  a 
vote  upon  my  motion  so  modified  their  resolutions  as  to  effect  the 
same  purpose,  which,  being  agreed  to,  they  appointed  a  commit- 
tee to  draft  a  report  and  resolutions  to  be  proposed  to  the  meeting 
on  Sunday.  It  was  proposed  to  add  me  and  R.  Williams.  I 
declined  to  aid  in  forestalling  the  sentiments  of  the  people,  wish- 

118 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  119 

ing  the  meeting  on  Sunda\    to  be  left  free  to  appoint  their  own 
committee,  and  the  people  will  reject  their  report  on  that  groimd 
if  it  be  put  to  them.     You  and   Pleasant   McNeil  must  be   here 
*     *     *     every  one  who  can  give  a  vote,  for  the  cast  is  to  be  made 
which  will  lose  or  win  all  our  hopes  in  Texas."     *     *     * 
Ihe    subsequent    (.  (jlunibia    meeting    of    June    28    was    im])ortant 
because  it  became  the  model  tor  several  other  municipalities,  some  of 
which  endorsed  its   resolutitjns   en  bloc.     With   the   hoj)e,   no   (loul)t. 
of  influencing  this  meeting  an  alarmist  article  was  published  in    Tlif 
Texas  Republican  of  June  Ti .     Despite  this  effort  to  stampede  it,  the 
meeting  on  the  next  day  was  conservative,  and  while  advising  defen- 
sive preparations  urged  strict  adherence  to  the  laws  and  constitution 
(jf  the  nation.     Col.  W.  D.  C.  Hall  was  called  to  the  chair  and  Hyrd  H. 
Waller  elected  secretarv.     ^lessrs.  John  .A.  Wharton,  W.  D.  C.  Hall, 
H.  Smith,  J.  F.  Perrv,  l'.  11.  Bell.  S.  Whiting.  G.  B.  McKinstrv,  W.  C. 
White,  P.  B.  McXe'el,"  F.  Bingham.  J.  A.   Phelps,  Edwin  Waller.   !•:. 
Andrews,  J.  P.  Caldwell,  and   E.  (].  Head  were  unanimously  cliosen 
to  prepare  a  report  and  resolutions  unanimously  adopted  as  follows : 
"Your  committee  view  with  the  deepest  regret  and  greatest 
alarm  the  present  political    situation   in   Texas,   and   recommend 
to  this  meeting,  and  their  fellow-citizens  generally,  union,  mod- 
eration, organization,  and  a  strict  adherence  to  the  laws  and  con- 
stitution of  the  land.      Your  committee   protest  against   the  acts 
and  conduct  of  any  set  of  individuals  (less  than  a  majority)  calcu- 
lated to  involve  the  citizens  of  Texas  in  a  conflict  with  the  federal 
government  of  Mexico,  and  particularlv  protest  against  the  ])ro- 
ceedings  of  those  persons  at  .\nahuac  who  gave  the  collector  of 
customs,  Don  Jose  Gonzalez  a  series  of  resolutions  declaring  that 
thev     would     not     obev     the     revenue     laws     of     Mexico.      They 
denounce     such     persons     ;is     foreigners,     and     disclaim     .ill     par- 
ticipation    in     the     act     whatever.      Your     committee     further     de- 
clare thai   they  are  the   faithful  and  loyal  citizens  of   Mexico,   and 
that   the\-  are  disposed  and  desirous  to  discharge  their  duty   as 
such  and  that  it  is  their  wish  and  interest  to  remain  .ittached  to 
the  federal  government  of  Mexico.     Your  committee  recommend 
to  the  political  chief  the  adoption  of  the  most  prompt  and  ener- 
getic   measures   to    chastise    the    savages    that    liave    lately    com- 
mitted  de]iredations   on   our   frontier   citizens;   and   beg   lea\e   to 
present  the  following  resolutions: 

"Resolved.  That  inasmuch  as  Texas  is  left  in  ;i  state  of  anar- 
chy, and  without  governor,  vice-governor,  or  council,  that  we 
recognize  the  political  chief  as  the  highest  executive  office,  and 
that  we  carnestiv  recommend  an  immediate  ors^janization  of  the 
militi.i  for  the  jirotection  of  the  frontier,  and  that  he  susjK'nd 
further  orders  until  the  whole  people  are  consulted,  and  also  that 
lie  recommend  a  similar  course  to  the  chiefs  of  the  other  depart- 
ments of  Texas. 

"Resolved,  That  the  political  chief  he  requested  to  correspond 
with  the  other  chiefs  of  departments  in  Texas,  and  request  them 
to  co-operate  with  him  in  electing  three  deputies  from  each  juris- 


120  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

diction  of  tlieir  st-veral  departments  to  meet  the  chiefs  of  depart- 
ments in  public  council,  with  full  powers  to  form  for  Texas  a 
provisional  government,  on  the  principles  of  the  constitution, 
during  the  reign  of  anarchy  in  the  state,  and  that  they  meet  as 
soon  as  circumstances  will  possibly  permit. 

"Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  five  be  chosen  to  wait  on  the 
political  chief  with  the  views  of  this  meeting,  and  that  they 
remain  a  permanent  committee  of  vigilance,  correspondence,  and 
safet}-. 

■'Resolved,  That  the  political  chief  be  requested  to  address  the 
executive  of  the  federal  government  of  Mexico,  representing  to 
him  the  peacable  and  loyal  disposition  of  the  citizens  of  Texas, 
and  their  great  desire  to  remain  attached  to  the  federal  govern- 
ment. 

"Resolved,  That  the  political  chief  be  requested  to  address  the 
citizens  of  this  department,  commanding  them  to  adhere  strictlj; 
to  the  laws  and  constitution  of  the  land. 

"Resolved,  That  we  will  support  the  political  chief  in  the  dis- 
charge of  all  constitutional  duties. 

"Resolved,  That  the  chairman  of  the  meeting  be  requested  to 
address  a  letter  to  the  political  chief,  enclosing  him  a  copy  of  the 
proceedings  of  this  meeting. 

"Messrs.  W.  D.  C.  Hall,  J.  A.  Wharton,  W.  H.  Jack,  J.  G. 
McNeel,  and  G.  B.  McKinstry  were  chosen  by  the  meeting  the 
committee  of  vigilance,  correspondence  and  safety,  and  to  wait 
on  the  political  chief  with  the  views  of  this  meeting." 
On  July  4  the  district  of  Lavaca  adopted  these  Columbia  resolu- 
tions, and  appointed  a  committee  of  "vigilance  and  correspondence" 
consisting  of  William   Millican,  John   Alley.   Samuel   Rogers,   Elijah 
Stapp,  Francis  F.  Well?,  and  Sam  .\.  White.     Its  duties  were  "to  use 
all  possilile  exertions  to  obtain  any  intelligence  which  may  have  any 
bearing  on  the  well  being  of  Texas,  and  communicate   the  same   t<i 
the  political  chief  and  inhabitants  of  the  precinct." 

A.  meeting  at  Mina  on  the  same  day  declared  "that  we  feel  an 
entire  confidence  in  the  constitution  and  laws  of  our  adopted  country, 
and  will  :it  all  times  sustain  the  legal  authorities  in  the  exercise  of 
their  con'ititutional  duties."  The  next  day  the  committee  of  safety 
and  correspondence,  after  approving  the  Columbia  resolutions,  issued 
an  address  to  the  ayuntamientos  of  the  department  of  Brazos  giving 
its  views  of  the  alarming  situation.     The  citizens  of  Mina.  it  said: 

"."Mter  the  maturest  deliberation  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
there  was  certainly  some  reason  to  expect  a  movement  of  the 
government  forces  towards  the  colonies,  and  the  greatest  diffi- 
culty was  to  divine  the  precise  object  and  intention  of  that 
advance.  But  they  are  aware  that  it  would  be  the  blindest  credu- 
lity to  believe,  to  its  full  extent,  the  idle  exaggerations  that  have 
for  some  time  past  agitated  the  public  mind.  They  forbear  to 
express  any  opinion  whatever  as  to  the  immediate  cause  that 
wrought  the  present  excitement,  but  deplore  the  evils  that  may 
result  from  the  schisms  which  have  taken  place  in  consequence ; 


IIISTOKV  OF  TEXAS  121 

they  feel,  and  dci-ply  feci,  the  necessity  that  there  is  for  tlie  exist- 
ence of  some  medium  through  which  public  opinion  can  be  ascer- 
tained  and  wielded   with   cfTect   against   the   irregularities   of   those 
whose  disregard   to  the  laws  of  the  country   has   destroyed  the 
mutual  confidence  as  well  as  the  mutual  respect  between  them 
and  their  fellow-citizens  of  the  Mexican  republic,  inasmuch  as  the 
misconduct  of  a  few   designing  men  is  attributed   to   the   whole 
community,  and  construed  into  disaffection  to  the  general  gov- 
ernment.    They  are  by  no  means  of  opinion,  while  making  their 
own  feelings  their  standard,  that  the  whole  of  Texas  generally 
cherish  a  hostile  disposition  to  Mexicans  or  to  the  Mexican  gov- 
ernment when  administered  on  its  constitutional  principles.    They 
are  voluntarily  citizens  of  the  same  republic ;  have  sworn  to  sup- 
port the  same  constitution,  and  are  by  inclination  and  ii'terest. 
as  well  as  the  most  solemn  obligation,  bound  to  cherish  ai'(l  sus- 
tain the  liberal  and  free  institutions  of  this  republic." 
To  meet   the   situation   the  committee   could   think  of  "no   better 
mode  of  meeting  the  exigencies  of  the  times  than  by  an  assemblage 
of   delegates  from   each   municipality,  at   San    Felipe,  or   some   other 
central  place,   whose  duty   it   shall  be  to  act   in  council   for  the   people, 
and  in  concert  with  the  executive  power  still  existing  in  Texas,   in 
providing  for   the   general    welfare  of   a   misrepresented  but   a   deter- 
mined peo])le.'"     .-Vnd  the  co-operation  of  the  ayuntamientos  was  asked  in 
bringing  about  such  a  meeting. 

On  Jul}'  7  a  meeting  at  (jonzales  was  addressed  by  Mr.  Edward 
Ijritten,  who  declared  that  he  was  familiar  with  the  purposes  of  the 
government  in  regard  to  Texas,  and  said  that  they  were  favorable. 
He  earnestly  recommended  "quietude,  obedience,  and  submission  to 
the  authorities  of  the  nation."  and  after  deliberate  discussion  the 
meeting  adopted  conser\ati\e  resohitions  avowing  loyalty  tf)  the  gov- 
ernment ; 

"1st.  On  motion  of  .Mr.  Mitchell  it  was  resolved  that  we 
protest  against  the  sale  of  400  leagues  of  our  lands,  as  an  act  of 
corruj)tion  in  all  parties  concerned,  and  we  will  not  support  such 
men  nor  measures,  but  on  the  contrary  aid  the  government  in 
maintaining  the  integritx  of  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the 
Mexican  nation. 

"2nd.  On  motion  of  Mr.  Masson,  it  was  resolved  that  we  pro- 
test against  those  acts  which  tend  to  a  resistance  to  the  revenue 
laws  of  the  government,  and  sincerely  invite  the  supreme  execu 
tive  to  carrv  them  into  effect. — suggesting  at  the  same  time  a 
modification  of  thos<'  laws,  in  order  that  the  duties  shall  all  be 
collected:  we  beliexe  reasonable  duties  received  by  collectors 
understanding  lioth  languages,  without  favour  or  collusive 
arrangement  would  be  cheerfully  submitted  to  by  the  merchants, 
^but  in  contrarv  case  we  pledge  ourselves  to  aid  the  federal 
government  in  their  collection.  We  further  suggest,  that  a  court 
with  admiralty  jurisdiction  to  hold  its  sessions  in  Texas  would 
greatly   facilitate  the  object   of  collecting  those  duties,   while  at 


122  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

the  same  time  it  would  relieve  Texas  from   tlit-   embarrassment 
of  tedious  foreign  suits. 

"3rd.  On  motion  of  Mr.  John  Fisher  it  was  resolved  that  we 
protest  against  any  provisional  government  or  organization  con- 
trary to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  constitution  and  laws 
tending  to  estrange  the  jurisdiction  of  Texas  from  that  of 
Coahuila  as  established  by  the  constitutional  act,  unless  the  fed- 
eral congress  shall  sanction  the  separation,  and  the  loyalty  and 
patriotism  of  the  citizens  of  Texas  shall  challenge  this  benefit 
for  us  at  their  hands ;  and  every  act  and  deed,  tending  to  interrupt 
the  harmony  and  good  understanding  existing  between  Texas 
and  the  federal  government,  deserve  the  marked  disapprobation 
and  contempt  of  every  friend  of  constitutional  order  in  the 
country. 

"4th.  On  motion  of  E.  Mitchell,  Esq.,  it  was  resolved  that  wc 
have  full  confidence  in  the  favorable  disposition  of  his  excellency 
the  president  and  the  general  congress  towards  Texas,  and  we 
believe  that  when  the  wants  of  Texas  are  fully  made  known  to 
them  they  will  be  provided  for. 

"5th.     On   the   suggestion   of   the   chairman,   it   was   resolved 
that  the  course  pursued  bj-  the  citizens  of  Texas  when  called  on 
by  the  governor  of  the  state  to  move  against  the  federal  troops, 
with   offers  of   reward   to   those   who   should   obey   the   order,   in 
refusing  to  leave  Texas  to  interfere  in  the  quarrels  of  the  republic, 
if  duly  considered,  furnish  conclusive  proof  of  the  loyalty  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Texas  towards  the  nation,  and  their  unwillingness 
to  become  embroiled  with  them." 
A  subsequent  meeting  of  the  ayuntamiento  and  citizens  of  Gon- 
zales on  July  19  explained  that  these  resolutions  were  based  on  a  firm 
belief  in  "the  good  faith  of  the  general  government  towards  Texas, 
and  its  strict  observance  of  the  laws  and  constitution  of  the  United 
Mexican  States."     So  long  as  the  actions  of  the  government  justified 
this  faith  in  its  integrity,  the  people  of  Gonzales  would  continue  their 
"unqualified  allegiance."  as  expressed  in  the  resolutions,  but  "if  it  be 
discovered  that   the  numerous  reports  are  correct,  that  the  govern- 
ment contemplates  a  formidable  invasion  of  the  rights  and  properties 
of  the  citizens  of  Texas,  they  hereby  declare  for  themselves  resistance 
to  such  measures  a  virtue."     At  the  same  time  the  ayuntamiento  was 
authorized  to  organize  the  militia  and  prevent  the  approach  of  spies; 
and  it  was  agreed  to  send  delegates  to  San   Felipe  on  .\ugust   1    to 
confer  with  the  political  chief  and  delegates  from  other  municipalities. 
On  July  11  the  ayuntamiento  of  Columbia,  of  which  Asa  Brigham 
was  alcalde  and  president  and  W.  H.  Sledge  was  secretary,  appointed 
a  committee  of   five   to  represent  the   municipality   at   a  meeting  which 
was  to  be  held  at  San  Felipe  on  the  14th.     They  were  instructed  to 
"Take  such  measures  as  to  open  a  correspondence  with  the 
authorities  (either  civil  or  military)  of  the  federal  government  of 
Mexico,  particularly  to  the  ayuntamiento  of  this  department  and 
political  chiefs  of  other  departments  of  Texas,  and   adopt   such 
other  measures  as  thev  mav  think  best  calculated  to  promote  the 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  123 

welfare  of  Texas,  always  bearing  in  mind  that  we  earnestly  desire 
peace— thty   will    further   bear   in   mind   that   we   are   satisfied   that 
the  present  commotion  cannot  be  quieted,  nor  any  lasting  good 
obtamed  except  by  a  commutation  of  all  the  people  of  Texas  in 
general    council,    which    they    will    earnestly    endeavor    to    bring 
about  with  the  utmost  expedition ;  also  that  we  deem  it  necessary 
that  the  most  prompt  steps  be  taken  to  procure  peace  provided  it 
can  be  obtained.     They  will  correspond  with  this  body  from  time 
to  time  as  they  may  think  necessary — and  if  practicable  a  major- 
ity of  their  number  will  remain  in  the  capital  of  this  department 
until  some  definite  plan  is  adopted." 
The  San  Felipe  meeting  of  the  14th,  after  calling  Major  Jesse  Bartlett 
lo  the  chair   and  choosing  Thomas  R.  Jackson,  secretary,   appointed   a 
committee  of  five  to  draft  resolutions.     This  committee  consisted  of  Mar- 
tin Allen,  J.  Urban.  John  Rice  Jones,  Joshua  Fletcher,  and  C.  B.  Stewart ; 
and  its  resolutions,  which  were  in  a  conservative  tone,  were  unanimously 
adopted : 

"1.  Resolved,  thai  this  meeting  view  with  the  deepest  regret 
the  excitement  which  it  is  believed  has  been  percipitately  produced  in 
these  colonies,  and  that  the  meeting  disapprobates  all  hostile  proceed- 
ings which  may  have  been  made  for  oflfensive  operations  against  the 
government. 

"2.  Resolved,  that  this  meeting  earnestly  desire  peace  and  tran- 
quility, and  that  it  recommend  lo  the  people  a  quiet  submission  to  the 
constitution,  laws,  and  proper  authorities  of  the  country. 

"3.  Resolved,  that  owing  to  the  alarming  situation  of  the  col- 
onies, it  is  necessary  that  the  colonists  organize  and  be  prepared  for 
defensive  operations. 

"4.  Resolved,  that  this  meeting  recommend  unanimity  and  con- 
cert of  action  to  their  fellow-citizens  on  this  highly  important 
occasion. 

"5.  Resolved,  that  the  affairs  of  Texas  have  approached  a  crisis 
which  requires  a  consultation  of  all  her  citizens  in  their  representa- 
tive capacity  and  that  we  therefore  recommend  a  meeting  of  the 
same  in  general  council. 

"6.  Resolved,  that  a  committee  of  three  be  elected  to  confer 
with  the  committee  from  Columbia  and  other  committees  with  full 
power  to  call  a  meeting  of  all  the  citizens  of  Texas  in  their  repre- 
sentative capacity  in  general  council,  and  to  adopt  such  other  meas- 
ures as  they  deem  best  calculated  fn  jironiote  the  general  interest  of 
Texas. 

"7.  Resolved,  that  we  concur  heartily  in  unanimity  of  purpose 
and  feeling  with  the  resolutions  of  the  meeting  of  the  Jurisdiction 
of  Columbia,  and  that  we  invite  the  citizens  of  the  other  Jurisdic- 
tions of  this  department  to  concur  with  us  in  the  adoption  of  meas- 
ures tending  to  the  same  end." 

For  the  purpose  expressed  in  the  sixth  resolution,  the  meeting  ap- 
pointed John  Rice  Jones,  J.  W.  Kinney,  and  .\.  Somervell;  and  the  next 
day  these  gentlemen  joined  the  Columbia  committee  in  a  letter  to  the 
C'olumbia  avuntamiento  saying  that    they    would   in  a   few   days  make  a 


124  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

lull  exposition  of  the  affairs  of  Texas.  In  the  iiieantinie,  they  recom- 
mended to  all  "peace,  union,  moderation,  and  a  strict  adherence  to  the 
laws  and  constitution  of  the  land."  They  were  shortly  joined  by  D.  C. 
Barrett,  representing  the  municipality  of  Mina.  hut  although  they  were 
expected,  other  delegates  did  not  arrive. 

Tiiree  other  meetings  were  held  on  the  14th,  the  day  of  the  San  Felipe 
meeting.  In  the  precinct  of  Alfred  a  committee  consisting  of  R.  J. 
Moasley,  B.  Beason,  J.  Burnham,  William  Alley,  and  j.  Betts  reported 
resolutions,  which  were  unanimously  adopted,  declaring  a  faithful  adher- 
ence to  the  laws  and  the  constitution,  protesting  against  a  march  on  San 
.•\ntonio  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  there  a  provisional  government, 
condemning  "all  or  any  participation  in  the  capture  of  any  garrison  or 
garrisons  in  Texas  at  present";  and  recommending  "union,  organization, 
and  moderation."  .\t  Caney  Creek  Robert  McNutt  and  Charles  Bach- 
men  were  chosen  respectively  chairman  and  secretary  of  the  meeting  and 
resolutions  were  adopted,  revealing  a  somewhat  amusing  bewilderment  as 
to  what  the  excitement  was  all  about:  (1)  "Resolved,  that  we  do  not 
deem  it  necessary  to  take  up  arms  against  the  general  government  with- 
out first  knowing  that  we  are  really  oppressed.  We  are  desirous  to  have 
peace,  if  we  can  have  it  on  favorable  terms,  if  not  we  are  willing  to 
defend  our  rights  and  liberties."  (2)  "Resolved,  that  we  will  support 
the  constitution  and  laws  of  our  country."  (3)  "Resolved,  that  inas- 
much as  we  are  satisfied  with  the  government  under  which  we  have  for- 
merly lived,  we  are  ready  to  defend  our  rights  under  that  government." 
.\t  Harrisburg  Captain  John  W.  Moore  presided  and  Meriweather  W. 
Smith  was  secretary  of  the  meeting.  Dr.  David  Gallaher,  Edward  Wray, 
Nathaniel  J.  Dobie,  Thomas  A.  S.  Pratt,  Isaac  Batterson,  and  the  chair- 
man and  secretary  were  appointed  to  draft  resolutions.  After  a  stirring 
speech  by  the  secretary,  reviewing  the  encroachments  of  Santa  Anna  upon 
the  constitution,  the  meeting  recessed  until  5  o'clock  for  the  committee 
to  prepare  the  resolutions.  These  declared  that  the  colonists  had  been 
invited  to  Texas  by  the  free  people  of  Mexico  to  participate  in  their 
rights  and  liberties,  guaranteed  by  the  federal  constitution.  Trusting  in 
this  charter  of  rights  and  taking  an  oath  to  support  it,  the  Texans 
accepted  the  invitation.  They  believed  that  the  constitution  was  being 
violated,  and  considered  it  their  duty  to  sustain  its  principles.  In  the 
performance  of  this  duty  it  was  resolved  that  citizens  who  left  Texas  to 
avoid  participating  in  "this,  her  struggle."  should  forfeit  their  property 
for  the  public  good ;  and  that  foreigners  who  volunteered  and  served  dur- 
ing the  struggle  should  be  rewarded  with  1,000  acres  of  lands.  The 
chairman  and  secretary  and  Dr.  G.  M.  Patrick  were  then  chosen  to  act  as 
a  committee  of  correspondence  and  the  meeting  adjourned. 

John  Henry  Brown  gives  in  his  history  of  Texas  an  account  of  a 
meeting  held  at  William  Millican's  gin  house  on  July  17  by  the  settlers 
along  the  Navidad  and  Lavaca  rivers,  which  adopted  resolutions  some- 
what similar  to  those  of  the  Harrisburg  meeting.  In  his  summary  of 
the  proceedings  Brown  says  that  the  people  unanimously  declared  "Their 
belief  that  Santa  Anna  was  hostile  to  state  sovereignty  and  the  state 
constitution :  That  they  would  oppose  any  force  that  might  he  introduced 
into  Texas  for  any  other  than  constitutional  purposes:     That,  whereas. 


HISTOR^"  OI-'  TEXAS  125 

ihere  were  then  at  (juliad  l\\i>  luindrcd  infantry  en  route  to  reinforce  the 
{garrison  at  Rexar  (as  promised  by  Cos  in  his  letter  to  Tenorio).  they 
called  upon  the  political  chief  to  intercept  them,  and  as  a  greater  guaranty 
against  invasion,  to  take  the  necessary  steps  to  capture  and  hold  Bexar. 
That  they  favored  a  general  consultation  of  delegates  from  all  the  muni- 
cipalities of  Texas.  They  concluded  by  calling  on  the  militia  to  hold 
themselves  in  readiness  to  march  at  a  moment's  warning,  which  the 
militia  did,  as  was  proven  by  the  alacrity  with  which,  when  the  emergency 
arrived,  the  comjjanies  of  Captains  Alley  and  -Sutherland  marched  to 
the  seat  of  war  at  Gonzales  and  San  Antonio  de  Bexar." 

At  Nacogdoches  a  meeting  was  held  on  July  1*5,  Col.  Frost  Thorne 
in  the  chair  and  Col.  Thomas  J.  Rusk  acting  as  secretary.  A  resolution 
was  unanimously  adopted  asking  the  political  chief  to  call  a  meeting 
of  his  department  for  the  purpose  of  adopting  measures  for  acting  in 
unison  with  other  parts  of  the  province,  and  a  committee  of  vigilance 
and  correspondence  was  appointed  consisting  of  John  F"orbes,  George 
I'ollitt,  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  Frost  Thorne  and  J.  Logan.  In  writing  of 
ihis  meeting  on  the  21st,  Forbes  said:  "Notwithstanding  the  efforts  of 
a  few  tories  here  who  are  untiring  in  their  efforts  in  misrepresenting 
matters  and  keeping  back  ex])ression  of  the  people's  sentiments,  the  Red 
Landers  will  not  be  a  whit  behind  the  people  of  the  Brasses  and  other 
parts  of  Texas  in  the  maintenance  of  their  liberty  and  rights,  and  will 
stand  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  the  defence  of  the  republican  institutions 
and  support  of  the  laws  of  their  adopted  country." 

On  August  8  the  citizens  of  San  Jacinto  community  held  a  meeting. 
Capt.  William  .Scott  was  chairman  and  David  B.  Macomb,  secretary. 
.\  ccimmittee  on  resolutions  was  appointed  to  "express  the  sense  of  this 
meeting  in  relation  to  the  present  condition  of  the  country  and  the 
propriety  of  calling  a  general  convention  as  soon  as  practicable."  David 
C,.  Burnet  was  chairman  of  this  committee  and  the  very  able  and  con- 
servative resolutions  which  were  adopted  by  the  meeting  were  chiefly 
Ins  work.  Other  members  of  the  committee  were  James  Kutb,  Phili]) 
Singleton.  Doctor  Gallaher  and  David  B.  Macomb.  The  tone  of  the 
resoUitifins  is  represented  in  the  following : 

"Confiding  in  the  correctness  of  the  information  we  have  re- 
ceived from  the  various  quarters,  we  consider  the  federal  republican 
government  of  the  Mexican  United  States  as  subverted,  dissolved, 
annihilated;  and  that  the  allegiance  of  every  citizen  to  that  gcjvern 
ment  is,  necessarily,  absolved  and  of  no  more  political  or  moral 
obligation. 

".'Mthough  we  consider  it  ])remature  to  pronounce  definitely  upon 
the  new  government,  established  or  to  be  established,  at  the  City  of 
Mexico,  because  the  particular  constitution  of  that  government  has 
not  been  made  known  to  us,  we  are  ready  now  and  at  all  times  to 
declare  our  utter  abhorrence  of  any  government  that  is  purely  mili- 
tary in  its  character ;  and  are  now  and  at  all  times  ready  to  resist 
the  impositfon  of  such  a  government  with  all  the  means  and  all  tin- 
energies  that   Providence  has  conferred  upon  us. 

"We  nevertheless  entertain  a  cheering  confidence  in  the  dis- 
tinguished leading  citizens  of  our  adopted  couiilry  that  they  will  not 


126  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

permit  the  land  of  their  birth  and  their  atifections  to  lose  the  dear 
bought  benefits  of  so  many  revolutions,  by  one  inglorious  revolu- 
tion retrograde  by  a  sudden  transition  from  light  to  darkness,  from 
liberty  to  despotism.  That  they  will  organize  a  system  of  govern 
ment  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  19th  century  :  a  govern- 
ment based  upon  wise  and  equitable  laws,  with  such  a  distribution 
of  the  three  cardinal  powers  as  will  assure  to  each  individual  all 
the  guarantees  necessary  to  rational  political  liberty. 

"We  have  marked  with  surprise  a  disposition  to  attribute  the  late 
movements  of  the  general  government  to  a  recent  reported  specula- 
tion in  the  lands  of  Texas,  and  to  charge  the  speculators  as  the 
authors  of  the  present  disquietude.  That  we  reprobate  all  nefarious 
and  fraudulent  speculations  in  the  public  domain  as  warmly  as  any 
portion  of  our  fellow-citizens  can  do ;  but  we  can  procure  only  a 
short-sighted  puerility  in  attributing  radical  changes  in  the  govern- 
ment of  Mexico  to  the  intrigues  of  a  few  speculators  in  the  town 
of  Monclova. 

"We  deem  it  altogether  inexpedient  and  highly  injurious  to  court 
a  contest  with  the  government  of  Mexico.  That  we  have  always 
considered  and  do  still  consider  the  aggregate  Mexican  Nation  the 
rightful  sovereign  of  the  territory  we  occupy — That  nothing  short 
of  an  absolute  determinate  violation  of  those  essential,  sacred  and 
imprescriptible  rights  which  pertain  to  us  as  members  of  society 
should  induce  the  Anglo-American  citizens  of  Texas  to  abstract 
themselves  and  the  noble  soil  which  the  Mexican  nation  has  so 
liberally  conceded  to  them  from  the  sovereignty  of  that  nation. 

"That  the  dissolution  of  a  government  does  not  of  necessity 
requisite  that  the  constituent  parts  of  the  nation  should  separate 
finally.  That  the  abstract  right  to  do  a  thing  does  not  always  ren- 
der the  doing  of  it  wise  or  commendable.  That  although  the  citizens 
of  Texas  may  have  the  political  right  to  reject  the  new  government 
of  Mexico,  and  to  adopt  one  more  consonant  tt)  their  habits  and 
feelings,  we  do  very  seriously  question  the  policy  of  doing  so.  un- 
less constrained  by  imperious  circumstances,  such  as,  we  trust,  do 
not  and  will  not  exist.  That  as  adopted  citizens,  we  ought  to  exer- 
cise even  our  absolute  rights  with  some  diffidence,  and  with  a 
peculiar  regard  to  the  moral  obligations  that  may  rest  upon  us. 

"That  inasmuch  as  it  is  impracticable  for  a  people  so  dispersed 
as  are  the  jieople  of  Texas  to  act  collectively  and  in  unison  in  an\ 
public  exigency  requiring  deliberation  and  interchange  of  opinions, 
we  conceive  it  expedient  that  a  convention  to  consist  of  two  dele- 
gates from  each  precinct  be  elected,  and  to  assemble  with  all  con- 
venient expedition  at  the  Town  of  San  Felipe  de  Austin,  or  .some 
other  convenient  point,  to  confer  on  the  state  of  public  affairs  to 
devise  and  carry  into  execution  such  measures  as  may  be  necessary 
to  preserve  good  order,  and  the  due  administration  of  the  laws ;  to 
collect  and  distribute  information  relative  to  the  nature  and  the 
operation  of  the  new  government  of  Mexico ;  to  communicate  with 
the  authorities  of  that  government :  and  to  adopt  and  to  carry  into 
execution    such    ultimate   measures   as   in    their    wisdom    may    seem 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  127 

meet  and  proper  ;  and  conducive  to  the  substantial,  permanent  wel- 
fare of  Texas.  Strictly  enjoining  it  upon  each  and  all  of  the  dele- 
gates so  to  be  convened,  to  preserve  by  all  possible  means,  compatible 
with  the  character  of  a  free  people,  the  peace  of  Texas  and  the 
unity  uf  the  Mexican  nation." 

In  The  Texas  Republican  of  July  25  there  appeared  a  notice  signed 
by  W  illiam  H.  Wharton,  U'.  H.  Bynum,  VV.  D.  C.  Hall.  A.  Calvit.  S. 
\Vhiting,  P.  Bertrand.  W.  T.  Austin,  and  W.  G.  Hill  calling  a  meeting 
at  Columbia  on  July  30  to  express  the  sentiments  of  the  people  "in  regard 
to  the  importance  of  having  a  convention  of  all  Texas,  through  her  repre- 
sentatives, for  the  purpose  of  restoring  peace  and  confidence."  The 
issue  of  this  paper  for  August  8  says  that  the  meeting  of  the  .^Oth  dis- 
.solved  without  doing  anything,  and  that  another  meeting  was  to  be  held 
on  August  13  for  the  purpose  of  calling  the  convention.  Mosely  Baker 
and  Johnson  attended  the  meeting  of  the  30th.  The  majority  of  tho.se 
present  were  of  the  peace  party,  headed  bv  the  most  influential  men  in 
the  jurisdiction.  Fearing  the  unfavorable  action  of  this  meeting,  John- 
.son,  an  intimate  and  personal  friend  of  Josiah  H.  Bell,  held  a  long  con- 
versation with  him.  urging  harmony  of  action,  and  suggested  that  no 
definite  action  should  be  taken,  and  that  the  meeting  should  adjourn  to 
meet  on  a  day  named  in  .'Xugust.  To  this  Bell  consented,  and  said  he 
would  consult  his  friends.  We  were  advised  by  him  that  his  friends, 
the  heads  of  his  party,  had  consented;  whereupon  \\m.  H.  Wharton  of 
the  war  party,  was  selected  to  address  the  meeting.  Then  adjournmeiU 
was  taken  to  a  day  in  August.     Thus  an  important  point  was  gained. 

Baker  and  Johnson  were  selected  by  their  friends  to  visit  East  Texas 
and  solicit  the  people  to  unite  with  the  ])arty  in  .Austin's  colony  and 
endorse  the  proceedings  held  at  San  Felipe  in  June.  With  this  arrange 
ment  and  understanding.  Baker  and  Johnson,  a  few  days  after,  set  for- 
ward for  Nacogdoches.  On  their  arrival  they  met.  at  the  house  of  J. 
K.  and  A.  C.  Allen,  General  Sam  Houston  and  Thomas  J.  l\usk,  the 
latter  having  but  recentlv  arrived  in  Texas.  This  was  the  first  time  that 
Johnson  had  seen  Houston  and  Rusk.  .A.11  were  alike  anxious  to  hear 
the  news  of  the  two  sections  of  Texas.  Baker  and  Johnson  gave  them 
an  account  of  what  had  been  and  was  being  done  by  the  people  in  that 
section.  General  Houston  replied  that  they  were,  with  but  few  excep- 
tions, submissionists :  that  he  had  left  San  Atigustine  but  a  few  days  be- 
fore where  a  public  meeting  had  been  held  to  consider  the  state  of  the 
country.  That  he  had  attempted  to  address  the  meeting  and  that  he 
had  been  literally  hissed  down !  That  the  people  of  Nacogdoches,  and 
the  jurisdiction  generally,  entertained  a  like  feeling,  and  were  submis- 
sionists. Baker  and  Johnson  informed  him  and  Rusk  of  their  object  in 
visiting  Fast  Texas.  They  were  both  of  opinion  that  the  time  was 
inauspicious ;  that  the  people  must  be  made  to  understand  the  true  situa- 
tion of  [)uhlic  affairs,  and  to  choose  between  submission  or  resistance  to 
the  usurpations  of  Santa  .Anna  and  the  general  congress.  Discouraging 
as  this  news  was,  Johnson  did  not  despair  of  rousing  the  people  to  a 
proper  sense  of  the  dangers  by  which  they  were  threatened  and  to  their 
duty.  He  had  influential  acquaintances  and  friends  in  Nacogdoches 
and  San  Augustine,      On  parting  with  these  gentlemen.  General  Houston 


128  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

said  to  Baker  and  Johnson  that  he  was  with  them  in  feehng,  and  would 
do  what  he  could  to  assist  them  to  the  utmost  of  his  ability. 

The  next  morning,  at  an  early  hour,  Johnson  called  upon  his  old 
friend.  Major  John  S.  Roberts,  who  at  the  time  was  engaged  in  the 
mercantile  business  with  Henry  Rueg,  political  chief  of  the  department 
of  Nacogdoches.  After  a  warm  greeting,  Johnson  informed  him  of  the 
object  of  his,  and  his  friend  Baker's  visit  to  that  section,  and  gave  a 
full  account  of  what  had  been  done  in  Austin's  colony.  He  said  the 
people  of  that  section,  owing  to  the  contradictory  reports,  were  in  doubt 
as  to  what  they  should  do,  and  determined  to  remain  quiet  until  better 
informed  of  the  true  state  of  public  affairs;  but  for  one,  he  said  he  was 
with  the  war  party  of  Austin's  colony  ;  and  that  he  believed  that  when 
the  people  of  the  East  were  made  acquainted  with  the  action  in  that 
colony,  which  was  considered  the  head  and  center  of  Texas,  there  would 
be  no  difficulty  in  uniting  the  people  of  that  section.  Johnson  then 
enquired  of  him  what  view  the  political  chief  took  of  the  situation.  He 
answered  that  the  chief  was  all  right,  that  he  was  a  firm  supporter  of 
the  constitution  of  1824.  and  oppo.sed  to  the  change  being  attempted  by 
Santa  Anna  and  his  congress.  Johnson  then  requested  him  to  say  to 
the  chief  that  he  desired  an  interview  at  the  earliest  time  that  would 
suit  his  convenience.  Soon  after  breakfast  Major  Roberts  called  upon 
Johnson  and  informed  him  that  the  chief  was  ready  to  receive  him ; 
whereupon  they  proceeded  together  to  the  office  of  the  chief,  to  whom 
Johnson  was  introduced.  Johnson  explained  what  had  occurred  in  the 
West,  discussed  the  course  and  policy  of  Santa  Anna,  and  concluded  bv 
suggesting  the  call  of  a  public  meeting  of  the  municipality  of  Nacog- 
doches, which  he  approved.  It  was  then  agreed  that  a  move  should  be 
made  to  call  a  meeting  on  the  following  day.  Baker  and  Johnson  then 
called  upon  Colonel  Frost  Thorn,  Major  John  F"orbes,  and  other  in- 
fluential men  of  the  place  who  heartily  approved  of  the  call  and  went 
actively  to  work. 

In  the  evening  of  the  day  fixed  for  the  meeting  a  large  number  of 
the  citizens  assembled  at  the  "Old  .Stone  House"  and  organized.  By 
request.  General  Houston  addressed  the  meeting,  in  an  able  and  eloquent 
speech,  recounting  the  wrongs  Texas  had  sutfered  and  was  suffering  at 
the  hands  of  the  federal  government,  during  the  delivery  of  which  he 
was  frequently  cheered.  At  the  conclusion  of  his  speech,  a  preamble 
and  resolutions,  which  had  been  previously  prepared,  were  read,  and  on 
motion  were  unanimously  adopted — Rusk  not  voting.  A  committee  was 
appointed  to  visit  San  .\ugustine  and  present  to  the  people  of  that 
municipality  a  copy  of  this  preamble  and  resolutions  and  invite  them 
to  unite  with  their  fellow-citizens  of  Nacogdoches  and  Austin. 

A  copy  of  these  resolutions  preserved  in  the  Austin  Papers  of  the 
University  of  Texas  show  that  this  meeting  was  held  at  Teal's  Tavern 
on  August  15,  with  James  Bradshavv  in  the  chair  and  William  G.  Logan 
acting  as  secretary.  The  resolutions,  which  were  presented  by  Solomon 
R.  Peck,  were  preceded  by  a  preamble  stating  the  compact  theory  of 
government.  Governments  were  declared  to  be  "designed  for  the  rational 
control  of  human  actions  and  for  the  preservation  of  human  rights ;  when 
these  objects  are  disregarded  or  abused  the  ends  of  association  are  dis- 


HISTORY  Ol'   TEXAS  129 

appointed,  and  the  com]>act  is  virtually  dissolved."  A  state  of  nature 
resulted  from  this  dissolution  and  men  might  then  form  a  new  associa- 
tion to  secure  the  "unalienable  rights  of  life,  liberty,  and  the  enjoyment 
of  property."  The  federal  constitution  constituted  such  a  compact,  to 
which  the  colonists  became  a  party  when  they  came  to  Texas.  It  had 
now  been  destroyed  by  numerous  abuses,  which  they  enumerated,  and 
the  Texans  must  take  measures  to  preserve  it  from  anarchy.  James 
Bradshaw,  General  Houston,  Colonel  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  and  Colonel  Rich- 
ard Sparks  were  appointed  to  treat  with  the  various  tribes  of  Indians 
in  Texas,  "according  to  the  promises  made  to  them  by  the  Mexican 
government,  and  whatever  else  they  may  deem  proper  to  do  the  Indians 
justice  and  preserve  peace  with  them."  Persons  who  should  flee  from 
the  country  in  the  event  of  invasion  were  declared  unworthy  "to  enjoy 
the  rights  of  citizenship  or  hold  any  property  in  the  country."  Though 
they  viewed  war  "in  no  other  light  than  that  of  a  most  fearful  scourge." 
and  though  it  would  be  their  steady  aim  to  preserve  peace  while  war 
could  be  avoided,  the  people  of  East  Texas  were  opposed  to  despotism 
and  monarchy  and  would  sustain  their  brethren  of  the  exposed  parts 
of  Texas  should  they  be  invaded  by  an  armed  force.  They  thought  that 
a  general  convention  of  all  Texas  should  be  assembled  without  delay, 
and  on  motion  of  General  Houston  the  ayuntamiento  of  .San  Felipe  was 
requested  to  call  it. 

The  committee  proceeded  to  San  Augustine  and  made  known  their 
object.  After  a  public  meeting  was  called,  to  which,  on  organizing, 
the  action  of  the  meeting  at  Nacogdoches  was  read  and  approved,  a  pre- 
amble and  resolutions  of  approval  were  unanimously  adopted,  and  the 
people  pledged  to  the  support  of  their  fellow  citizens  of  East  and  West 
Texas.  Thus  was  the  mission  of  Raker  and  Johnson  successful,  and 
all  that  their  friends  could  wish. 

The  tone  of  most  of  the  public  meetings  just  described  is  very  similar. 
They  declared  loyalty  to  the  constitution  and  laws,  called  for  the  organ- 
ization of  the  militia,  suggested  a  convention,  and  urged  steps  to  con- 
vince the  authorities  of  their  fidelity  to  the  country.  The  suspicion  may 
occur  to  the  reader  that,  since  the  constitution  was  already  practically 
set  aside  by  Santa  Anna,  professions  of  loyalty  to  it  were  little  short 
of  declarations  of  independence,  but  a  careful  study  of  the  available 
evidence  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  the  majority  of  the  colonists  were 
anxious  to  avoid  trouble,  and  would  have  welcomed  a  continuance  of 
peaceable  relations  with  Mexico  on  terms  that  secured  them  from  the 
abuses  of  a  military  occupation.  While  the  organization  of  the  militia 
and  the  collection  of  munitions  undoubtedly  looked  toward  organization 
for  defense  from  Mexico,  they  were  needed  for  protection  from  the 
Indians,  and  defensive  prejiarations  were  by  no  means  inconsistent  with 
sincere  desire  for  peace.  The  convention  was  highly  desirable  in  any 
event  to  enable  the  Texans  to  settle  upon  a  definite  policy.  The  meet- 
ings at  Harrisburg,  Navidad,  and  Nacogdoches  show  little  of  this  spirit 
of  hesitation,  but  it  is  clear  from  Johnson's  narrative  that  much  the 
larger  element  in  the  population  of  East  Texas  was  reallv  indifferent. 
The   San    Jacinto   resolutions,  on   the   other  hand,    framed   1)\    IXivid   G. 

\"OI..    I      !1 


130  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

Burnet,   plainly    urged    acceptance   of    any    government    that   guaranteed 
the  country  from  oppression. 

In  the  meantime  the  war  party  had  begun  the  expedition  against 
Anahuac  and  had  induced  Dr.  I.  B.  Miller,  the  political  chief,  to  issue 
his  proclamation  calling  for  volunteers  to  capture  San  Antonio  and  to 
march  to  the  rescue  of  the  governor.  The  peace  partv  rallied  quickly, 
however,  and  most  of  the  public  meetings  of  June,  July  and  early  August 
were  dominated  by  it.  The  Columbia  meeting  of  June  23  declined  to 
take  action  until  a  more  general  expression  of  the  public  will  could  be 
obtained,  and  the  meeting  of  June  28,  which  became  the  model  for  most 
of  the  other  meetings  down  to  the  middle  of  August,  condemned  aggres- 
sive movements  and  urged  the  political  chief  to  exert  his  strongest  in- 
fluence to  tranquilize  the  people  and  to  convince  the  Mexican  autliorities 
that  the  Texans  were  loyal. 

A  special  committee  placed  the  resolutions  of  this  meeting  before 
Miller  on  July  3,  and  he  declared  himself  in  cordial  agreement  with  all 
of  them,  except  the  recommendation  to  open  correspondence  with 
Ugartechea  and  Cos.  The  fact  is  that  Miller  had  already  written  a  letter 
to  Cos  the  day  before,  explaining  the  interception  of  the  courier  at  San 
Felipe  on  June  21  and  the  resultant  attack  on  Anahuac.  The  people  had 
been  excited,  he  said,  "by  an  apprehension  that  the  general  government, 
being  misinformed  as  to  the  loyalty  of  the  people  oif  Texas,"  was  "dis- 
posed to  pursue  a  course  of  rigor  towards  us  which  would  be  extremely 
unfortunate."  To  show,  however,  the  loyal  feeling  of  a  large  majority 
of  the  people  of  the  department  he  enclosed  a  copy  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  Columbia  meeting  of  June  28.  In  closing,  he  assured  Cos  that  he 
would  exert  all  his  powers  to  preserve  the  public  order  and  tranquility. 
For  some  reason  Miller  did  not  forward  this  letter  after  it  was  written, 
and  it  was  not  until  July  20  that  it  was  translated  by  Edward  Gritten 
and  despatched  to  Cos. 

The  committee's  request  that  Miller  try  to  quiet  the  fears  of  the 
people  was  more  immediately  complied  with,  and  on  July  10  he  pub- 
li.sh  a  proclamation  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Department  of  Brazos,  in 
which  he  says : 

"I  deem  it  my  duty  as  the  highest  constitutional  officer  of  the 
department  to  call  upon  you  in  the  name  of  the  constitution  and  laws 
of  the  land  which  we  have  sworn  to  support,  to  remain  quiet  and 
tranquil.  In  the  present  condition  of  our  country,  it  is  alike  im- 
portant to  the  common  safety  of  all  that  no  other  orders  should 
be  obeyed  but  those  issuing  from  the  proper  officers  and  that  -w 
movement  should  be  made  but  a  common  one.  in  a  common  cau.sc, 
1  have  therefore  thought  proper  to  issue  this  proclamation,  com- 
manding and  exhorting  all  the  good  citizens  of  this  department  to 
remain  strictly  obedient  to  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  land 
and  to  engage  in  no  popular  excitement  not  expressly  authorized 
by  this  Chieftaincy." 

Some  days  later — the  document  is  undated,  but  it  was  probablv 
issued  toward  the  end  of  July — Miller  wrote  for  the  public  a  full  explana- 
tion of  the  causes  that  had  led  to  his  hastv  proclamation  of  June  21 
("quoted   in   preceding   chapter).     He   was   e'videntlv    convinced  "that   he 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  131 

had    been    alarmed    by    "unfounded    rumors"    and    his    explanation    can 
hardly  have  failed  to  have  a  tranquillizing  effect  upon  the  people. 

"During  the  late  excitement  at  an  early  period  I  received  orders 
as  the  politial  chief  from  the  governor  of  the  state,  to  proceed  with 
men  and  arms  to  his  rescue.  At  that  time  also  it  was  reported  that 
besides  the  arrest  of  tlie  governor  and  others,  an  army  of  some  thou- 
sand men  were  then  marching  to  Texas  for  its  subjugation.  Thi*^ 
request  from  the  governor  of  the  state,  and  very  unpleasant  reports 
of  the  day.  had  the  same  effects  on  myself  that  they  had  on  the 
people  generally.  We  were  all  overwhelmed  with  surprise,  and  for 
a  moment  lent  an  ear  to  unfounded  rumors.  In  this  state  of  things 
and  in  obedience  of  the  legal  head  of  the  state,  and  in  obedience 
to  the  earnest  protestations  of  a  number  of  influential  citizens  around 
me,  I  proceeded  to  call  on  the  people  to  come  forward  at  the  request 
of  the  governor.  It  was  not  designed  by  me  to  proceed  to  any 
hostile  measures;  my  inclination  was  to  obey  orders,  or  if  reports 
proved  true,  defend  ourselves.     *     *     * 

"Fellow  citizens,  I   shall  close  with  one  single  .suggestion ;  it  is 
that  we  always  act  with  caution.     The  late  unnecessary  alarm,  pro- 
ceeding out  of  false  information,  has  taught  this  salutary  lesson  of 
caution  and  moderation.     To  profit  by  experience  is  the  high  pur- 
pose of  wisdom  :  and  patriotic  wisdom,  combined  with   a   patriotic 
attachment  to  the  laws  and  the  love  of  peace,  will  be  sure   in   all 
events  to  lead  to  the  felicity  of  each  individual  and  all  the  citizens 
of  Texas." 
On  July  7  Ugartechea  wrote  Miller  a  letter,  which  he  no  doubt  ex- 
pected to  be  made  public,  assuring  him  that  the  troops  which  had  been 
ordered   to  Texas   were  coming   for   no  hostile   purpose,   but   merely   to 
garrison  the  ports  and  protect  the  coimtry   from  the  Indians,     lie  had 
already  written  Cos  on  July  1   suggesting  that  Cos  issue  a  proclamation 
to  that  effect,  and  on  July  12,  18.35,  Cos  followed  his  advice  by  writing 
a  long  circular  letter  to  the  three  political  chiefs  of   Texas.     It   is   an 
interesting  diplomatic  document.     The    following  quotation  is   from  the 
translation  which  appeared  in  The  Texas  Republican  of  August  22,  1835. 
"The  etitire  want  of  police  for  sometime  past  in  Texas  lias  neces- 
sarily contributed  to  the  introduction  of  many  men  without  country, 
morality,  or  any  employment  to  gain  a  subsistence,  who  having  noth- 
ing to  venture  in  a  revolution,  are  continually  occupied  in   fanning 
the  flame  of  discord  and  endeavoring  to  persuade  the  honest  people 
of  Texas  that  the  Supreme  National  (iovernment  entertain  views  and 
intentions  hostile  and   fatallv  i)reiu<licial  lo  their  interests. 

".As  this  unheard-of  falsehood  might  jirecipitate  good  citizens  to 
confound  tiiemselves  with  the  perver.se,  I  believe  it  to  be  my  duty  to 
save  them  appealing  to  their  good  judgment  for  the  rejection  of  those 
vile  suggestions,  and  entreating  them  to  think  only  of  the  augment- 
ing of  their  property,  respecting  always  the  Laws  of  the  land;  in 
this  case  they  always  have  the  sujjport  of  the  general  government 
and  evcrv  kind  of  gnar.iutee  which  the  general  commandancy  can 
give. 


132  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

"I  have  been  informed  that  seditious  persons  in  order  to  gain 
their  ends  endeavor  to  make  the  entrance  of  troops,  from  the  presi- 
dent of  the  Repubhc,  thither  to  be  looked  upon  as  the  commence- 
ment of  militarj'  subjection. 

"If  this  extravagant  idea  has  blinded  the  incautious,  the  sound 
part  of  the  people  must  have  rejected  it  as  it  deserved,  because  it  is 
not  credible  that  assent  can  be  given  to  an  imputation  so  unjust. 

"As  the  principles  are  well  known  which  guided  the  march  of 
the  Mexican  government,  and  their  desire  for  the  prosperity  of 
Texas,  to  whose  inhabitants  it  has  made  every  kind  of  concession, 
and  if  it  be  necessary  in  order  to  establish  the  Custom  House  to 
station  military  detachments  among  us :  this  should  in  no  wise  alarm 
the  people  of  Texas ;  since  far  from  being  prejudicial  to  their  inter- 
ests they  will  serve  as  a  support  and  the  people  will  have  a  guard 
more  in  favor  of  than  against  their  security. 

"On  the  other  hand  it  is  evident  that  some  badly  disposed  per- 
sons have  been  able  to  induce  the  belief  that  the  Alexican  govern- 
ment has  no  right  to  send  its  troops  to  those  places  where  they  think 
it  necessary. 

"Texas  is  an  integrant  part  of  the  Republic  and  as  the  troops 
are  ordered,  for  example,  to  garrison  the  state  of  Oaxaca  or  Vera 
Cruz,  tomorrow  they  may  be  necessary  in  Galveston,  or  some  other 
port  and  there  they  will  be  received  without  any  resistance,  as  it 
would  be  very  opprobrious  to  the  Mexicans  for  the  new  inhabitants 
of  Texas  to  contemplate  the  national  army  in  the  same  way  as  the 
Eg}'ptians  looked  upon  the  Mamelukes,  their  continual  depredators. 
"You  will  please  make  the  honest  residents  of  this  department 
understand  that  so  long  as  they  remain  attached  to  the  government 
and  the  laws  they  have  nothing  to  fear ;  as  an  armed  force  is  sent 
to  no  part  of  the  Republic  with  anv  other  object  than  to  maintain 
the  peace  and  security  of  the  citizens. 

"\\'hatever  pretensions  the  inhabitants  may  have  they  will  please 
manifest  them  by  legal  means  to  the  government,  and  I  offer  to 
support  them,  provided  they  be  such  as  can  be  realized,  as  to  me  is 
entrusted  the  tranquillity  of  the  State  of  the  East. 

"I  cannot  fail  to  stimulate  your  patriotism  and  vour  zeal  to  pre- 
vent your  influence  and  your  persuasion  to  anv  alteration  whatever, 
as  this  general  commandancy     *     *     *     will  be  obliged  to  proceed 
against    those    who    overturn    the    peace    which    is    now    fortunately 
enjoyed  in  every  part  of  the  union." 
^\'hile  Ugartechea  and  Cos  were  thus  assuring  the  colonists  of  the 
beneficent  intentions  of  the  government,  the  Texans  on  their  part  had 
as  we  know,  begun  a  determined  effort  to  convince  the  government  of 
their  loyalty  and  desire  for  peace.     The  committee  of  five  appointed  by 
the  ayuntamiento  of  Columbia  on  July  11  was  joined  by  a  similar  com- 
mittee appointed  by  the  San  Felipe  meeting  of  the  14th,  and  these  were 
joined  in  turn  on  the  16th  by  D.  C.  Barrett,  representing  the  municipality 
of  Mina.     Other  representatives  were  expected,  but  did  not  arrive. 

The   object   of   the   committee    was   to   take    into    consideration    the 
political  state  of  Texas.     On  the  15th  they  addressed  the  following  let- 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  \.U 

ter  to  their  constituents  and  to  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  department 
of  the  Brazos : 

"Fellow  Citizens :  The  committee  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Colum- 
bia, in  conjunction  with  the  committee  of  San  Felipe,  have  thought 
proper  to  address  you  and  lay  before  you  a  report  of  the  informa- 
tion now  in  their  possession  with  a  view  of  quieting  all  alarm  that 
may  exist  in  regard  to  the  descent  of  the  federal  troops  upon  Texas. 
The  official  communication  from  the  committee  of  safety  at  Gonzales 
to  the  conunittee  of  safety  of  Mina,  contains  information  that  can 
be  relied  on.  Mr.  Gritten,  the  gentleman  mentioned  in  that  com- 
munication, is  the  same  person  who  visited  Texas  last  summer  in 
company  with  Colonel  Almonte.  The  letter  of  Judge  Chamber?- 
confirms  the  statements  of  Mr.  Gritten,  and  in  the  estimation  of 
this  committee  can  be  confidently  relied  on.  We  therefore  take  great 
pleasure  in  informing  our  fellow  citizens  that  there  is  no  just  cause 
of  immediate  alarm,  and  at  the  same  time  of  assuring  them  that  they 
have  the  most  sanguine  hopes  that  the  present  commotion  will  be 
quieted  and  good  restored  without  any  collision  with  the  federal 
troops.  They  pledge  themselves  to  the  public  that  their  exertion^ 
will  be  earnest  and  unremitting  to  effect  this  much  desired  end." 

"In  a  few  days  they  will  be  joined  by  committee  from  other  parts 
of  this  department,  at  which  titni-  ihey  will  make  a  ftiU  exposition  of 
the  affairs  of  Texas,  and  recommend  such  a  course  as  they  will  deem 
best  calculated  to  promote  the  general  good.     In  the  meantime  we 
recommend  to  our   fellow  citizens  peace,  union,  moderation,  and  a 
.strict  adherence  to  the  laws  and  constitution  of  the  land." 
On  the  17th  a  reply  was  made  tfi  Colonel  Ugartechea's  letter  assur- 
ing the  Texans  of  the  good  will  of  the  central  government,  in  which  they 
declared  a  like  conciliatory  spirit,  and  expressed  regret  for  the  capture 
of   Fort   Anahuac  and  its   little  garrison.     They   also   requested  Colonel 
Ugartechea  to  interpose  with  Generals  Santa  .•\nna  and  Cos.     The  letter 
follows: 

"Sir :  We  whose  names  are  undersigned  are  chosen  by  the 
people  of  the  jurisdiction  we  severally  represent,  to  investigate  the 
truth  of  certain  rumors,  and  recent  occurrences,  which  tend  to  place 
the  citizens  of  Texas  in  an  attitude  of  hostility  to  the  general  govern- 
ment. Time  will  not  now  admit  of  a  detailed  accoimt  of  the  alleged 
reasons  for  the  acknowledged  insult  upon  the  government  agents, 
and  officers,  at  this  place,  and  at  .\nahuac.  Hereafter,  and  as  soon 
as  a  full  and  free  expression  of  the  people  of  Texas  can  be  ob- 
tained, every  explanation  will  be  given  which  justice,  and  the  honor 
and  dignity  of  all  concerned,  may  require.  The  people  at  large 
wc  know,  have  not  participated  either  in  the  feeling  which  ])rompted 
the  aggressions,  or  in  any  acts  opi)osed  to  the  legal  authorities  of 
the  Mexican  republic, — and  do.  and  ever  will,  disavow  the  course 
pursued  by  a  few  impetuous  and  misguided  citizens,  whose  conduct, 
unexplained,   might  implicate  the   wiiole  community. 

"Accompanying  this  communication  you  will  receive  Capt. 
[Tenorio's]  statement  of  recent  transactions  among  us.  We  are 
ignorant  of  the  views  this  gentleman  entertains,  or  the  re])resenta- 


134  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

tions  lie  may  choose  to  make  of  the  late  affair  at  Anahuac,  where 
he  commanded,  or  the  dis])osition  of  the  people  generally,  of  this 
province.  But  presume  from  his  heing  honored  with  a  station  so 
important  under  the  government,  that  he  is  an  honorable  man,  and 
a  gentleman,  and  as  such  has  been  received  and  treated  here,  since 
the  unfortunate  occurrence  which  placed  him  in  his  present  situation. 
So  far  as  his  imperfect  knowledge  of  our  language  and  every  pos- 
sible manifestation  of  the  people  will  admit,  he  cannot  but  feel 
sensible  of  the  general  confidence  of  Texas  citizens  in  the  purity 
and  justice  of  our  constitution  and  laws, — and  respect  for  the  govern- 
ment which  the  Mexican  states  have  chosen. 

"You  are  respectfully  requested  to  transmit  this  communication, 
or  a  copy  of  it,  to  Gen.  Cos.  and  the  President  of  the  U.  S.  [of 
Mexico],  with  a  concluding  assurance  from  us  that  the  citizens  of 
Texas  generally  have  become  adopted  citizens  of  the  Mexican  Re- 
public from  choice,  after  a  full  knowledge  of  the  constitution  and 
laws — that  they  entertain  a  grateful  sense  of  the  liberality  of  the 
government  towards  her  colonies  in  the  distribution  of  lands  to  set- 
tlers, and  other  advantages  tending  to  their  convenience  and  pros- 
perity, in  agriculture  and  manufacture, — that  they  will  be  jirepared 
on  every  constitutional  call  to  do  their  duty  as  Mexican  citizens, 
in  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  and  promotion  of  order,  and  respect 
for  the  government  and  its  agents — that  they  will  cherish  those  prin- 
ciples which  most  clearly  demonstrate  their  love  of  peace,  respect 
for  their  Mexican  fellow-citizens,  and  attachment  to  the  free  liberal 
institutions  of  their  adopted  country. 

"Wily   Martin,   President. 

"John  R.  Jones, 

"A.  Somervell, 

"C.  B.  Stewart, 

"Jesse  Bartlett. 

"Jurisdiction   of  Austin. 

"Sterling   McNeil. 

"James  Knight, 

"J.  H.  Bell. 

"Jas.  H.  Perry. 

"John  A.  Wharton. 

"Jurisdiction    of    Columtriu. 

"D.  C.  Barrett, 

"Jurisdiction  of  Mina. 

"C.  B.   Stewart.   Secretary. 

"J.  B.  Miller.  Political  Chief." 

On  the  .second  day  of  the  meeting  John  A.  Wharton  moved  for  a 
call  of  a  general  convention  of  all  Texas,  but  the  motion  was  voted  down. 
.\  committee  of  five  was  appointed  to  draw  up  a  statement  of  facts  rela- 
tive to  the  late  disturbances,  but  it  was  dismissed  the  next  day  without 
reporting.  D.  C.  Barrett  and  Edward  Gritten  were  appointed  commis- 
.sioners  to  wait  upon  General  Cos  and  explain  the  recent  occurrences  in 
Texas,  and  to  assure  him  of  the  fidelity  of  the  people  to  the  government. 
The  meeting  then  adjourned  to  meet  again  on  the  first  of  .August,  leav- 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  135 

ing  all  untinislied  business  in  the  hands  of  the  political  chief.     Captain 
Tenorio  was  present  at  this  meeting,  and  was  soothed  by  the  restoration 
of  his  private  papers,  which  had  been  taken  from  him  at  Anahuac. 
^'oakunl,  in  his  history  of  Texas,  in  speaking  of  Gritten  says: 

"Edward  Gritten  was  an  Englishman  who  had  been  for  some 
time  domiciliated  in  Mexico,  and  had  come  to    Texas  in   1834.  in 
company   with  Colonel   Almonte.     There  remains   now   but   little 
doubt  of  his  treachery.      The  meeting  raised  by  subscription  five 
hundred  and  forty-seven   dollars,  and  paid   it  over   to  the   com- 
missioners as  an  outfit.     Gritten  was  a  brother-in-law   of  Colonel 
Carbajal." 
Upon    what   evidence   or    upon    what   authority    Yoakum    charges 
Gritten  to  have  been  a  traitor,  we  are  at  a  loss  to  imagine.     He  proved 
true  and  took  part  with  the  Te.xans  in  their  struggle  for  their  rights, 
and   for    independence.     The    proceedings    of    this    meeting   gave    the 
peace  party  the  ascendenc\-  and  all  awaited   the  result   of  the   com- 
mission to  Cos. 

About  the  first  of  July,  Don  Lorenzo  Zavala,  late  governor  of  the  State 
of  Mexico  and  minister  to  hVance,  arrived  in  Texas.  De  Zavala  was 
a  true  patriot  and  supporter  of  rei)ul)lican  institutions.  Informed  of 
the  treason  of  Santa  Anna,  he  resigned  his  office  as  minister,  and  sought 
refuge  in  Texas,  where  he  was  heartily  welcomed.  On  receipt  of  the 
news  at  the  capital  of  the  arrival  of  I)e  Zavala  in  Texas,  an  order 
was  issued  for  his  arrest.  .\t  that  tiirie,  the  following  persons  were 
proscribed  and  ordered  to  be  arrested:  Francis  \V.  Johnson.  R.  M. 
Williamson,  William  Barret  Travis,  Samuel  M.  Williams,  Mosely 
Raker,  John  H.  Moore.  J.  M.  Carbajal,  and  Juan  Zambrano. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  commissioners,  Barrett  and  Gritten,  at  (jon- 
zales,  they  met  a  courier  from  Colonel  Ugartechea  with  an  order  for 
the  arrest  of  De  Zavala  and  the  other  proscribed  persons.  The  com- 
missioners detained  the  courier  until  they  could  go  to  San  .\ntoni()  de 
Bexar  and  try  to  get  the  order  countermanded.  They  arrived  at  San 
Antonio  on  the  5th  of  August,  and  had  several  interviews  with  Colonel 
Ugartechea,  but  he  assured  them  that  the  order  could  not  be  rescinded 
and  that  General  Cos  would  not  receive  the  commissioners  until  the 
colonists  had  proved  their  fidelity  by  making  the  arrests.  This 
proved,  in  fact,  to  be  the  case;  for  a  letter  arrived  from  Cos  at  this 
moment  saying  that  he  was  greatly  pleased  with  the  accounts  that 
had  reached  him  of  the  proceedings  of  the  joint  committee  at  .San 
Felipe,  and  that  the  arrests  must  be  insisted  upon.  At  the  same  time 
he  forwarded  to  Ugartechea  an  additional  order  which  he  had  just 
received  from  the  Minister  of  War  and  Marine  for  the  apprehension 
ot  De  Zavala.  In  transmitting  this  order  to  Colonel  Ugartechea  on 
the  8th  of  August  Cos  instructed  him,  if  De  Zavala  was  not  given  up 
to  proceed  at  the  head  of  all  his  cavalry  to  execute  the  command,  and 
to  give  the  local  authorities  on  the  route  information  as  tt)  his  sole 
object.  Cos  also  approved  of  Ugartcchca's  requisition  upon  the 
alcaldes  for  the  other  obnoxious  individuals  jjreviously  mentioned. 
and  especially  Travis,  whose  arrest  he  ordered,  that  he  might  be  con- 
ducted to  Bexar,  to  be  tried  b\    a  niilitar\    court.      In  the  face  of  this 


136  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

demand  Barrett  and  Gritten  determined  to  suspend  their  mission  un- 
til the}-  could  get  additional  instructions,  and  for  that  purpose  Gritten 
returned  to  San  Felipe  to  consult  the  joint  committee. 

The  meeting  by  which  Barrett  and  Gritten  were  appointed  had 
adjourned  to  meet  on  the  first  of  August.  On  that  day  only  three 
municipalities  were  represented.  No  other  delegates  appearing,  on  the 
third  of  the  month  the  political  chief  prorogued  the  meetmg  and 
informed  the  members  that  if  anything  should  occur  making  it  neces- 
sary, he  would  call  another  meeting.  When  Gritten  arrived  and  callecj 
upon  the  chief,  Wily  Martin,  he  was  informed  that  the  meeting  which 
had  appointed  him  and  Barrett  no  longer  existed ;  and  that  a  new 
election  for  members  would  require  considerable  time,  which  would 
defeat  the  object  of  their  mission.  The  chief  expressed  regret  at  the 
delay,  believing,  as  he  did,  that  their  powers  were  sufficient  for  the 
object  in  view.  He  concluded  by  informing  Gritten  that  the  persons 
proscribed  had  left  the  department  of  Brazos,  that  the  balance  of  the 
war  party  were  still  urging  Texas  to  her  ruin,  by  urging  a  convention 
of  all  Texas.  Gritten  returned  to  San  Antonio  and  reported  these 
facts  to  Ugartechea,  who  seized  upon  the  information  that  the  pro- 
scribed persons  had  left  as  an  excuse  for  not  marching  at  the  head  of 
his  cavalry  and  making  the  arrests  as  ordered. 

Another  attempt  of  the  joint  committee  to  conciliate  the  govern- 
ment deserves  some  attention  at  this  point.  Feeling  that  the  political 
chief's  precipitate  proclamation  of  June  21  calling  for  the  expedition 
to  rescue  the  governor  and  his  connection  with  the  meeting  that 
authorized  the  attack  on  Tenorio  at  Anahuac  gave  ground  for  suspect- 
ing the  sincerity  of  their  professed  desire  for  peace,  the  members  of 
this  committee  persuaded  Miller  to  yield  the  office  to  a  substitute. 
The  committee  first  requested  the  first  alcade  of  San  Felipe,  J.  H. 
Money,  to  assume  the  ofifice ;  but  upon  his  refusal  it  passed  to  Wily 
Martin. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  the  peace  party  was  in  the  ascendency 
down  at  least  to  the  middle  of  August.  All  parties  were  apparently 
of  this  opinion  during  the  month  of  July.  Gritten,  who  originally 
belonged  to  neither  party,  but  who  earnestly  strove  to  prevent  the 
outbreak  of  war,  kept  up  a  correspondence  with  Ugartechea  during 
that  month  and  assured  him  that  the  people  desired  peace ;  and  we 
have  expressions  from  both  peace  and  war  party  men  to  the  same 
eflfect.      Writing  at  Gonzales,  July  5,  1835.  he  said: 

"The  inhabitants  of  this  municipality  and  of  that  of  Mina  are 
very  much  against  the  measures  adopted  by  the  men  of  San 
Felipe,  and  condemn  them,  protesting  their  desire  to  live  in  tran- 
quillity and  in  peace  with  their  brothers  the  Mexicans,  with  whom 
they  by  no  means  wish  to  have  war,  on  account  of  the  bad  conse- 
quences it  would  have.  By  what  I  have  observed  and  the  con- 
clusions that  I  have  drav^'n,  the  greater  part  of  the  colonists  desire 
to  avoid  any  break  with  the  government ;  but  it  seems  to  me 
that  all  of  them  will  oppose  the  entrance  of  troops.  Such  a 
measure  would  be  alarming  and  provocative  of  revolution.  If 
the  executive  could  adopt  a  conciliatory  conduct  it  would  meet 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  137 

the  support  of  the  sane  portion  of  Texas — which  is  truly  numer- 
ous— and  would  be  able  then  to  carry  forward  the  establishment 
of  the  customhouses.  At  the  same  time  a  more  equitable  tariflf 
and  other  reforms  ought  to  be  granted  to  them.     *     *     ♦ 

"In  order  to  destroy  the  bad  effects  of  the  specious  versions 
given    by    those    who   wish   to   provoke   the   people   of   Texas    to 
revolution,   assuring   them    that   a    JNIexican    army    is    coming   U> 
devastate  their  fields  and  e.xterminate  all   the   .\nglo-Americans. 
1  believe  it  would  be  exjiedient  for  the  supreme  government  and 
the  military  commanders  to  say  publicly  and  officially  that  such 
intentions  do  not  exist,  and  that  no  preparations  of  that  nature 
are  being  made.     For  I  repeat  that,  considering  the  good  sense 
of  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  country,  all  that  can  be  done 
to  content  them  by   conciliatory  measures   should  be  done,  one 
of  which  would  be  a  frank  publication  of  the  intention  to  send  no 
troops  to  Texas." 
The  next  day  Gritten  wrote  again  from  Gonzales.     Captain  McCoy 
had  reported  that  a  Mexican  had  recently  been  killed  on  the  Colorado, 
because  he  was  suspected  of  being  a  spy,  and  news  had  just  reached 
Gonzales  of  the  expedition  that  had  marched  against  Anahuac.   "There 
is  much  agitation  in  Texas,"  he   said,  "resulting  from  the  alarmmg 
rumors  which  are,  with  evil  intentions,  circulated  among  its  inhabi- 
tants; but  I  am  sure  that  the  sane  part  of  the  inhabitants  do  not  wish 
to  break  with  the  Mexicans,  but  wish  to  preserve  peace  and  union 
with  them.     And  the  affairs  of  Texas  may  be  improved  by  means  of 
these  very  persons,  for  if  they  were  assured  by  the  competent  authori- 
ties that  there  is  no  intention  to  send  troops  to  attack  them,  all  would 
be  quiet.     I   have  been  informed  that  many  of  the  reasonable  ones 
declare  that  if  what  has  been  said  to  them  about  the  troops  is  not  true, 
they  themselves  will  seek  the  authors  of  the  resolution  for  the  attack 
on  Anahuac  and  punish  them  as  examples.     Have  the  kindness,  in 
the  interest  of  order  and  peace,  to  allow  me  to  assure  them  in  your 
name  that  troops  are  not  coming,  and  I  am  sure  that  all  the  trouble 
will    cease."      From    San    Felipe    on    July    17    Gritten    wrote    again    to 
Ugartechea  saying  that  all  the  inhabitants,  even  to  the  Sabine,  unani- 
mously  desired   to   preserve   jieace.     "In    my    understanding,   and    in 
view  of  the  good  disposition  of  these  people,  no  more  is  needed  to  con- 
summate the  work  already  begun  of  pacifying  this  country   than  to 
abstain    from    bringing   troo])s    into    it   for   hostile    purposes."      Since 
(jritten  was  not  at  this  time  identified  with  either  party  in  Texas  his 
disinterested  (j|)inion  is  worthv  of  considerable  weight. 

Travis,    too.   thought    that    the   peace    party    was   the    strongest,    and 

his  opinion  is  all  the  more  valuable  because  he  was  a  leading  member 

of  the  war  party.     In  a  letter  of  July  30  to  James  Bowie  he  said: 

"The   truth   is,   the   people   are   much   divided  here.     The   peacf 

party    as    they    style    themselves,    I    believe    are    the    strongest,    and 

make  much  the  most  noise.     Unless  we  could  be  united,  had  we 

not  better  be  quiet  and  settle  down  for  a  while?     There  is  now 

no    doubt    but    that    a    central    governinent    will    be    established. 

*     *     *     What  will  Texas  do  in  that  case?     Dr.  J.  H.  C.  Miller, 


138  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

and  Chambers,  from  Gonzales,  arc,  1  believe,  for  unqualified 
submission.  I  do  not  know  the  minds  of  the  people  upon  the 
subject,  but  if  -they  had  a  bold  and  determined  leader,  1  am 
inclined  to  think  they  would  kick  against  it.  *  ♦  *  General 
Cos  writes  that  he  wants  to  be  at  peace  with  us ;  and  he  appears 
to  be  disposed  to  cajole  and  soothe  us.  Ugartechea  does  the 
same.  *  *  *  God  knows  what  we  are  to  do !  I  am  deter- 
mined, for  one,  to  go  with  my  countrymen :  'right  or  wrong,  sink 
or  swim,  live  or  die,  survive  or  perish,'  I  am  with  them." 
Other  letters  from  Travis  during  this  period  express  the  same 
opinion. 

From  the  peace  party,  on  the  other  hand,  we  have  the  following 
expression  from  Dr.  J.  H.  C.  Miller.  Writing  from  San  Felipe  on  July 
25  to  John  W.  Smith  of  San  Antonio,  he  said: 

"All  here  is  in  a  train  for  peace.     The  war  and  speculating 
parties  are   entirely   put   down,  and   are   preparing   to   leave   the 
country.     They  should  now  be  demanded  of  their  respective  chiefs 
— a  few  at  a  time.    First  Johnson^  Williamson,  and  Williams;  and 
perhaps  that  is  enough.     Captain  Martin,  once  so  revolutionary, 
is  now,  thank  God,  where  he  should  be,  in  favor  of  peace,  and 
his  duty  :  and  by  his  influence,  in  a  good  degree,  has  peace  been 
restored.     But  now  they  should  be  demanded.     The  moment  is 
auspicious.     The   people   are   up.     Say   so,   and   oblige   one   who 
will  never  forget  his  true  allegiance  to  the  supreme  authorities  of 
the  nation,  and  who  knows  that  till  they  are  dealt  with  Texas 
will  never  be  quiet.     Travis  is  in  a  peck  of  trouble.     Dr.  J.   R. 
Miller  disclaims  his  act  in  taking  Anahuac  and  he  feels  the  breach. 
Don  Lorenzo  de  Zavala  is  now  in  Columbia,  attempting  to  arouse 
the  people.    Have  him  called  for,  and  he  also  will  be  delivered  up. 
Williams,  Baker,  and  Johnson  are  now  on  a  visit  to  him  and  no 
doubt  conspiring  against  the  government." 
As  requested.   Smith   immediately   showed  this   letter   to   Colonel 
Ugartechea.  who,  misled  by  it,  and  believing  that  the  people  of  Texas 
would  give  up  their  leading  men,  issued  the  order  for  the  arrests,  as 
we  have  already  noticed.     During  the  absence  of  Baker  and  Johnson 
in  Eastern  Texas  \\  ily  Martin  as  acting  political  chief,  issued  writs 
to  the  several  chiefs  commanding  them  to  arrest  all  who  were  named 
in  Ugartechea's  request.     On  their  arrival  at  Washington  at  the  La 
Bahia  crossing  of  the  Brazos,  Raker  and  Johnson  were  informed  of 
these   proceedings,    and    that    Travis    and    Williamson    had    left    San 
Felipe  and  were  secreted  in  the  neighborhood  of  Captain  Chriesman's 
on   the    La    Bahia    road.     From    W^ashington    Baker   and    Johnson    pro- 
ceeded to  Colonel  John   T.   Coles's  near   Independence,   west  of   Wash- 
ington, and  near  the  residence  of  Dr.  James   R.  Miller,  the  political 
chief  of  the  Brazos  department.    After  conferring  with  Colonel  Coles. 
they  agreed  that  the  Colonel  and  Baker  should  visit  Miller  and  urge 
him  to  return  to  San  Felipe  de  Austin,  and  resume  his  duties  as  chief. 
Accordingly,  the  next  day  they  waited  upon  the  chief  and  made  him 
acquainted  with  the  action  of  the  people  of  East  Texas,  and  with  the 
unpopularity  of  Captain  Martin,  the  acting  chief  of  the  department. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  l.?9 

Miller,  at  once,  consented  to  return  to  the  capital  of  the  department, 
resume  his  office,  and  countermand  the  execution  of  the  writs  of  arrest. 
Baker  and  Johnson  then  proceeded  to  Captain  Chriesman's,  hoping  to 
learn  the  exact  whereabouts  of  Williamson  and  Travis  and  invite 
them  to  accompany  them  to  San  Felipe  de  Austin.  But  Captain 
Chriesman,  although  he  knew  they  were  in  the  neighborhctod,  could 
nut  designate  the  exact  location,  hence  Baker  and  Johnson  proceeded 
to  the  house  of  Colonel  William  Pettus,  spent  a  night  with  him,  and 
communicated  the  good  news.  The  next  morning  Pettus  accompanied 
them  to  San  Felipe.  On  their  arrival  they  were  hailed  with  joy  and 
cheered.  A  few  hours  later,  Travis  and  Williamson  arrived  in  town, 
and  received  a  like  greeting.  Thus  was  the  chief  bearded  in  his  den  ! 
The  next  day  Miller  arrived,  resumed  his  office,  and  all  went  well. 

More  particular  attention  must  now  be  given  to  the  activities  of 
the  war  party.  These  consisted  chiefly  of  spreading  through  the 
country  reports  of  the  progress  of  centralization  in  Mexico  and  of 
the  determination  of  the  government  to  overwhelm  Texas  by  a  mili- 
tary occupation  and  expel  from  the  country  all  who  had  not  fully 
complied  with  the  colonization  regulations.  In  general,  the  men  from 
whom  these  reports  were  obtained  had  but  recently  returned  from 
.Mexico,  and  were  therefore  in  a  better  position  to  guess  at  the  inten- 
tions of  the  government  with  regard  to  Texas  than  were  those  who 
remained  at  home.  A  few  extracts  from  letters  and  documents  of  the 
time  will  illustrate  the  character  of  these  reports. 

James  Bowie  wrote  J.  B.  Miller  on  June  22  from  Hatch's  Planta- 
tion on  the  Lavaca : 

"T  have  just  arrived  liere  from  Matamoras  and  as  all  com- 
munication is  cut  off  between  Texas  and  all  other  parts  of  the 
republic  1  take  this  opportunity  of  giving  you  some  information 
that  may  be  useful  to  Texas.  T  left  Matamoras  on  the  12th  of 
the  present  month.  All  the  vessels  in  the  port  were  embargoed 
for  the  purpose  of  transporting  troops  to  the  coast  of  Texas. 
T)ie  commandant.  Gen.  Cos.  forbid  all  foreigners  from  leaving 
the  city  under  any  circumstances.  I  run  away  and  succeeded  in 
getting  this  far  safe.  Three  thousand  troops  had  reached  Sal 
tillo  on  their  way  to  Texas.  All  this  may  or  may  not  be  news 
to  you.  1  will  be  with  you  in  a  few  days  by  the  of  Brazoria." 
*    *    * 

( )n  July  4  J.  M.  Carbajal  wrote  Philip  Smith  : 

■'On  the  15th  (of  June)  I  arrived  here  in  great  haste.  Things 
in  the  interior  are  in  a  great  confusion.  The  government  and  a 
part  if  not  all  of  the  permanent  deputation,  etc.,  are  i)ri.soners, 
because  they  tried  to  come  to  Texas  and  to  be  free  from  the  mili- 
tary intervention  of  the  supreme  authorities  of  this  state.  Our 
only  hope  as  well  as  that  of  the  whole  nation  depends  upon  the 
intrepidity  of  the  free  and  enlightened  and  noble  resolution  of 
the  people  of  Texas.  The  liberties  which  our  fathers  gave  us 
are  now  usurped  by  the  military  despots;  and  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  citizenship  of  those  not   fortunate  enougii   to  have 


140  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

been  born  in  the  republic  have  been  destroyed  by  the  acts  of  the 
general  congress.  Thus  goes  our  political  world,  the  strong  man 
has  justice  on  his  side.     1  hope  to  see  you  soon." 

Ben  Alilam  wrote  Johnson  from  prison  at  Lampasas  on  July  5: 

"The  whole  of  this  part  of  the  state  has  and  will  support  the 
central  government.  The  interior,  from  the  last  information  we 
have,  has  fallen  into  the  central  system,  Santa  Anna  is  dictator. 
The  constitution  is  thrown  away,  and  ridiculed  by  those  who  used 
to  call  themselves  Federal  Republicans. 

"The  plan  for  the  dissolution  and  destruction  is  laid,  and  every 
preparation  is  making  for  its  execution.  In  the  last  ten  days  200 
troops  have  left  this  quarter  for  San  Antonio,  and  from  the  best 
information  I  can  collect  2,000  more  will  be  on  their  march  in  a 
few  weeks.  Their  intention  is  to  gain  the  friendship  or  the  dif- 
ferent tribes  of  Indians,  and  if  possible  to  get  the  slaves  to  revolt. 
These  plans  of  barbarity  and  injustice  will  make  a  wilderness  of 
Texas,  and  beggars  of  its  inhabitants,  if  they  do  not  unite  and  act 
with  promptitude  and  decision.  If  the  Federal  system  is  lost  in 
Texas,  what  will  be  our  situation  ?  Worse  than  that  of  the  most 
degraded  slaves.  The  hopes  of  the  Republican  party  here  are  all 
on  Texas.  I  trust  they  will  not  be  deceived.  The  people  of 
Texas  will  never  submit  to  a  dictator." 

On  July   19  J.  J.   Linn  wrote  Miller  from   X'ictoria  in  De   Leon's 
colony : 

"The  general  current  of  opinion  seems  to  look  to  you,  as  may 
be  said,  as  principal  for  guidance  in  the  momentous  question  that 
now  must  soon  be  determined,  either  b\'  putting  our  necks  in  the 
yoke  of  military  despotism,  or  bravely  stand,  and  defend  our  just 
rights,  for  it  is  beyond  doubt  that  Santa  .Anna  is  determined  to 
try  his  fortune  by  endeavoring  to  subdue  Texas,  as  he  has  Zacate- 
cas,  and  despoil  her  also ;  it  is  true  that  Santa  Anna  has  not  de- 
clared himself  openly,  but  look  to  the  acts  of  his  minions,  and 
particularly  the  principal  one.  General  Cos.  who  has  imprisoned 
our  governor  and  some  of  the  members  of  the  assemblv,  and  holds 
them,  to  be  tried  by  a  military  tribunal,  as  soon  as  one  can  be 
formed,  or  as  soon  as  they  are  sure  of  the  reduction  of  Texas. 
General  Cos  has  caused  the  authorities  of  Matamoras,  Reynosa, 
Camargo,  Mier  and  Reveillia  to  declare  for  a  central  government, 
and  Santa  Anna  supreme  dictator.  As  soon  as  he  obtained  this, 
he  gave  an  order  for  a  portion  of  the  militia  of  each  place,  but 
fortunately  the  people  were  advised  of  this  and  fled  their  towns, 
and  a  great  portion  of  them  are  in  this  district;  so  much  for  the 
intentions  of  Santa  Anna,  and  from  all  the  orders  that  have  come 
to  Goliad,  Santa  Anna  is  in  Matamoras  this  day,  and  will  embark 
as  soon  as  possible  all  his  disposible  troops  for  the  Copano,  with 
the  exception  of  400  for  .\nahuac.  the  latter  1  expect  are,  or  will 
be  landed  in  a  few  days :  the  whole  amount  of  troops  will  be 
from  four  to  five  hundred,  and  Bejar  is  to  be  the  principal  depot : 
the  last  news  that  came,  which  has  disturbed  the  people  very 
much,    is    that    it    is    the    intention    of    Santa    Anna    to    billet    the 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  141 

soldiers  on  the  people,  by  placing  five  in  each  family,  in  rotation, 
with  the  boarding,  washing  and  lodging  at  the  expense  of  the 
individuals.  Two  hundred  has  actually  arrived  and  is  now  in 
Goliad,  and  will  march  for  Bejar  in  a  few  days  under  the  com- 
mand of  Colonel ,  who  is  to  replace  Ugartechea ;  the  latter, 

I  was  informed  by  the  commandant  of  Goliad,  was  not  considered 
by  Santa  Anna  a  whole  hog  man,  which  caused  his  removal — 
thus  stands  the  aflfairs,  as  far  as  certain  information  has  been 
made  known  to  me.  I  have  been  requested  to  write  to  you  to 
state  the  views  of  the  majority  of  the  people  of  this  district  who 
have  come  to  the  resolution  that,  if  they  are  assisted  by  the  other 
colonies,  to  march  immediately  and  take  those  200  men,  Goliad 
and  Bejar.  before  any  more  reinforcements  comes:  and  cut  the 
remainder  off  in  detail.  As  they  have  to  come  in  small  number, 
the  object  can  easily  be  effected,  as  the  situation  of  the  country 
and  the  passes  affords  the  greatest  advantages  for  our  defence. 
Let  it  be  no  longer  said  that  the  land  speculations  were  the  prim- 
ary cause  of  the  arrest  of  our  public  authorities,  for  let  any  dis- 
passionate observer  look  at  the  letters  of  Cos,  he  will  see  that  he 
had  orders  to  arrest,  and  had  given  his  orders  accordingly  to  the 
officers  of  the  different  stations,  to  arrest  them  so  soon  as  they 
attempted  to  move,  for.  like  Zacatecas,  Durango  and  Chihuahua. 
Texas  would  not  consent  to  have  the  militia  disbanded,  which 
was  the  object  intended  to  pave  the  way  to  the  intentions  to 
Santa  Anna's  dictatorship  with  less  opposition." 
Similar  reports  were  published  on  August  22  and  28  by  the  com- 
mittee which  drafted  the  call  for  a  convention,  and  on  August  28 
the  same  committee  issued  in  handbill  form  the  following  statement 
bv   Horatio  A.  Alsberry  : 

"Arriving  this  dav  from  Montt-rey,  the  capital  of  the  state  of 
New  Leon,  which  ])lace  I  left  on  the  10th  inst.  and  being  re- 
quested by  the  chairman  of  the  committee  of  Safety  and  Corre- 
spondence for  the  jurisdiction  of  Columbia  to  detail  the  informa- 
tion which  I  possess  in  regard  to  the  designs  of  the  Mexican 
government  towards  the  people  of  Texas.  I  make  the  following 
statements,  for  the  truth  of  which  1  stake  my  reputation,  and 
appeal  to  time  to  establish  everv  fact  herein  stated :  1  left  the 
state  of  New  Leon  on  the  10th  of  this  month  with  a  request 
from  our  republican  friends  to  say  to  the  citizens  of  Texas  that 
our  only  hopes  of  future  libertv  and  security  depended  upon  our 
immediately  taking  steps  to  oppose  the  military  in  their  estab- 
lishing a  central  government  of  an  arbitrary  despotism  which  is 
without  doubt  their  intention. 

*  *  *  "I  have  frequently  conversed  with  their  principal  men. 
civil,  military  and  ecclesiastical,  I  may  say  almost  daily  for  years, 
and  particularly  since  the  downfall  of  Zacatecas.  about  their  in- 
tentions towards  Texas,  and  I  can  assure  you  that  this  is  their 
intention  ;  first,  to  move  large  numbers  of  troops,  at  least  thou- 
sands to  Texas  *  *  *  2nd  to  establish  their  ports  on  custom 
houses:  M,     I'sing  their  (iwn   language,  to  burn   the  houses  and 


142  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

drive  from  the  country  a  number  of  our  principal  citizens,  which 
they  have,  and  have  had.  on  a  list  for  a  year  past^  principally  those 
that    were    engaged   with    the    soldiers   three    years    since':   4th,    put 
their  slaves  free  and  let  them  loose  upon  their  families,  as  they 
exjtress  themselves    *    *    *    j  pledge  my  life  and  honor  that  these 
statements  are  correct." 
At  the  same  time,  war  party  orators  were  making  the  most  of  such 
rumors  and  scraps  of  information  as  reached  them.     On  July  4  R.  M. 
Williamson  published  an  address  to  the  people  of  Texas,  explaining 
the  motives  of  the  public  meeting  at  San  Felipe  on  June  22  and  warn- 
ing them  of  the   dangers   that   threatened   the   country.      Williamson 
recounted    the    encroachments    of    Santa    Anna    upon    the    constitution, 
the  dissolution  of  the  state  government  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  the 
suppression  of  Zacatecas  and  other  states  that  opposed  Santa  .\nna's 
plan,  and  dilated  at  length  upon  the  law  abolishing  the  state  militia. 

"All  the  states  have  succumbed  to  the  military,  and  as  Texas 
is  the  only  spot  unconquered,  Santa  Anna  is  marching  his  troops 
here  to  compel  a  submission  to  the  new  Government.  .\nd  the 
people  have  to  determine  whether  they  also  will  yield  to  the 
power  of  the  dictator.  Give  up  their  arms,  sufTer  their  country 
to  be  garrisoned  with  strong  militarv  posts,  and  live  under  the 
rule  and  sway  of  the  military.  They  must  do  this  or  they  must 
'  prepare  for  war;  they  must  submit  to  the  military^  government  or 
they  must  defend  their  province  and  their  rights  with  the  sword 
and  the  bayonet,  and  they  must  do  this  without  delay,  for  the 
enemy  is  fast  advancing  on  our  country. 

"Fellow-Citizens.  Let  me  again  assure  you  that  this  is  the 
true  state  of  affairs.  These  the  reasons  that  actuate  the  general 
government.  The  sale  of  the  400  leagues  of  land  has  nothing  tn 
do  with  the  subject.  You  are  justly  indignant  at  that  sale,  so 
also  am  I,  so  also  is  the  meeting  which  I  represent :  but  that  can 
and  ought  to  have  no  weight  with  the  public  mind  at  this  time. 
It  is  too  inconsiderable  to  be  noticed  when  compared  to  the  im- 
jjortance  of  our  country,  our  property,  our  liberty  and  our  lives, 
which  are  involved  in  the  j)resent  contest  between  the  states  and 
the  military.  Two  spies  from  Colonel  Ugartechea.  stationed  at 
-San  .'\ntonio,  were  arrested  at  .San  Felipe,  and  in  their  possession 
the  official  correspondence  of  Ugartechea  and  General  Cos  was 
found.  General  Cos  writes  to  the  commandant  at  .-\nahuac  that 
the  two  companies  of  New  Leon,  and  the  Morales  Battalion  would 
sail  immediately  for  Texas  and  that  thev  would  be  followed  b> 
another  force,  which  he  had  solicited  the  government  for,  and 
which  he  h;id  no  doubt  would  be  obtained.  Colonel  Ugartechea 
says  that  the  business  of  Texas  will  be  soon  regulated,  as  the 
government  has  ordered  a  large  division  composed  of  the  troops 
that  were  sent  against  Zacatecas  to  Texas  and  which  are  now  at 
Saltillo  ;  that  force  is  3,400  men. 

"For  \yhat,  fellow  citizens,  are  they  coming?  in  the  name  of 
GOD,  say  not  speculation ;  thev  are  coming  to  compel  you  into 
obedience  to  the  new  form  of  government;  to  compel  you  to  give 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  14.S 

up  3-our  arms  ;  to  compel  you  to  have  your  country  garrisoned ;  to 

compel  vou  to  liberate  your  slaves;  to  compel  you  to  swear  to 

sup])ort  and  sustain  the  government  of  the  dictator;  to  coin])(l 

you  to  submit  to  the  imi)eria]  rule  of  the  aristocracy,  to  ])ay  tithes 

and  adoration  to  the  clergy.     I-'or  these  ])ur])oses.  fellow  citizens. 

they  are  coming,  and  for  tliis  purpose  a  party  of  soldiers,  it  is  said. 

have  alread}   landed  at  Cojiano    *    *    *.     Five  hundred  troops  cati 

so  fortify  San  Antonio  as  to  resist  the  united  attack  of  all  Texas. 

In  that  situation  they  have  only  to  send  out  their  ])arties  of   men 

and  harass  and  destroy  the  country,  without  ever  coming  to  a 

pitched   battle:   they   will   so  annoy   and   harass   the   country   by 

continual   de])redations  and   alarms   that,  wearied  out,   dispirited 

;ind  disheartened,  the  people  will  gladlv  retreat  beyond  the  .Sabint\ 

When  you  least   expect  it   they   will   descend  upon   you  and   call 

you  from  your  fields  to  battle  and  before  you  can  rail}',  they  wih 

kill  and  burn  and  destroy.     In  the  depths  of  winter  they  will  call 

you  by  their  depredations  to   the  field,  and  a  thousand   attacks 

and  a  thousand  false  alarms  will  destroy  your  patience  and  your 

property  and  make  your  country  not  worth  contending  for.     IWit. 

if  possible,  even  worse  than  all  this,  you  permit  an  enemy  to  lie 

there  stationed  that  will  send  the  Indians  continually  ujjon  you." 

On  the  8th  of  .August  a  meeting  was  held  at  Lynch's  on  the  .'^an 

Jacinto,  to  which  Don   Lorenzo  de  Zavala  was  invited.     He  did  not. 

attend,   on    account    of   indisposition,    but    addressed    a    letter    to    the 

meeting  in  which,  among  other  things,  he  recommended  the  call  of  a 

council  or  convention  of  all  Texas.     Zavala  is  entitled  to  the  second 

honor  in  this  res]>ect  and  John   .\.  Wharton  to  the  first.      De  Zavala 

says : 

"In  the  first  place.  I  must  say  of  myself  that  in  this  I  have  W" 
individual  view  or  motion — that  T  have  occupied  in  the  Mexicm 
nation  the  most  honorable  stations;  that  I  have  written  a  history 
of  the  revolutions  of  the  country  with  such  impartiality  that  i\(  n 
my  enemies  have  acknowledged  it  the  only  monument  of  thr 
kind  worthy  of  attention. 

"In  the  second  ])lace,  that.  ha\ing  received  from  (ien.  S:nU.i 
.\nna  the  apiiointment  of  minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  court  of 
his  majesty  the  king  of  France,  1  resigned  this  charge  as  soon  as 
I  learned  that  he  had  dissolved  the  congress  and  taken  all  au- 
thority into  his  own  hands.  Third,  th;it  having  resigned  this 
station,  I  have  come  to  Texas  to  establisii  myself  anions  free 
citizens,  to  cultivate  the  lands  which  1  had  jireviously  purchased. 
"Having  made  these  ])reliminar\  remarks  1  ])roceed  to  expro- 
my  opinions  respecting  the  nominal  Mexican  republic. 

"First.  The  regulating  power  in  Mexico  is  the  military.  Cer- 
tain generals,  at  the  head  of  whom  Santa  .Anna  happens  now  to  be 
placed,  and  who  have  under  their  control  from  15,000  to  20,000 
hireling  soldiers,  have  destroyed  the  federal  constitution,  of  which 
Gen.  Santa  .\nna.  in  order  to  be  i)romoted  to  the  presidency  of 
the  republic,  prrtendcd  to  be  the  defender,  when,  with  :i  show  of 


144  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

patriotism   he   alleged   that    it   was    attacked   by    General    Busta- 
mente. 

"Second.  The  present  situation  of  the  Mexican  nation  is  that 
of  the  greatest  confusion  and  disorder,  because  all  the  constitu 
tional  authorities  having  ceased,  their  places  have  been  supplied 
by  military  chiefs,  who  l:now  no  other  law  than  that  of  the  sword 
and  of  violence,  by  which  they  have  put  down  the  civil  authori- 
ties. The  consternation  which  this  has  produced  among  the  Mex 
ican  citizens  has  reduced  them  to  a  momentary  silence  and  this 
silence  the  military  chiefs  of  Mexico  call  tranquility,  peace  and 
order  in  the  republic. 

"Third.  To  pass  over  the  acts  of  the  usurpation  committed 
by  General  Santa  Anna,  such  as  the  dissolution  of  the  congress 
and  council — the  unconstitutional  and  violent  deposition  of  the 
vice  president,  Farias — the  extension  of  the  powers  given  to  the 
electors  to  reform  the  constitution — the  destruction  of  the  civic 
militia — and  others  of  equal  magnitude  which  in  the  United  .States 
of  the  North  would  be  sufficient  to  convict  the  president  of  trea- 
son— the  final  blow  aimed  at  the  institutions  in  the  capital,  on  the 
12th  of  June,  the  day  on  which  was  declared  the  destruction  of 
all  the  state  legislatures,  an  act  committed  under  the  auspices 
and  protection  of  the  president,  Santa  Anna,  and  of  the  vice 
president.  Barragan,  would  of  itself  be  sufficient  to  destroy  all 
claims  to  obedience  which  exist,  and  which  can  only  continue  in 
virtue  of  the  federal  compacts. 

"Fourth.  While  in  the  capital  they  were  thus  destroying  the 
institutions  and  issuing  orders  to  the  military  commanders  of  the 
states  that  others  should  be  established,  the  latter  published  offi- 
cial notes,  swearing  in  their  usual  manner  that  the}-  would  sus- 
tain the  constitution  and  laws,  and  that  their  only  object  was  to 
punish  certain  functionaries  who  had  transgressed  them,  thus 
availing  themselves  of  the  power  of  destroying  the  constitution 
under  the  pretext  of  punishing  delinquents.  This  may  be  seen 
from  the  official  notes  of  General  Cos  and  Colonel  Ugartechea,  in 
which  they  seize  upon  the  inexplicable  sale  of  lands  as  a  pretext 
to  justify  the  imprisonment  of  the  governor  of  this  state,  Viesca. 
proceeding  immediately  to  put  down  the  legislature  and  other 
authorities  of  the  state,  with  the  exception  of  those  only  estab- 
lished in  San  Felipe  and  Nacogdoches  which  were  out  of  the 
reach  of  their  power.  To  make  up  for  this.  General  Cos  thought 
proper  to  make  these  authorities  dependent  upon  himself,  thn-; 
making  those  of  popular  origin  subservient  to  the  military. 

"Such   is   the   actual   relation    in   which   Texas   stands    to   the 
Mexican  republic.     I  might  make  conjectures  as  to  the  develop 
ment  of  this  political  labyrinth  :  but  I  propose  to  myself  to  speak 
only  of  facts. 

"The  fundamental  compact  having  been  dissolved  and  all  the 
guarantees  of  the  civil  and  political  rights  of  citizens  having  been 
destroyed,  it  is  inevitable  that  all  the  states  of  the  confederation 
are  left  at  liberty  to  act  for  themselves,  and  require  Coahuila  and 


HISTORY  OK  TEXAS  145 

Texas  to  provide  for  tlieir  security  and  preservation  as  circum- 
stances may  require.     C'oaluiila  and  Texas  formed  a  state  of  the 
republic,  and.  as  one  part  of  this  is  occupied  by  an  invading  force, 
the  free  part   of   it  should   proceed   to   organize   a   power   which 
would  restore  harmony  and  establish  order  and  uniformity  in  all 
the  branches  of  the  public  administration,  which  would  be  a  rally- 
ing point  for  the  citizens,  whose  hearts  now  tremble  for  liberty ! 
But  as  this  power  can  l)e  organized  onlj'  by  means  of  a  conven- 
tion, which  should  represent  the  free  will  of  the  citizens  of  Texas, 
it  is  my  opinion  that  this  step  should  be  taken,  and  I  suggest  the 
15th  day  of  October  as  a  time  sufficient  to  allow  all  the  depart- 
ments to  send  their  representatives." 
This  letter  was  dated  at  Sloop  Point,  Texas,  August  7th,  1835. 
The  activities  of  the  war  party  produced  little  eflfect  at  first  because 
the  people  believed  that  the  alarming  rumors  were  being  spread  by 
land  speculators  who  hoped  in  some  way  to  profit  by  an  agitation  of 
the  public.     This  belief  has  been  shown  by  a  number  of  the  docu- 
ments  which    have   already    appeared   in   this    narrative,    notably    b}^ 
Williamson's  address  of  July  4.     It  is  more  strikingly  shown  by  the 
following  letter  written  by  James  Kerr,   from   Gonzales,  on  July   5, 
to  Judge  T.  J.  Chambers : 

"Williams,  Johnson,  Carbajal,  Bowie  and  others  cry,  'wolf,  wolf, 
condemnation,  destruction,  war,  to  arms!'  Williams  says,  T  have 
bought  a  few  leagues  of  land  from  the  government ;  but  if  they 
don't  bring  the  governor  to  Bexar,  I  shall  not  be  able  to  get  my 
titles.'  What  a  pity;  and  with  his  terrible  tales  I  am  astonished 
to  see  that  they  have  had  the  cleverness  to  excite  some  persons  of 
that  colony  to  a  high  degree. 

"In  regard  to  those  delinquents  against  the  laws  of  the  coun- 
try and  against  honor  and  morality  who  were  concerned  in  the 
illicit  buying  and  selling  of  the  650  sitios  of  land  in  Monclova. 
there  is  not,  in  my  opinion,  in  all  the  country  one  single  person, 
with  the  exception  of  the  interested  ones,  who  would  wittingly 
seek  his  own  ruin  in  order  to  save  thousands  like  Williams  and 
the  others.  But  they  have  been  able  perhaps  to  deceive  many 
persons  and  make  them  believe  that  an  army  is  cominfj  to  destroy 
their  properties  and  annihilate  their  rights  in  Texas. 

"Carbajal  has  taken  flight  to  San  Felipe.  When  he  passed 
through  my  neighborhood  he  spoke  with  words  full  of  alarm, 
but  the  inhabitants  of  La  Vaca  and  Navidad  are  inclined  to  attend 
to  their  ranches  and  estates,  and  they  say  that  if  the  government 
wishes  to  seize  those  criminals  and  collect  the  legal  duties  in  its 
custom  houses,  it  may  do  so.  It  is  my  opinion  that  if  an  armed 
force  were  sent  to  Texas  it  would  be  very  prejudicial  and  ruinous 
to  the  nation.  Imagine  for  a  moment  the  number  of  officers — to 
say  nothing  of  the  soldiers — who  would  fall  under  the  fire  of  the 
muskets.  Nevertheless,  a  war  would  inevitably  be  disastrous  for 
Texas,  and  what  would  the  nation  not  lose  by  it!  Imagine  it 
yourself,  .some  20,000  or  .^0,000  men.    What,  all  that  for  some  ten 

Mil..    I     .10 


146  HISTORY  01-'  TEXAS 

rascals  who  have  fraudulently  taken  from  the  government  and 
from  the  towns  650  sitios  of  land?  God  forbid  such  a  thing!" 
Even  the  peace  party,  however,  was  opposed  to  the  military  occu- 
pation of  Texas  and  most  of  its  members  were  unwilling  to  sur- 
render the  citizens  demanded  by  Ugartechea  and  Cos.  When  it  be- 
came evident,  therefore,  that  the  troops  would  not  be  withheld  from 
the  country  nor  the  demand  for  the  arrests  withdrawn,  many  who  were 
indifferent  to  the  political  changes  began  to  think  of  resistance.  The 
change  of  public  opinion  which  took  place  toward  the  close  of  August 
is  well  shown  by  an  extract  from  a  letter  written  by  Travis  to  his 
friend  John  W.  Moore  on  August  21.  Writing  from  San  Felipe  he 
said: 

"When  I  returned  from  your  place  I  found  the  tories  and 
cowards  making  a  strong  effort,  and  for  a  time  they  were  but  too 
successful.  I  was,  therefore,  disgusted,  and  wrote  you  but  little 
as  I  had  nothing  to  communicate  but  what  I  was  ashamed  of,  as 
a  free  man  and  a  friend  of  my  country.  It  is  different  now, 
thank  God!  Principle  has  triumphed  over  prejudice,  passion, 
cowardice  and  slavery.  Texas  is  herself  again.  The  people  m 
the  whole  upper  countrv  are  unanimous  for  a  convention  in  which 
the  voice  of  the  people  will  be  freely  expressed.  *  *  *  A  tre- 
mendous reaction  has  taken  place  and  the  tories  are  almost  as  bad 
off  as  they  were  in  1832."  The  people  were  already  working  around 
to  this  state  of  mind,  said  Travis,  when  the  demand  for  the  arrests 
completed  the  revulsion  of  feeling. 

.\s  we  have  previouslv  seen,  on  Julv  25  William  H.  Wharton,  W. 
H.  Bynum,  W.  D.  C.  Hall,  A.  Calvit.  S'.  Whiting,  P.  Bertrand,  W.  T. 
Austin,  and  W.  G.  Hill  circulated  a  petition  for  a  meeting  at  Columbia 
on  July  30  to  consider  "the  importance  of  having  a  convention  of  all 
Texas,  through  her  representatives,  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  peace 
and  confidence."  When  this  meeting  assembled  it  became  apparent 
to  Johnson  that  the  sentiment  of  a  majority  was  averse  to  calling  the 
the  consultation  at  that  time  for  fear  of  interrupting  the  peace  com- 
mission of  Barrett  and  Gritten,,  and  to  avoid  an  adverse  vote  he 
induced  Josiah  H.  Bell,  a  leader  of  the  peace  party,  to  use  his  influence 
to  get  an  adjournment  without  action.  In  adjourning  it  was  agreed 
that  another  meeting  should  take  place  at  Columbia  on  .\ugust  16. 
But  as  their  proceedings  show,  nearly  all  of  the  public  meetings  held 
during  July  and  early  .\ugust  strongly  urged  a  general  convention, 
and  on  .August  9  a  printed  circular  subscribed  by  134  citizens  was 
issued  from  Brazos  urging  the  convention: 

"We  whose  names  are  hereunto  subscribed  are  of  opinion  that 
a  convention  of  the  people  of  Texas  is  best  calculated  to  quiet 
the  present  excitement  and  to  promote  the  general  interest  of 
Texas ;  we  acknowledge  the  doctrine  of  'The  Right  of  Instruc- 
tion,' and  we  therefore  recommend  to  our  fellow  citizens  the  call 
of  a  convention,  and  we  further  recommend  that  the  delegates 
to  said  convention  be  instructed,  .so  that  no  party  may  rule,  and 
that  the  i)eoi)le  lie  fairly  rc|)resented." 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  147 

At  the  Columbia  meeting  of  August  15  it  was  resolved, 

"That  a  consultation  of  all  Texas  through  her  representatives 
is  indispensable.  That  a  C(jniniittee  composed  of  fifteen  persons,  lu 
be  called  a  committee  of  safety  and  correspondence  for  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Columbia  be  elected  and  that  they  be  instructed  to  pre- 
pare an  address  to  all  jurisdictions  of  Texas  requesting  them  tn 
co-operate  with  us  in  the  call  of  a  consultation  of  all  Texas.  That 
the  committee  communicate  with  all  Texas  in  the  most  prompt 
manner  by  sending  confidential  agents  to  each  jurisdiction  and 
that  said  committee  keeji  the  people  correctly  advised  of  all  pcdit- 
ical  intelligence  of  general  interest  and  that  they  continue  to  act 
until  displaced  by  the  people  or  the  consultation." 

The  committee  of  safety  and  correspondence,  under  date  of  .\ugust 
20.  issued  the  following  address : 

"The  undersigned  have  been  elected  by  the  people  of  the  jur 
isdiction  of  Columbia,  a  committee  of  safety  and  correspondence, 
and  have  been  instructed  to  address  you  for  the  purpose  of  t)btain 
ing  your  co-operation  in  endeavoring  to  produce  order,  confi- 
dence, and  government  out  of  the  present  deplorable  chaos  and 
anarchy.  It  is  unfortunately  too  true  that  Centralism  with  the 
rapidity  of  magic,  has  succeeded  our  late  confederated  form  of 
government.  Our  governor  is  in  captivity  and  our  legislature 
dispersed  by  the  bayonets  of  the  soldiery.  The  constitutions 
which  we  have  sworn  to  support  are  thereby  trampled  under  foot 
— in  short  we  occupy  the  unenviable  attitude  of  a  people  whf) 
have  not  a  shadow  of  legitimate  government.  The  loss  of  all 
confidence  at  home  and  abroad  is,  and  will  continue  to  be,  the 
consequence  of  this  state  of  things.  Immigration  will  entirely 
cease.  The  law  of  the  strongest  will  be  the  only  law  that  will 
prevail  and  nothing  but  doubt,  confusion  and  violence  will  over 
shadow  the  land.  After  the  most  grave  and  mature  deliberation 
the  i)eople  of  this  jurisdiction  have  conceived  that  a  consultation 
of  all  Texas  through  her  representatives  is  the  only  devised  t)r 
devisable  mode  of  remedying  the  above  recited  evils  and  have 
instructed  us  to  urge  upon  you  to  unite  in  bringing  about  such 
consultation  as  speedily  as  possible.  Some  persons  object  to  a 
general  consultation  on  the  ground  that  it  is  unconstitutional  : 
admitting  it  unconstitutional  we  would  ask  if  the  constitution 
authorized  the  consultations  that  formed  the  ])lans  of  |alai)a  and 
Vera  Cruz  by  which  Bustamente  and  Santa  -Anna  worked  out 
their  elevations;  or  if  it  ;iuthorized  the  late  consultations  of  the 
city  of  Toluca  and  of  the  hundred  other  towns  which  have 
declared  in  favor  of  centralism.  A  C(jnsultation  is  more  indispen- 
sable to  us  than  to  any  other  portion  of  the  republic,  for  since  the 
imprisonment  of  our  governor,  the  dispersion  of  our  legislature, 
and  the  adoption  of  centralism  w^e  have  no  constitutional  organ 
through  which  to  speak. 

"It  is  too  evident  to  admit  of  argununt  that  tlu'  slate  of  which 
Texas  is  a  part  being  recognized  as  nnc  nf  tli<'  1 1  iiitr.u-tiiii;  parties 


148  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

on  forming  the  constitution,  we  are  not  bound  by  any  change  of 
government  or  infraction  of  the  constitution  until  our  assent  is 
obtained.  How  is  that  assent  to  be  arrived  at?  We  contend 
only  bv  general  consultation,  the  constitution  and  all  officers 
under  it  having  perished  in  the  anarchy  that  at  present  surrounds 
— and  that  unless  something  is  done  is  likely  soon  to  over- 
whelm us. 

"Some  seem  to  imagine  that  the  present  difficulties  can  be 
quieted  by  remaining  inactive  and  venting  their  endless  and 
unavailing  curses  on  the  heads  of  the  land  speculators,  and  war 
party,  as  they  are  termed.  We  profess  ourselves  as  a  matter  of 
public  policy  diametrically  opposed  to  all  large  monopolies  of  the 
l)ublic  domain  like  the  late  land  speculation ;  and  equally  opposed 
to  the  principle  of  any  person  or  party  rashly  involving  us  in 
difficulties  against  the  consent  of  the  majority  and  we  wish  a 
consultation  among  other  things  for  the  purpose  of  devising  some 
plan  to  prevent  the  remainder  of  our  public  lands  from  being 
trifled  away :  and  also  to  prevent  a  few  rash  individuals  from 
deluging  us  with  all  the  horrors  of  a  war  without  our  consent, 
and  before  we  are  prepared.  Unless  some  concerted  plan  of 
action  is  determined  on  in  general  consultation  such  involvment 
is  inevitable,  for  great  many  believe  in  the  hostile  intentions  of 
the  government  and  have  sworn  to  resist  with  their  lives  the  intro- 
duction of  armed  force.  Some  seem  to  imagine  that  everything 
can  be  done  by  neighborhood  or  colony  meetings,  suddenly 
assembled,  as  suddenly  dispersed,  and  always  acting  under  excite- 
ment. 

"W'e  would  ask  if  a  consultation  of  all  Texas  composed  of 
members  selected  for  their  wisdom  and  honesty  and  their  deep 
interest  in  the  welfare  of  their  country,  who  would  deliberate 
calmly  and  in  full  possession  of  all  the  necessary  information,  we 
ask  would  not  a  body  like  this  be  apt  to  restore  order  and  peace 
and  confidence  and  would  not  its  acts  and  its  doings  be  more 
respected  by  the  government,  the  people  of  Texas,  and  the  world 
than  the  crude  conceptions  and  rash  determinations  of  100  or 
1.000  hastilv  convened  meetings?  We  conceive  it  anti-republi- 
can to  oppose  a  consultation.  It  is  tantamount  to  saying  that 
the  people  cannot  and  shall  not  be  trusted  with  their  own  afTairs. 
That  their  voice  shall  be  stifled  and  that  a  /fw  shall  rule  and 
dictate  and  lord  it  over  us  as  is  now,  and  always  has  been  the 
case  in  this  land  of  our  adoption.  What  the  consultation  may  do 
when  it  meets  we  cannot  venture  to  predict.  Knowing  how- 
ever that  it  will  speak  the  voice  of  the  majority  ;  and  recognizing 
the  republican  principle  that  the  majority  are  right,  on  its  decis- 
ions we  will  fearlessly  stake  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our 
sacred  honor.  If  (which  we  believe  impossible)  that  majority 
should  require  us  to  yield  servile  submission  to  a  form  of  govern- 
ment or  to  anything  else  that  would  disgrace  us  as  free  born 
men  we  would  not  counteract  its  decision — but  would  claim  the 


HISTORY  UF  TEXAS  149 

privilege   of   removing   ourselves   from   a   land    where   such   base 
and  abject  doctrines  prevail. 

"The  only  instructions  which  we  would  recommend  to  be 
given  to  our  representatives  is  to  secure  peace  if  it  is  to  be 
obtained  on  constitutional  terms,  and  to  prepare  for  war — if  war 
be  inevitable.  We  herewith  send  you  information  for  the  truth 
of  which  we  vouch  calculated  to  convince  the  niosl  incredulous 
that  there  is  every  prospect  of  our  being  soon  invaded,  the  bare 
probability  of  which  is  certainly  sufficient  to  make  any  prudent 
people  meet  together  and  provide  for  their  protection.  Those 
who  are  in  favor  of  peace,  as  no  doubt  all  of  us  are,  should  earn- 
estly recommend  a  consultation,  for  whether  the  government  is 
hostile  or  not  many  Ijeliexe  it  and  will  predicate  on  that  belief 
such  acts  of  violence  as  will  most  undoubtedly  involve  us  in  war 
— in  short  a  consultation  is  the  only  mode  of  securing  peace 
promptly  and  permanently — or  of  carrying  on  war  efficiently  and 
successfully. 

"We  propose,  fellow-citizens,  that  each  jurisdiction  elect  live 
individuals,  the  elections  to  be  ordered  and  holden  by  the  com- 
mittees of  safety  and  correspondence,  on  the  5th  October  and 
the  consultation  to  convene  in  Washington  on  the  15th  of  the 
same  month.  We  propose  that  each  member  use  every  exertion 
to  ascertain  the  population  of  his  jurisdiction.  And  we  propose 
and  request  that  each  jurisdiction  hold  public  meetings  and  elect 
committees  to  correspond  with  the  committees  of  all  other  parts 
of  Texas.  In  conclusion,  fellow-citizens,  we  trust  and  implore 
that  all  party  feeling  and  violence  may  be  buried  in  oblivion  and 
that  we  ma\-  go  on  together  in  harmonious  concert  prospering 
and  to  prosper.  We  all  have  a  common  interest  and  are  desirous 
to  accomplish  a  common  object — namely  the  welfare  of  Texas 
with  which  our  own  is  indissolubly  identified.  We  are  now  trav- 
elling different  roads  and  devising  different  plans  because  we  do 
not  understand  each  other  on  account  of  our  dispersed  and  scat- 
tered settlements,  on  account  of  the  impossibility  of  dissemina- 
ting correct  information,  and  on  account  of  the  universal  preva- 
lence of  faction,  party  spirit,  rumor,  and  violence  in  every  corner 
of  the  land.  With  the  hope  and  the  belief  that  you  will  co-operate 
with  us  in  bringing  about  a  consultation  and  that  the  happiness  of 
all  Texas  may  be  promoted  by  its  deliberations  we  subscribe  our- 
selves your  friends  and  fellow-citizens.  Done  in  the  committee 
room,  in  the  Town  of  Velasco.  on  this  the  20th  of  August,  1835. 
"B.  T.  Archer,  Chairman.  "W.  H.  Bynum, 
"John  A.  Wharton.  "Henry  Smith, 

"Silas  Dinsmore.  "\Vm.  H.  Jack, 

"I.  T.  TiNSLEY,  "Francis  Bingham. 

"Robert  H.  Willia.ms.  "John  Hodge, 

"P.  Bertrand,  "Wm.  T.  .Austin,  Secretary." 

"Warren  D.  C.  Hall. 


150  HISTOKV  OF  TEXAS 

"The  committee  of  safety   and  correspondence   for  the  juris- 
diction of  Columbia  have  no  additional  information  to  offer  the 
public,  in  regard  to  the  present  crisis  than  the  statements  of  indi- 
viduals who  have  lately  arrived  from  the  interior.     Those  state- 
ments would  not  be  made  public  but  the  source  from  which  they 
are  derived  is  unquestionable.     We  are  informed  that  the  idea  of 
flooding  Texas  with  troops  has  long  since  been  formed,  and  that 
Santa  Anna  has  been  heard  to  declare  that  he  would  drive  every 
Anglo-American  beyond  the  Sabine.     That  the  plan  adopted  for 
the  introduction  of  troops  into  Texas  as  formed  was  this — they 
were  to  be  introduced  in  small  numbers,  so  as  not  to  excite  the 
apprehension    of    the    colonists,    and    for    the    'c.v(^rcss   fft^^c     oi 
enforcing  the  revenue  laws.     And  that  in  accordance  with  that 
plan,  in  addition  to  the  troops  now  at   Bexar,  500  more  in  the 
month  of  May  last  actually  embarked  at  Tampico  for  Matagorda, 
and  that  after  the  vessels  which  were  to  have  transported  them 
had  weighed  anchor,  a  courier  arrived  bringing  news  of  the  break- 
ing out  of  the  revolution  in  Zacatecas,  and  that  they  were  disem- 
barked  immediately,   and   proceeded   forthwith   to   that   place   to 
crush    the    spirit   of   republicanism    in    that    unfortunate    state, — 
the    result    of    that    expedition    will    never    cease    to    be    regretted 
whilst  liberty  has  a  votary.     That  that  plan  is  now  abandoned, 
and  that  the  present  plan  is  to  introduce  an  ovcn\.'hclming  force; 
and   at   one   blow  to   prostrate   Texas.     They   boast   that   they   will 
bring  10,000  soldiers,  and  that  they  will  be  here  this  fall,  or  early 
this   winter.     The   young  officers   of   the    army    are    particularly 
chivalrous ;    and    manifest   great    anxiet\-    to    flush    their    maiden 
swords  in  the  blood  of  the  citizens  of  Texas." 
At  the  beginning  of  September,  just  as  the  committee  was  launch- 
ing the   campaign   for   the   consultation,   or   convention,    Stephen    F. 
Austin  arrived  from  his  long  detention  in  Mexico:  and  his  attitude 
toward  the  movement  became  immediately  of  great   importance.     A 
meeting  of  some  of  his  friends  was  held  at  Brazoria  on  September  4 
to  arrange  plans  for  showing  him  appropriate  honor.     They  decided 
to  entertain  him  at  a  public  dinner  on  the  8th,  and  here,  in  response 
to  a  flattering  toast,  he  made  known  his  views  concerning  the  political 
situation  in  Mexico,  Santa  Anna's  intentions  toward  Texas,  and  the 
method  of  procedure  which  should  be  adopted  by  the  Texan s.     He 
said  : 

"1  fully  hoped  to  have  found  Texas  at  peace  and  tranquillity, 
but  regret  to  find  it  in  commotion,  all  disorganized,  all  in  anarchy, 
and  threatened  with  immediate  hostilities.  This  state  of  things 
is  deeplv  to  be  lamented — it  i-'^  a  great  misfortime,  but  it  is  one 
that  has  not  been  produced  b)  any  acts  of  the  people  of  this 
country — on  the  contrary  it  is  the  natural  and  inevitable  conse- 
quence of  the  revolution  that  has  spread  all  over  Mexico,  and  of 
the  imprudent  and  impolitic  measures  of  both  the  general  and 
state  governments,  with  respect  to  Texas.  The  people  here  are 
not  to  blame,  and  cannot  be  justly   censured,  they   are  farmers. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  131 

cultivators  of  the  soil,  and  are  pacifick  from  interests,  from  occu- 
pation, and  from  inclination.  They  have  uniformly  endeavored 
to  sustain  the  constitution  and  the  public  peace  by  pacifick  means, 
and  have  never  deviated  from  their  duty  as  Mexican  citizens. 
If  any  acts  of  imprudence  have  been  committed  by  individuals 
they  evidently  resulted  from  the  revolutionary  state  of  the  whole 
nation,  and  imprudent  and  censurable  conduct  of  the  state  author- 
ities, and  the  total  want  of  a  local  government  in  Texas.  It  is 
indeed  a  source  of  surpri.se  and  creditable  congratulation  that  so 
few  acts  of  this  description  have  occurred  under  the  peculiar  cir- 
cumstances of  the  times.  It  is  however,  to  be  remembered  that 
acts  of  this  kind  were  not  the  acts  of  the  people,  nor  is  Texas 
responsible  for  them.  They  were,  as  I  before  observed,  the  nat- 
ural consequence  of  the  revolutionary  state  of  the  Mexican 
nation,  and  Texas  certainly  did  not  originate  that  revolution, 
neither  have  the  people,  as  a  people,  participated  in  it.  The  con- 
sciences and  the  hands  of  the  Texans  are  free  from  censure,  and 
clean. 

"The  revolution  in  Mexico  is  drawing  to  a  close.  The  object 
is  to  change  the  form  of  government,  destroy  the  federal  consti- 
tution of  1824,  and  establish  a  central  or  consolidated  govern- 
ment.    The  states  are  to  be  converted  into  provinces. 

"Whether  the  people  of  Texas  ought,  or  ought  not  to  agree  tu 
this  change,  and  relinquish  all,  or  a  part  of  their  constitutional 
and  vested  rights  under  the  constitution  of  1824,  is  a  question 
of  the  most  vital  importance,  one  that  calls  for  the  deliberate 
consideration  of  the  people  and  can  only  be  decided  by  them 
fairly  convened  for  that  purpose.  As  a  citizen  of  Texas  I  have 
a  right  to  an  opinion  on  so  important  a  matter,  I  have  no  other 
right  and  pretend  to  no  other.  In  the  report  which  I  consider  it 
my  duty  to  make  to  my  constituents,  I  intend  to  give  my  views 
on  the  present  situation  of  the  country,  and  especially  as  to  the 
constitutional  and  natural  rights  of  Texas,  and  will  therefore 
at  this  time  merely  touch  this  matter. 

"The  federal  constitution  of  1824  is  about  to  be  destroyed,  the 
system  of  government  changed,  and  a  central  or  consolidated 
one  established.  Will  this  act  annihilate  all  the  natural  rights 
of  Texas,  and  subject  the  county  to  the  uncontrolled  and  unlim- 
ited dictation  of  the  new  government? 

"This  is  a  subject  of  the  most  vital  importance.  1  have  no 
doubt  the  federal  constitution  will  be  destroyed,  and  a  central 
government  established,  and  that  the  peojilc  here  will  soon  be 
called  upon  to  say  whether  the)-  agree  to  this  change  or  not. 
This  matter  requires  the  most  calm  discussion,  the  most  mature 
deliberation  and  the  most  perfect  union.  How  is  this  to  he 
obtained?  I  see  but  one  way,  and  that  is  by  a  general  consulta- 
tion of  the  people  by  means  of  deleg.'ites  elected  for  that  purjjose, 
with  full  powers  to  give  such  an  answer  in  the  name  of  Texas  to 


152  HISTORY  OF  TEXx\S 

this  question  as  they  may  deem  best,  and  to  adopt  such  measures 
as  the  tranquillity  and  salvation  of  the  country  require. 

"My  friends  I  can  truly  say  that  no  one  has  been,  or  now  is, 
more  anxious  than  myself  to  keep  trouble  away  from  this  country, 
no  one  has  been  or  now  is  more  faithful  to  his  duty  as  a  Mexican 
citizen,  and  no  one  has  personally  sacrificed  or  suffered  more  to 
discharge  this  duty.  I  have  uniformly  opposed  having  anything 
to  do  with  the  family  political  quarrels  of  the  Mexicans.  Texas 
needs  peace  and  a  local  government;  its  inhabitants  are  farmers, 
the}-  need  a  calm  and  quiet  life.  But  how  can  any  one  remain 
indifferent  when  our  rights,  our  all  appear  to  be  in  jeopardy,  and 
when  it  is  our  duty  as  well  as  our  obligation  as  good  Mexican 
citizens  to  express  our  opinions  on  the  present  state  of  things, 
and  to  represent  our  situation  to  the  government?  It  is  impos- 
sible. The  crisis  is  certainly  such  as  to  bring  it  home  to  the 
judgment  of  every  man  that  something  must  be  done  and  that 
without  delay.  The  question  will  perhaps  be  asked,  what  are 
we  to  do?  I  have  already  indicated  my  opinion.  Let  all  person- 
alities, or  divisions,  or  excitements,  or  passion,  or  violence  be  ban- 
ished from  amongst  us.  Let  a  general  consultation  of  the  people 
of  Texas  be  convened  as  speedily  as  possible,  to  be  composed  of 
the  best,  and  most  calm,  and  intelligent,  and  firm  men  in  the 
country,  and  let  them  decide  what  representations  ought  to  be 
made  to  the  general  government,  and  what  ought  to  be  done  in 
the  future. 

"With  these  explanatory  remarks,  I  will  give  as  a  toast:  The 
constitutional  rights  and  security  and  peace  of  Texas,  they  ought 
to  be  maintained ;  and  jeopardized  as  they  now  are,  they  demand  a 
genera!  consultation  of  the  people.'' 

The  arrival  of  Colonel  Austin  at  this  critical  period  of  the  afYairs 
of  Texas  was  alike  timely  and  fortunate.  Four  days  after  the  ban- 
quet at  Brazoria  a  public  meeting  was  held  at  San  Felipe  (September 
12).  This  resolved  to  support  the  constitution  of  1824,  recommended 
a  consultation  and  appointed  a  committee  of  vigilance  and  safety  to 
"order  and  superintend  the  election  for  delegates  of  this  jurisdiction, 
and  to  correspond  with  the  committees  of  the  other  jurisdictions." 
Those  appointed  upon  this  committee  were  Wily  Martin,  Randall 
Jones,  William  Pettus,  Gail  Borden,  Jr.,  and  Stephen  F.  Austin.  But 
Austin  assumed  by  common  consent  entire  direction  of  the  work  of 
the  committee,  and  turned  all  efTorts  for  a  time  toward  assuring  the 
success  of  the  consultation. 

The  way  was  already  prepared  for  the  convention,  and  nothing 
was  needed  but  Austin's  endorsement  to  remove  any  hesitation  that 
still  existed  in  the  minds  of  the  conservatives  concerning  its  wisdom. 
Several  things  occurred,  however,  to  cause  confusion  before  the  dele- 
gates were  elected  and  assembled.  The  first  was  uncertainty  as  to  the 
place  of  meeting.  The  Columbia  committee  had  suggested  Washing- 
ton on  the  Brazos  in  its  call  for  the  convention,  but  the  San  Felipe 


HISTORY  OK  TEXAS  15,> 

meeting  of  September  12  sulistituled  San  Felipe  as  the  place  of  meet- 
ing. Some  municipalities  now  elected  delegates  to  meet  at  one  place 
and  some  at  the  other,  and  when  the  day  of  meeting  arrived  there 
were  some  members  at  both  places,  which  helped  to  prevent  the  gath- 
ering of  a  quorum  at  either  place.  Some  of  the  East  Texas  munici- 
palities recommended  the  election  of  seven  representatives  instead  of 
five  from  each  electoral  district,  and  this  was  later  approved  by  the 
Columbia  committee,  but  there  was  not  sufficient  time  before  the  elec- 
tion to  issue  notice  of  the  change.  Finally,  before  the  elections  were 
held  war  had  already  begun.  In  some  districts  the  polls  were  opened 
earlier  than  October  5,  the  day  originally  set  for  the  election,  and  this 
gave  occasion  for  irregularities  which  led  to  some  vigorous  protests 
from  defeated  candidates.  A  more  important  result  of  the  outbreak 
of  hostilities,  however,  was  the  fact  that  many  of  the  members  elect 
Joined  the  army,  and  thereby  delayed  the  meeting  of  the  assembly. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

BATTLE  OF  GONZALES 

Austin,  by  his  great  popularity  and  influence,  gave  renewed 
impulse  to  the  revolutionary  correspondence  of  the  committees 
throughout  Texas.  On  the  13th  of  September  the  San  Felipe  com- 
mittee issued  a  circular.  Among  the  recommendations  was  one 
regarding  the  rights  of  the  Indians.  The  conciliation  of  the  Indians 
was  a  matter  of  great  importance  to  the  people  not  only  of  East  Texas, 
but  of  the  whole  country,  for  there  were  at  that  time  more  than  1,000 
warriors  of  the  different  tribes  that  had  emigrated  from  the  United 
States.  They  almost  surrounded  the  frontier  of  East  Texas.  The 
assurance  later  given  them  that  they  should  not  be  disturbed  in  their 
possessions  had  the  eiTect  to  keep  them  quiet.  Other  purposes  of  the 
circular  were  to  reinforce  the  arguments  already  advanced  for  the 
meeting  of  a  consultation  and  to  make  suggestions  concerning  elec- 
tions. 

On  the  19th,  the  committee  having  received  positive  information 
that  General  Cos  with  500  troops  destined  for  San  Antonio  de  Bexar 
had  landed  at  Copano  (not  Matagorda  as  stated  by  Yoakum)  about 
the  15th,  issued  the  following  circular: 

"Information  of  the  most  important  and  decisive  character  has 
just  been  received  from  Bexar  from  unquestionable  authority, 
which  in  the  opinion  of  this  committee  calls  for  the  prompt  atten- 
tion of  the  people.  The  substance  of  this  information  is  that 
General  Cos  was  expected  at  Bexar  on  the  16th  of  this  month 
with  more  troops ;  that  he  intended  to  make  an  immediate  attack 
on  the  colonies ;  that  there  was  a  plan  to  try  and  foment  division 
and  discord  among  the  people,  so  as  to  use  one  part  against  the 
other  and  prevent  preparation:  and  that  the  real  object  is  to 
break  up  foreign  settlements  in  Texas.  This  committee  have  no 
doubt  of  the  correctness  of  this  information,  and  therefore  rec- 
ommend, 

"That  the  people  should  maintain  the  position  taken  by  them 
at  the  primary  meetings,  to  insist  on  their  rights  under  the  fed- 
eral constitution  of  1824  and  of  the  law  of  7th  of  May  of  that 
year,  and  union  with  the  Mexican  confederation. 

"That  every  district  should  send  members  to  the  general  con- 
sultation with  full  powers  to  do  whatever  may  be  necessary  for 
the  good  of  the  country. 

"That  every  district  ought  to  organize  its  militia,  where  it  is 
not  already  done  ;  and  have  frequent  musters ;  and  that  the  cap- 
tains of  companies  make  a  return  without  dela)-  to  the  chief  of 
this  department  of  the  force  of  his  company,  the  arms,  and  ammu- 
nition in  order  that  he  may  lay  the  same  before  the  general  con- 
sultation of  Texas.  \''olunteer  companies  are  also  recommended. 
"This  committee  deems  it  to  be  their  duty  to  say  that  in  its 
opinion,  all  kinds  of  conciliatorv  measures  with  General  Cos  and 

154 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  135 

the  military  at  Bexar  are  hopeless,  and  that  iKJlhing  but  the  ruin 
of  Texas  can  be  expected  from  any  such  measures.  They  have 
already  and  very  properly  been  resorted  to  without  effect. 

"War  is  our  only  resource.  There  is  no  other  remedy  but  to 
defend  our  rights,  our  selves,  and  our  country  by  force  of  arms. 
To  do  this  we  must  unite,  and  in  order  to  unite,  the  delegates 
of  the  people  must  meet  in  general  consultation  and  organize  a 
system  of  defense,  and  give  organization  to  the  country  so  as  tn 
produce  concert.  Until  some  compact  authority  is  established 
to  direct,  all  that  can  be  done  is  to  recommend  this  subject  to  the 
people;  and  advise  every  man  in  Tex;is  to  prepare  for  \\'.-\R,  and 
lay  aside  all  hope  of  cc>nciliation. 

"S.  F.  Austin." 

The  further  activities  of  .-Xustin  in  organizing  the  people  for  resist- 
ance and  guiding  their  early  movements  ;ire  disclosed  by  the  circulars 
issued  from  the  committee  : 

"San   In'lipe  de  .\u>tin.  Sej)!.  21.   1K.?3. 
"Gentlemen : 

"I  received  the  information  last  night  of  the  expedition  that  is 
raising  to  march  on  to  Labaca.  and  without  delay  have  sent 
expresses  to  Harrisburg,  and  the  upper  country  with  copies  of  the 
paper  which  1  enclose  for  your  information.  Frank  Johnson 
starts  tomorrow  for  Nacogdoches ;  I  have  requested  them  in  that 
country  to  raise  all  the  men  they  can  and  march  on  without  delay. 
There  must  now  be  no  half  way  measures — war  in  full.  The 
sword  is  drawn  and  the  .scabbard  must  be  put  on  one  side  until 
the  military  are  all  driven  out  of  Texas.  I  presume  you  have 
received  the  circular  from  the  committee  of  this  place,  dated  the 
19th  inst. :  Mr.  Brigham  took  it  down.  It  was  written  in  conse- 
quence of  information  received  from  Bexar  which  was  of  so 
decisive  a  character  that  the  committee  deemed  it  a  duty  to  take 
a  clear  and  unequivocal  ])osition  at  once  and  to  let  the  country 
know  its  opinion.  I  am  happy  to  .say  that  in  this  quarter  and  in 
the  upper  country  so  far  as  I  have  heard  all  are  united,  and  all 
are  for  tt'or,-  I  hope  you  will  inform  me  of  what  is  done  so  that 
there  may  be  as  much  concert  as  possible.  You  will  see  by  the 
enclosed  that  a  corps  of  reserve  is  proposed.  This  was  done 
because  I  expect  that  some  will  come  on  from  Trinity  and  some 
from  Bevil's  settlement  who  cannot  be  in  time  for  the  advance, 
and  it  was  necessary  to  give  them  some  center  to  report  to,  so  as 
to  receive  direction  and  organization.  Until  there  is  some  head 
or  order,  we  must  all  try  to  labor  in  concert,  .so  as  to  support  each 
other's  movements  as  much  as  distances  and  circumstances  will 
permit.  I  will  remain  here  for  a  while,  or  go  on  to  Labaca,  as 
may  be  deemed  most  advisable.  1  seek  no  command  and  wish 
none,  but  am  ready  to  do  all  I  can  to  unite  opinion.  1  go  into 
the  war  cheerfully,  and  with  very  different  feelings  from  what  I 
had  in  any  of  our  past  difficulties ;  we  are  now  right ;  our  basis  is 
sound  and  just,  and  will  be  so  declared  bv  an  impartial  world; 


156  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

we  are  defending  (jiir  constitutional  rights  against  military  usurp- 
ation. 

"I  hope  you  will  communicate  your  opinions  to  me  fully  and 
frankly. 

"Yours  respectfullv, 

•'S.  F.  Austin." 

"To  the  Committee  of  Safety,  etc..  of  Columbia: 

"Information  was  received  last  night  by  express  that  General 
Cos  landed  at  Copano  with  400  men,  arms,  and  ammunition. 

■'An  expedition  is  raising  in  the  lower  country  to  take  the  field 
at  once.  They  are  called  upon  to  rendezvous  at  League's  old 
place  on  the  Colorado  on  the  28th  of  this  month. 

"Every  man  in  Texas  is  called  upon  to  take  up  arms  in 
defence  of  his  country  and  his  rights.  Those  who  can  join  the 
expedition  on  the  28th  are  requested  to  do  so !  or  they  can  join  it 
at  James  Kerr's  on  the  La  Vaca,  which  will  be  the  principal  ren- 
dezvous. 

"A  corps  of  reserve  will  be  formed  to  march  on  and  sustain  the 
advance.  Those  who  cannot  join  the  advance  are  requested  to 
unite  with  the  reserve  and  report  themselves  to  the  committee  of 
safety  in  this  place. 

"It  is  expected  that  each  man  will  supply  himself  with  provis- 
ions, arms  and  ammunition  to  march  w-ith. 

"Arrangements  will  be  made  for  permanent  supplies  as  soon 
as  possible. 

"S.  F.  Austin,  Chairman  of  the  Committee. 

"September  22nd.  1835." 

The  portentous  cloud  of  war  thickens.  Active  operations  com- 
mence. A  cannon  had  been  furnished  b}-  the  authorities  of  Bexar 
to  the  people  of  Gonzales  to  defend  themselves  against  Indian  depre- 
dations. This  they  retained,  and  claimed  as  a  gift,  while  the  military 
declared  that  it  was  only  intended  as  a  loan.  To  carry  out  the  plan 
of  disarming  the  citizens  of  the  nation.  Colonel  LIgartechea  disjiatched 
an  order  for  the  gun.  The  citizens  refused  to  give  it  up.  This 
refusal  being  reported  to  Colonel  Ugartechea,  he  dispatched  a  cavalry 
force  of  some  hundred  men,  under  Lieutenant  Castafieda,  to  demand 
the  delivery  of  the  gun,  instructing  him  first  to  send  a  demand  to  the 
alcalde  for  the  gun.  and  if  this  was  refused  to  employ  force.  Lieuten- 
ant Castafieda  halted  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Guadalupe  River,  and 
sent  over  to  Gonzales  and  demanded  the  delivery  of  the  gun.  The 
committee  of  safety  and  correspondence  for  the  jurisdiction  of  Gon- 
zales, dispatched  a  courier  to  the  settlements  on  the  Colorado  for  aid. 
A  body  of  Texans  had  been  organized  to  march  to  Copano  and  inter- 
cept Cos,  but  this  news  caused  them  to  turn  their  steps  to  Gonzales. 

For  a  full  and  detailed  account  of  the  proceedings  and  of  the  battle 
of  Gonzales,  the  following  was  furnished  to  F.  W.  Johnson  h\  a  par- 
ticipant, Charles  Mason  : 

"In  the  latter  part  of  September.  1835,  a  file  of  Mexican  cav- 
alry under  command  of  a  non-commissioned  officer,  arrived  and 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  157 

encamped  near  the  residence  of  Mrs.  Sarah  De  Witt,  widow  of 
Empresario  Green  De  Witt,  with  orders  from  the  political  chief 
of  the  department  of  Bexar,  and  Colonel  Ugartechea,  the  com- 
manding ofificer  at  San  Antonio,  demanding  of  the  alcalde, 
Andrew  Ponton,  Esq.,  the  highest  civil  officer  of  the  municipality 
of  Gonzales,  a  brass  six-pounder  field  piece  of  artillery,  which  had 
been  turned  over  to  Colonel  Green  De  Witt  for  the  protection  of 
his  colony.  The  people  at  once  assembled  and  promised  the 
alcalde  their  warm  support  should  he  decline  to  give  up  the  gun. 
Whereupon  he  addressed  a  note  to  the  political  chief,  at  San 
.Antonio,  that  he  could  not  comply  with  the  demand,  unless 
ordered  to  do  so  by  the  political  chief  of  the  department  of  the 
Brazos,  which  note  was  dispatched  to  San  Antonio  by  the  ser- 
geant, simultaneous  with  runners — Matthew  Caldwell  to  Bastroj) 

and to  Col.  J.  H.  ]\Ioore's  neighborhood,  lower  down 

on  the  Colorado,  calling  on  the  people  of  those  places  to  spread 
the  alarm  ;  and  to  send  immediately  as  many  armed  men  as  prac- 
ticable to  the  assistance  of  Gonzales.  A  company  was  at  once 
organized  by  electing  Albert  C.  Martin  captain  (graduate  of  Cap- 
tain Partridge's  military  school  in  Connecticut),  and  W.  W. 
.\rrington,  Charles  Mason,  and  Jesse  McCoy,  lieutenants,  with 
about  100  non-commissioned  (ifficcrs  and  privates,  from  60  down 
to  15  years  of  age.  About  tin-  third  day  circumstances  induced 
the  belief  that  reinforcements  would  be  sent  to  the  Mexicans,  so 
it  was  determined  to  endeavor  to  capture  the  squad  of  cavalry 
before  assistance  could  reach  them,  and  to  prevent  their  sending 
information  to  San  Antonio.  Consetjuently,  Lieutenants  .Erring- 
ton,  Mason  and  McCoy,  with  John  Martin  (known  better  as 
"Bitnose"  Martin")  crossed  the  river  and  proceeded  to  their  camp, 
near  Mrs.  De  Witt's  residence,  and  found  them  with  their  arms 
stacked  around  a  tree.  On  a  demand  to  surrender,  they  endeav- 
oured to  seize  their  arms,  but  JMartin  leveled  his  Kentucky  rifle, 
and  would,  had  he  not  been  prevented,  have  killed  the  foremost. 
.Efter  taking  possession  of  the  arms,  they  were  assured  that  no 
harm  was  intended ;  yet,  it  was  with  some  apparent  distrust  they 
surrendered.  One  being  sent  after  their  horses,  on  reaching 
them  mounted,  as  supposed  the  fleetest,  and  took  the  road  tf)  San 
Antonif)  at  half  speed,  the  others  were  taken  to  town  and  treated 
as  prisoners  of  war.  Knowing  the  soldier  who  had  been  sent  for 
the  horses  would  cause  reinforcements  to  be  sent.  Lieutenant 
Jesse  McCoy,  Graves,  Fulcher,  and  Littleton  Tomlinson,  were 
sent  as  spies  toward  San  .Antonio  to  kee])  a  look  out  and  give 
timely  information  and  prevent  surprise.  There  was  no  disap 
pointment.  In  about  four  days,  the  spies  returned  and  reported 
that  180  or  200  cavalry  (commanded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Arci- 
neago)  were  on  their  march  to  Gonzales.  At  this  time  there  were 
but  eighteen  men  in  Gonzales.  A  temporary  breastwork  was 
erected  iust  below  the  ferry,  and  the  boat  secreted  in  a  bavou 
above.  In  a  short  time  their  van  appeared,  hailed,  and  desired 
to  be  set   across  the  river,      The^•   wore  informed   th.nt  thev  could 


158  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

not  cross.  If  they  had  dispatches,  one  of  the  men  could  swim 
over  unmounted,  which  was  done.  The  dispatch,  on  being  read 
by  one  of  the  company,  was  found  to  contain  an  order  on  the 
alcalde  for  the  cannon,  and,  instructions  to  the  ofificer  who  bore 
it,  if  the  cannon  was  not  delivered  voluntarily  to  take  it  by  force. 
The  answer  to  this  was  'come  and  take  it.'  The  contents  of  this 
reply  being  communicated  to  the  officer,  Lieutenant  Castafieda. 
he  denied  having  orders  to  fight.  He  was  then  informed  that  the 
alcalde  was  out  of  town,  and  would  not  be  in  before  morning,  to 
cause  further  delay.  The  same  or  following  day.  Col.  J.  H. 
Moore,  of  Fayette,  Edward  Burleson,  and  Capt.  R.  M.  Coleman, 
and  J.  W.  E.  Wallace,  of  Columbus,  arrived  from  the  Colorado 
with  60  or  80  men,  which  increased  the  force  to  about  180  men 
and  boys.  During  the  delay  in  getting  assistance  from  the  Colo- 
rado and  Brazos,  our  spies.  Graves  and  Fulcher  and  an  Indian 
(Shawnee  or  Cherokee)  kept  Captain  Martin  informed  of  every 
movement  of  the  Mexicans.  The  Indian  swimming  the  river  at  night 
and  recrossing  (and  as  he  disappeared  on  the  arrival  of  assist- 
ance, no  doubt  but  he  was  employed  by  the  Mexicans). 

"At  this  time,  the  Mexicans  at  night  took  position  on  the 
mound,  and  during  the  day  near  the  timber  on  the  river. 

"The  number  of  men  now  required  a  reorganization.  An 
election  being  held,  J.  H.  Moore  was  chosen  colonel,  J.  W.  E. 
Wallace,  lieutenant-colonel,  and  Edward  Burleson,  major.  After 
several  feints  as  though  they  intended  to  cross  the  river,  ascer- 
taining our  number ;  for  the  purpose  of  greater  safety,  or  to 
await  reinforcements,  the  Mexican  commander  removed  his 
encampment  seven  miles  up  the  river  Guadalupe,  to  the  Williams 
place.  Colonels  Moore,  Wallace,  and  the  officers  were  very 
active  in  making  preparations  to  attack  them  at  that  point.  The 
field  piece  in  dispute  was  hastily  mounted  on  a  pair  of  cart  wheels 
procured  for  the  occasion  by  Valentine  Bennett,  afterwards  quar- 
termaster. Slugs  were  forged  for  the  gun,  and  lances  for  a  com- 
pany by  ,   who   labored   incessantly,   without   the 

expectation  of  paw  Every  preparation  that  could  be  made  being 
ready  at  8  o'clock  P.  M..  orders  were  given  to  cross  the  river,  and 
rendezvous  at  the  residence  of  Mrs.  De  Witt,  who  with  her 
family  had  removed  to  Gonzales  at  the  request  of  the  returning 
spies.  At  12  or  1  o'clock  the  whole  force  were  mustered  to  listen 
to  a  patriotic  address,  and  a  fervent  appeal  to  the  God  of  battles, 
in  its  behalf  and  for  its  success,  by  the  Reverend  Doctor  Smith, 
as  chaplain.  The  little  army,  full  of  hope  and  high  in  spirit,  took 
up  the  line  of  march,  through  a  dense  fog,  for  the  enemy's  camp: 
calculating  to  surprise  him.  but  was  prevented  by  the  continued 
barking  of  a  dog  that  had  followed,  causing  the  vanguard  to  be 
fired  upon  by  the  enemy's  picket-guard. 

"Orders  were  then  given  to  take  position  in  the  edge  of  the 
timbered  bottom  and  remain  until  daylight.  After  sunrise  the  fog 
was  still  so  thick  that  a  person  could  not  be  distinguished  100  vards. 
.About  the  time  f)rders  were  given  to  move,  the  sound  of  a  horse's 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  159 

feet  were  heard  approaching  at  fast  speed,  and  a  voice  calhng  out 
'Don't  shoot,  don't  shoot ! !'  which  turned  out  to  be  a  Doctor 
Smithers,  who  said  he  had  been  pressed  into  service  to  act  as  sur- 
geon to  the  command  at  San  Antonio,  with  orders  to  say  that  Lieu- 
tenant Castafieda  had  sent  him  to  inform  Colonel  Moore  that  he  had 
no  orders  to  tight.  A  council  was  held,  and  it  was  decided  that  the 
Mexicans  should  surrender  at  diseretio)i  or  fight ;  and,  Smithers  dis- 
patched to  communicate  the  fact  to  his  commander.  The  Mexican 
again  returned  Smithers  to  inform  Colonel  Moore  that  he  desired 
an  interview,  which  was  agreed  to.  The  fog  having  cleared  away, 
the  Mexican  cavalry  were  seen  posted  in  a  triangle  on  the  brow 
of  a  hill,  about  400  yards  distant,  with  their  bright  arms  glittering 
in  the  sun.  Colonel  Wallace,  taking  with  him  Lieutenant  Mason, 
proceeded  to  the  half  way  ground,  where,  after  some  moments,  he 
discovered  Lieutenant  Castafieda,  who  was  informed  by  Colonel 
Wallace  that  as  he  had  refused  t(j  surrender,  we  would  fire  upon  him 
as  soon  as  both  parties  reached  their  respective  commands ;  after 
which,  a  wave  of  the  colonel's  hand  caused  a  match  to  be  applied,  and 
the  Mexican  officer  and  his  command  received  the  first  shot  fired 
in  the  Texas  revolution  for  the  constitution  of  1824.  A  second 
round  found  them  about-faced,  making  a  precipitate  retreat  toward> 
San  Antonio.  It  is  but  just  to  say  that  mong  those  who  were 
engaged  actively  in  the  foregoing  drama  were  Governor  E.  M.  Pease, 
Vice  President  Edw.  Burleson,  Col.  Amasa  Turner,  afterwards  of 
the  regular  army,  Col.  J.  C.  Neill,  who  were  conspicuous  on  the  field 
of  San  Jacinto  on  the  20th  and  21st  April,  1836,  and  in  the  councils 
of  the  Republic  and  State  of  Texas,  and  many  who  at  this  late  day 
cannot  be  remembered." 
The  ladies,  always  patriotic,  rendered  every  aid  in  their  department 
to  forward  operations.  The  comi)any  flag,  made  and  presented  to  Cap- 
tain Martin's  Gonzales  com])any  by  them,  was  a  white  ground  with  a 
black  cannon  in  the  center,  and  the  motto  "Come  and  take  it !"  above 
and  below. 

The  news  of  the  defeat  reached  San  Antonio  on  the  4th  of  CJctober, 
when  Colonel  Ugartechea,  as  an  old  friend  of  Colonel  Austin,  addressed 
him  a  letter  in  which  he  reviewed  the  events  af  the  past  few  months, 
declared  that  the  government  had  nothing  but  the  most  benevolent  inten- 
tions toward  Texas,  and  attributed  to  the  land  speculators  the  alarming 
rumors  that  had  excited  the  people.  Hut  the  agitators  must  be  sur- 
rendered to  the  authorities,  and  the  cannon  must  be  returned  to  San 
.Antonio.  The  government  could  not  recede  from  its  demand  in  these 
two  particulars  without  loss  of  dignity.  He  had  ordered  Castafieda  to 
retire  from  Gonzales,  he  said,  in  order  to  await  an  answer  from  the 
political  chief  of  the  department  of  the  Brazos  to  the  request  for  the 
cannon.  The  colonists  in  arms  at  Gonzales  supposed  that  Castafieda  had 
retired  through  fear,  and  had  followed  and  attacked  him. 

"A  report  was  made  to  me  of  that  event,  and  that,  besides  the  citi- 
zens of  Gonzales,  300  men  from  San  Felipe  had  collected  and  as  I 
did  not  wi.sh  to  .see  his  small  force  compromitted,  I  ordered  it  to  with- 
draw, and  'ihall  march  tunmrrow.  with  the  knowledge  of  the  Com- 


160  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

mandant  General,  with  a  force  of  every  description  of  arms,  suffi- 
cient to  prove  that  the  Mexicans  can  never  suffer  themselves  to  be 
insulted. 

"There  are  in  the  colony  some  individuals  who.  like  yourself, 
know  me  to  be  frank  in  my  proceedings,  and  also  that  I  possess  the 
character  and  energy  characteristic  of  my  country.  I  may  therefore 
assure  you  that  if  you  make  use  of  your  influence  with  the  political 
chief  to  have  the  gun  delivered  up  to  me,  wherever  it  may  meet  me 
— from  that  spot  I  will  return  immediately  ;  if  it  is  not  delivered  I 
will  act  militarily,  and  the  consequences  will  be  a  war  declared  by 
the  colonists,  which  shall  be  maintained  by  the  Government  of  the 
Nation  with  corresponding  dignity.     *     *     * 

"I    am    convinced   of   your   good    sentiments    in    favor    of    your 
adopted  country,  notwithstanding  your  sufferings,  and  have  no  doubt 
that  in  favor  of  that  country  you  will  continue  to  make  fresh  sacri- 
fices and  co-operate  effectively  in  removing  the  evils  which  threaten, 
for  which  important  j)urpose  you  may  reckon  upon  me  for  the  use 
of  my  influence  with  the  Supreme  Government  and  with  the  Com- 
mandant General,  and  I  can  assure  you,  if  peace  should  be  sincerely 
established  and  unalterably  so,  the  introduction  of   troops  into  the 
departments  will  be  dispensed  with.     I  am  your  friend :  likewise  a 
friend  to  the  colonists ;  if  I  have  been  sometimes  obliged  to  fight 
with  them,  it  was  in  absolute  fulfillment  of  my  duty,  but  in  person- 
alities I  have  always  treated  them  as  a  gentleman  should,  both  before 
and   after  fighting  with  them.     I   have  observed  the   same   conduct 
with  as  manv  as  have  entered  into  this  city,  where  they  still  remain, 
notwithstanding  they  have  not  behaved  well  in  Gonzales  towards  the 
Mexicans." 
This  engagement  at  Gonzales  did  nuich  to  unite  the  people  and  end 
their  hesitation.     Resistance  had  now  become  an  accomplished  fact  and 
the  question  was  no  longer  debated.     The  volunteers  who  had  been  on 
the  march  to  intercept  Cos  at  Copano.  but  who  turned  aside  to  Gonzales 
when  they  heard  of  trouble  brewing  there,  persuaded  William  H.  Whar- 
ton, who  was  one  of  their  number,  to  return  to  Brazoria  and  take  advan- 
tage of  the  occasion  to  stimulate  the  excitement  of  the  people.     In  the 
performance  of  this  mission  Wharton  made  liberal  use  of  the  printing 
press  at  Brazoria.     On  October  3  he  issued  a  broadside  headed : 

Freemen  of   Texas 
To  .^rms  ! ! !     To  ./Xrms  ! ! ! 
Now's  the  day,  and  Now's  the  hour ! 
In  this  circular  he  included  a  letter  dated  "Camp  of  the  Volunteers, 
Fridav  night.    II    o'clock.  October  2.   18.35."  and  siened  bv   David   Ran- 
dom, William  J.  Rrvant.  J.  W.  Fannin.  Tr..  F.  T.  Wells.  George  .Suther- 
land. B.  T.  .A.rcher,'W.  D.  C.  Hall.  W.  H.  Jack.  William  T.  .Austin,  and 
P.  D.  McNeel.     It  was  addressed  to  their  "Fellow-citizens"  and  urged 
them  to  repair  in  all  haste  to  Gonzales  "armed  and  equipped  for  war 
even   to   the  knife."     To   this   Wharton   added   a   letter    from   John   H. 
Moore,  written  from  Gonzales  on  October   1  and  giving  conditions  there 
up   to   that   time.     The    circular    closed    witli    tin-    following    letter    from 
Wharton  himself: 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  161 

"Fellow-Citizens : 

"In  accordance  with  the  request  of  the  Volunteers,  I  proceed  to 
inform  you  that  I  parted  with  them  at  midnight,  on  Friday  last 
under  march  to  join  their  countrymen  at  (ionzales.  They  were  to 
a  man  in  excellent  health,  and  spirits.  It  is  now  ascertained  that 
Gen.  Cos  is  in  La  Bahia.  It  is  said  that  he  has  with  him  800  pair 
of  IRON  HOBRLFS  for  our  benefit.  If  Texas  will  turn  out 
promptly,  he  will  be  the  first  man  to  wear  a  pair  of  his  own  hobbles. 
In  the  language  of  the  caption  of  this  article  'now's  the  day  and 
now's  the  hour.'  Five  hundred  men  can  do  more  now  than  5,000 
six  months  hence.  San  .Antonio  can  be  .starved  into  a  surrender  in 
ten  days,  if  there  are  volunteers  enough  to  surround  the  town  and 
cut  off  their  supplies.  The  inhabitants  seldom  raise  enough  for  their 
own  consumption,  and  800  troops  being  thrown  upon  them,  has 
brought  the  place  to  the  door  of  starvation.  Bread  is  out  of  the 
question  with  them,  and  lhe\  have  no  hopes  of  obtaining  meat, 
except  eating  their  horses  or  pillaging  from  the  colonists.  The 
volunteers  are  determined  never  to  return  until  San  Antonio  ha> 
fallen  and  every  soldier  of  the  Central  Government  has  been  killed 
or  driven  out  of  Texas.  One  great  object  of  the  volunteers  is  to 
intercept  Cos  between  La  Bahia  and  San  .\ntonio.  .\fter  this,  if 
enough  of  our  countrymen  assemble,  they  will  take  San  Antonio  by 
storm— if  not  they  will  surround  the  place — cut  off  their  supplies 
and  starve  them  into  a  surrender.  Let  all  who  can  turn  out,  and 
that  immediately — Let  no  one  say  that  bu.siness  detains  him  ;  for 
what  business  can  be  so  important  as  to  crush  the  enemy  at  once, 
and  thereby  put  an  end  forever,  or  at  least  for  some  time  to  come 
to  this  unholy  attempt  to  bring  us  under  the  yoke  of  Military  Des- 
potism, or  to  expel  us  from  the  country.  If  St.  Antonio  is  not 
taken,  it  will  be  a  rallying  jxiini  where  they  will  in  a  few  months  con- 
centrate thousands  of  troojjs.  If  it  is  taken  they  will  have  no  foot- 
hold among  us,  and  the  power  of  the  nation  cannot  re-establish  one. 
I'Vllow-citizens :  there  are  many  fighting  our  battles  more  from  sym- 
pathy, and  from  a  detestation  of  opjiression  than  from  any  great 
pecuniary  interest  they  have  in  the  country.  These  generous  indi- 
viduals should  be  sustained  and  encouraged  in  their  magnanimous 
efforts  to  render  us  a  service.  .Arrangements  are  making  in  Bra- 
zoria and  Matagorda  to  send  them  sui)i>lies  of  Provisions  and  Am- 
munition, etc.  Columbia  and  San  Felipe  ought  to,  and  I  have  nf) 
doubt  will  do  the  same.  If  sub.scription  papers  are  started,  the 
people  will  liberally  contribute.  Let  me  again  implore  you  to  turn 
out  promptly  and  universally  and  repair  to  Gonzales.  In  this  case 
we  will  con(|uer,  and  that  suddenlv.  Ours  is  no  rebellious  or  revo- 
lutionary or  voluntary  warfare.  It  has  been  forced  upon  us.  Jus- 
tice, liberty,  the  constitution,  and  the  god  of  battles  are  on  our  side, 
and  the  proud  and  im|ierious  Dictator,  Santa  .Anna,  will  be  made  to 
feel  and  know  from  blood  bought  experience  that  a  people  who  have 
adopted  the  motto  of  their  ancestors,  'Liberty  or  Death,'  will  crush 
and  laugh  to  scorn  his  tyrannic  attempt  to  enslave  them.  This 
campaign  will  but  little  interfere  with  the  Consultation  which  i-  trul> 


\iit..  I    n 


162  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

indispensable  to  us  at  present.  If  the  war  is  over  tliey  will  assemble 
at  the  place  appointed ;  if  not,  let  the  members  equip  themselves  for 
battle,  repair  to  the  camp  and  in  a  short  time  they  may  enjoy  the 
proud  satisfaction  of  holding  the  Consultation  within  the  walls  of 
San  Antonio.  I  will  leave  Brazoria  for  the  camp  at  Gonzales  on 
to-morrow  and  would  be  glad  that  as  many  as  could  equip  themselves 
hv  that  time  would  bear  me  company.  Those  who  cannot  be  ready 
to-morrow  should  continue  to  prepare.  Their  services  will  be  valu- 
able, if  they  can  join  us  even  ten  or  fifteen  days  hence.  I  feel  every 
confidence  that  there  will  be  within  a  few  days  upward  of  800 
American  Volunteers  at  Gonzales. 

"Wm.  H.  Wharton." 
"Brazoria,  October  3,  1835." 

At  the  same  time  Austin,  likewise,  was  using  the  Gonzales  aflfair  to 
effect  organization.  He  dispatched  Mosely  Baker  and  F.  W.  Johnson 
to  East  Texas  to  urge  the  volunteers  of  that  section  to  march  westward, 
and  addressed  a  stirring  circular  to  the  committee  of  Nacogdoches : 

"San  Felipe  de  Austin,  October  4.  1835. 

"War  is  declared  against  militarv  despotism.  Public  opinion  has 
proclaimed  it  with  one  imited  voice.  The  campaign  has  opened. 
The  military  at  Bexar  has  advanced  upon  Gonzales.  General  Cos 
has  arrived  and  threatens  to  overrun  the  country. 

"But  one  spirit,  one  common  purpose,  animates  every  one  in  this 
department,  which  is  to  take  Bexar,  and  drive  all  the  military  out 
of  Texas  before  the  campaign  closes. 

"There  are  about  300  volunteers  at  Gonzales  at  this  time,  and 
there  will  be  upwards  of  500  in  a  few  days. 

"It  is  confidently  believed  in  this  quarter,  that  the  people  of  the 
department  of  Nacogdoches  will  turn  out,  and  join  the  Army  of  the 
People  now  in  the  field,  and  facing  the  enemy. 

"Arms  and  ammunition  are  needed :  we  have  more  men  than 
guns.  Could  not  some  muskets  be  procured  from  the  other  side  of 
the  Sabine?  *  *  *  A  few  wagon  loads  of  muskets  and  fixed 
ammunition  would  be  of  the  utmost  service  at  this  time.  Could  not 
volunteers  also  be  had  from  the  United  States?  *  ♦  ♦  Those 
who  now  step  forward,  may  confidently  expect  that  Texas  will 
reward  their  services. 

"That  distinguished  and  virtuous  patriot,  Don  Lorenzo  de  Zavala, 
*  *  *  has  just  arrived  from  his  residence  on  San  Jacinto,  and 
is  now  here,  at  the  house  of  the  chairman  of  this  committee,  *  *  * 
He  also  approves  very  much  of  the  position  they  have  taken  against 
militarv  despotism,  and  of  the  circular  of  this  committee  of  the 
19th  uit. 

"This  committee  relies  on  you  to  forward  copies  of  this  com- 
munication to  San  Augustine  and  the  other  committees  in  that  quar- 
ter, and  also  to  send  the  enclosed  papers  (circulars  of  this  committee, 
of  the  19th  ult.  and  3d  inst.  and  public  proceedings  of  other  com- 
mittees)   to   .some   ]>rinter   in   the  United    States    for   jniblication,    in 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  163 

order  that  the  public  may  be  generally  informed  of  the  present  state 
of  affairs  in  Texas. 

"An  express  has  been  sent  to  San  Jacinto  and  Trinity.  It  would, 
however,  be  important  for  that  committee  to  communicate  with  the 
people  of  Trinity,  and  of  Bevil's  settlement,  as  it  inspires  confidence 
to  know  that  the  whole  country  is  acting  in  union,  and  with  one  and 
the  same  spirit  and  purpose.  This,  as  I  before  observed,  is  to  take 
Bexar,  and  drive  the  military  out  of  Texas  before  the  campaign 
closes. 

"Respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"S.  F.  Austin,  Chairman  of  the  .Coynmittec." 

.\s  a  temporary  head  was  required  to  give  direction  to  these  hasty 
measures  and  movements,  the  Central  Committee  at  San  Felipe  proposed 
that  one  member  from  each  committee  of  safety  should  be  appointed  to 
repair  to  San  Felipe  de  Austin  without  delay,  and  form  a  permanent 
council.  The  proposition  was  accepted,  and  a  council  organized,  of 
which  R.  R.  Royal  was  elected  president.  This  plan  was  suggested  to 
the  committee  by  Colonel  Austin,  who  was  regarded  as  a  natural  chief 
and  who  was  looked  to  for  orders  and  advice. 

We  will  now  return  to  the  Texas  army  at  Gonzales.  There  were 
several  aspirants  for  the  command  of  the  army,  but  they  were  unsolicited. 
Austin  was  requested  to  repair  to  Gonzales.  On  his  arrival  at  that  place, 
he  was  elected  commander-in-chief  ;  Edward  Burleson  was  elected  colonel 
of  the  first  regiment. 

Before  Colonel  .\ustin  arrived  at  Gonzales,  it  had  been  determined 
by  the  volunteers  to  capture  Bexar  and  Goliad.  On  the  12th  of  October, 
the  army  took  up  the  line  of  march  for  Bexar,  crossed  the  Guadalupe 
River  and  encamped  on  its  west  bank.  Before  leaving  Gonzales,  how- 
ever, it  was  decided  by  a  public  meeting  in  that  place  to  request  the  Con- 
sultation to  adjourn  until  the  1st  of  November,  as  there  were  many  of 
the  members-elect  in  the  army,  and  the  others  were  at  that  time  invited 
by  General  Austin  to  join  the  army  and  assist  in  taking  Bexar. 

A  detachment  of  100  men  had  been  sent  to  Victoria  under  the  com- 
mand of  Major  Ben.  F.  Smith  and  Captain  .Mley. 

In  the  meantime  Capt.  George  CoUinsworth,  with  some  forty  or  fifty 
of  the  citizens  of  Caney  and  Matagorda  marched  upon  Goliad.  The 
advance  reached  the  San  .Antonio  River  at  a  late  hour  of  the  night  on  the 
9th  of  October.  Scouts  were  sent  forward  to  reconnoiter ;  the  others 
halted  and  waited  the  arrival  of  the  main  force.  The  scouts,  on  their 
return,  found  Col.  Benjamin  R.  Milam,  who  escaped  from  Monterey, 
where  he  had  been  held  a  prisoner  since  his  arrest  with  Governor  Viesca. 
Having  jjarticipated  in  the  war  of  Mexican  independence  he  had 
acquaintances  and  friends  in  Monterey.  He  was  allowed  by  his  guards 
to  go  to  the  river  and  bathe  whenever  he  chose  to  do  so.  He  prepared 
to  escape ;  his  friends  assisting  and  furnishing  him  with  provisions. 
When  his  arrangements  were  completed,  on  a  dark  night,  he  escaped  his 
guards,  and  made  his  way,  by  unfrequented  paths,  to  the  Rio  Grande. 
He  traveled  day  and  night  until  he  crossed  the  San  .Antonio  River  in  the 
neighborhood  of   Goliad.     Greatlv    worn   down    from   loss  of   sleep   and 


164  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

fatigue,  he  threw  liimself  down  in  a  nicsq^iiie  thici<et  among  the  high 
grass  to  rest  his  weary  limbs.  While  thus  reposing,  he  was  aroused  by 
the  tramp  of  approaching  horses.  He  at  once  prepared  to  defend  him- 
self, supposing  those  approaching  to  be  his  enemies,  and  determined  to 
surrender  his  liberty  with  his  life.  However,  his  surprise  was  turned  to 
joy  when  he  recognized  the  approaching  party  by  their  language  to  be 
not  Mexicans,  but  his  own  countrymen.  The  meeting  was  alike  gratify- 
ing to  all.  The  scouts  explained  their  business  and  invited  the  colonel 
to  join  them,  which  he  did  cheerfully.  They  returned  to  the  main  body, 
and  with  guides.  Milam  one  of  them,  they  proceeded  on  their  march. 
The  little  partv  was  divided,  one  division  being  led  by  Milam,  and  entered 
("loliad  at  different  points.  On  entering  the  town,  they  first  attacked  the 
([uarters  of  the  commatidant.  Lieutenant-Colonel  .'-landoval.  The  sen- 
tinel fired  on  them,  and  immediately  afterward  was  down,  the  door  of 
the  commandant's  quarters  was  then  broken  down  with  axes,  and  he 
surrendered.  The  surprise  was  complete,  and  the  body  of  the  garrison 
in  the  fort  on  being  ordered  to  surrender  did  so  without  the  firing  of  a 
gun.  In  addition  to  the  sentinel  who  was  shot,  three  of  the  Mexican 
soldiers  were  wounded.  The  Texans  had  one  man  slightly  wounded. 
Tw-enty-five  Mexicans  were  made  prisoners,  the  balance  having  escaped 
in  the  darkness  of  the  night. 

This  brilliant  little  affair  resulted  in  the  capture  of  military  >tores  of 
a  value  estimated  at  $10,000.  together  with  several  pieces  of  cannon  and 
300  stand  of  small  arms,  which  were  greatly  needed  by  the  Texans.  The 
capture  of  Goliad  also  cut  the  communication  with  Copano.  the  nearest 
port  through  which  General  Cos  received  supplies  and  reinforcements. 

A  laconic  report  of  this  affair  written  bv  Captain  Collinsworth  at  8 
o'clock  of  the  morning  after  reads  as  follows: 

"I   arrived   here   last   night  at    11    o'clock  and   marched   into  the 
fort  by  forcing  tlie  church  dof)rs.  and  after  a  small  fight  they  sur- 
rendered, with  three  officers  and  twenty-one  •soldiers,  together  with 
three  wounded  and  one  killed.     I  had  one  of  my  men  wounded  in 
the  shoulder.     Thev  have  dispatched  couriers  for  troops  to  several 
points,  and  expect  I  shall  need  your  aid  :  there  are  plenty  of  ])ublic 
horses  near  here,  but  I  have  not  sufficient   force  to  send  after  them 
and  protect  myself.     Come  as  speedily  as  jiossiblc." 
A  somewhat   fuller  account,  written  on  the   11th   bv   Ira   Ingram   to 
the  Matagorda  committee  of  safety,  was  published  in  the  Texas  Repub- 
lican of  October  24.     He  says : 

"We  mustered  at  Captain  Hatche's  on  the  evening  of  the  6th  inst.. 
and  elected  G.  M.  Collinsworth  Captain.  I.  W.  Moore  First,  and 
I").  C.  Collinsworth  .Second  Lieutenant.  On  the  7tb  we  proceeded 
to  Guadalupe  \''ictoria.  were  cordiallv  received,  and  there  rested  until 
the  9th.  We  were  fift\-two  strong,  at  12  we  had  effected  a  crossing 
of  the  Guadalupe,  and  taken  up  the  line  of  march  for  this  place. 
We  reached  the  crossing  of  the  San  .Antonio  River,  one  mile  below 
the  town,  about  10  at  night,  sent  a  deputation  of  Juan  Antonio 
Padilla  (who  had  joined  us  a  little  this  side  of  La  Vaca)  Benj.  R. 
Milam  (whom  we  found  encamped  on  the  east  bank  of  the  San 
-Antonio")    P.    Dimmit    and    Doctor    F.rwin    to   demand    of   the   civil 


HISTORY  UF  TEXAS  165 

authorities  a  surrender  of  the  town.  Abuul  11  Doctor  Erwin  re- 
turned, and  informed  us  that  we  had  to  fight.  We  then  proceeded 
along  the  bank  of  the  river,  until  we  came  between  this  and  the 
quartel.  The  plan  of  attack  was  here  communicated  and  the  force 
disposed  of  accordingly.  The  plan  was  executed  with  utmost  suc- 
cess. All  conducted  well.  It  would  be  extraordinary  indeed  if 
among  fifty  odd  men,  nearly  all  untried,  tliere  should  not  be  some 
dilTerence  of  conduct  in  a  first  engagement.  The  attack  was  made 
by  storm,  and  in  thirty  minutes  the  quartel  was  ours. 

"Captain  Collinsworth  merits  the  highest  jiraise — the  other  officers 
merit  also  the  confidence  of  every  man.  The  fruits  of  this  enter- 
prise are  twenty-one  prisoner.s — four  officers,  one  colonel  conuuand- 
ant.  one  captain,  two  lieutenants — and  nineteen  privates:  a  consid 
erable  quantity  of  arm.s — two  brass  field  pieces.  150  or  200  stand  of 
muskets,  and  a  small  quantity  of  ammunition,  how  nuich,  we  do  not 
exactly  know,  enough  however  to  defend  this  ])lace  with,  against 
the  force  of  Cos  and  Ugartechea. 

"We  are  informed  that  there  are  several  hundred  horses  in  the 
public  cavayard  both  below  and  above  on  the  river ;  but  as  yet.  or 
till  12  to-day,  our  force  has  been  too  small  to  detach  a  suflkient 
number  of  men  to  reconnoitre  and  l)ring  theiu  in.  Between  12  and 
1  o'clock,  Alley  and  R.  Smith,  arrived  with  111  men.  and  .since  1 
commenced  this  page.  Ca])tain  Westover  from  the  mission  on  the 
Nueces  arrived  with  fifteen  men.  so  that  we  now  have  180  in  all. 
Smith  and  Alley  inform  us  that  there  was  300  at  Gonzales  when 
they  left — and  they  say  the  force  is  no  doubt  augmented  there  by 
this  time  to  400 — we  are  now  in  readiness  for  active  and  combined 
operations.  Twent\-  days  will  be  apt  to  close  the  military  career  of 
Cos  in  Texas. 

"To  return  to  the  action  of  ilu-  ''th  here,  the  enemy  report  three 
killed  -seven  wounded — we  have  one  wounded,  but  badly — he  will, 
however,  probably  recover.  He  is  wounded  in  the  slioulder — his 
name  is  \icCullough  from  the  La  Vaca. 

"The  colonel  con^mandant.  ciptain,  and  first  lieutenant  were  dis- 
patched yesterday,  under  a  strong  guard,  to  San  Felipe;  the  other 
officer  and  lieutenant  are  among  the  wounded.  Tlie  other  jiersons 
are  not  yet  disposed  of. 

"It  is  but  justifiable  to  notice  ])articularly.  for  reasons  well  under- 
stood, the  part  taken  and  acted  in  the  cajjture  of  these  works,  by  1'. 
Dimmit.  During  the  action,  no  man  could  have  behaved  belter  oi- 
more  bravely:  and  since  his  usefulness  has  been  obvious  to  every 
man  present. 

"So  .short  a  time  has  elapsed  since  the  arrival  of  Alley.  Smith  and 
Westover,  that  no  plan  is  yet  formed  for  the  government  of  our 
future  movements.  Of  one  thing,  however,  1  feel  at  liberty  to  assure 
you  :  that  we  shall  act.  and  that  ([uickly.  l-'xpresses  are  exjjected 
tonight ;  these  will  decide  our  arrangements. 

"Colonel  Milam,  who  is  direct  from  Monclova,  informs  us.  thai 
Zacatecas  is  u])  and  arming,  resolved  on  one  niore  desperate  struggle 


166  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

for  her  rights.     All  here  are  in  good  spirits  and  think   themselves 
enough  to  make  short  work  of  the  balance  of  our  undertaking." 

Goliad  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Texans  from  this  time  until 
March,  1836,  when  it  was  abandoned  by  Colonel  Fannin.  The  supplies 
captured  here  were  of  great  value  to  the  volunteers  during  the  early  part 
of  the  campaign  of  1835. 

General  Austin,  with  the  main  army,  took  up  the  line  of  march  west- 
ward, and  halted  at  Salado,  where  he  took  up  a  strong  position,  to  await 
reinforcements — his  force  at  the  time  not  exceeding  ,^00  men.  While 
here  the  Texans  had  several  skirmishes  with  Cos's  troops,  in  all  of  which 
the  latter  were  worsted.  A  number  of  the  members-elect  of  the  con- 
sultation joind  the  army  at  this  place.  A  number  of  troops  also,  from 
East  Texas  joined  the  army.  Austin,  impatient  of  longer  delay,  pre- 
pared to  move.  However,  before  doing  so,  the  question  of  whether  the 
members  of  the  consultation  should  remain  with  the  army  or  return  to 
San  Felipe  de  Austin  and  organize  a  provisional  government  was  sub- 
mitted to  a  vote  of  the  army  and  it  was  decided  almost  unanimously  that 
they  should  return  and  organize  a  provisional  government  for  Texas.  It 
had  become  apparent  that  Bexar  could  not  be  taken  by  assault  without  a 
great  sacrifice  of  life ;  for  since  the  capture  of  Goliad,  Cos,  who  had 
arrived  on  October  9,  had  lost  no  time  in  strengthening  and  fortifying 
the  town  preparatory  to  a  siege.  He  had  refused  to  receive  a  flag  from 
General  Austin,  notifying  him  that  if  a  flag  was  sent  he  would  fire  on  it. 

The  army  left  Salado  and  marched  to  Mission  Espada  on  the  San 
Antonio  River,  some  eight  or  ten  miles  below  San  Antonio  de  Bexar. 
General  Austin,  desiring  a  position  nearer  the  town,  dispatched  two  com- 
panies commanded  by  Capt.  James  W.  Fannin.  Jr.  and  Andrew  Briscoe, 
all  subject  to  the  orders  of  Col.  James  Bowie  with  orders  to  examine 
the  missions  above  and  select  a  good  position  for  an  encampment.  On 
the  27th  of  October,  in  compliance  with  their  orders  they  set  out,  and 
after  examining  the  missions  San  Juan  and  San  Jose  they  proceeded  to 
Mission  La  Purissima  Concepcion,  where  they  selected  a  spot  some  500 
yards  above  the  mission,  in  a  bend  of  the  river.  In  front,  there  was  an 
almost  level  prairie  with  a  few  mesquite  trees,  which  extended  into  the 
bend.  The  bend,  which  was  skirted  with  timber,  fonned  two  sides  of  a 
triangle  of  nearly  equal  extent.  Within  the  bend  there  was  a  bottom 
50  or  100  yards  wide  and  from  six  to  ten  feet  below  the  plain  in  front, 
with  an  almost  perpendicular  bluff.  The  command  was  posted  along  the 
skirt  of  timbers  on  either  side  of  the  triangle.  It  was  naturallv  a  strong 
position,  the  timber  and  river  being  in  the  rear,  with  the  bluff  a  natural 
parapet,  to  fall  behind.  Here  the  detachment  lay  on  their  arms  all  night, 
having  first  put  out  a  picket  guard.  .•Ml  passed  oflf  quietly  during  the 
night,  but  in  taking  a  position  and  remaining  there  all  night,  the  detach- 
ment acted  contrary  to  instructions,  as  will  be  seen  bv  the  following 
order : 

"Headquarters,  Mission  Espada,  October  27,  1835. 
"Col.  James  Bowie,  Volunteer  Aid  : 
"You  will   proceed   with  the   first   division  of   Captain    Fannin's 

company  and  others  attached  to  that  division  and  select  the  best  and 

most  secure  position  that  can  be  had  on  the  river,  as  near  Bexar  as 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  167 

practicable,  to  encamp  the  army  to-night — keeping  in  view  in  the 
selection  of  this  position  pasturage  and  the  security  of  the  horses 
and  the  army  from,  night  attacks  of  the  enemy. 

"You  will  also  reconnoitcr.  so  far  as  time  and  circumstances  will 
permit,  the  situation  of  the  outskirts  of  the  town  and  the  approaches 
to  it,  whether  the  houses  have  been  destroyed  on  the  outside,  so  as 
to  leave  every  approach  exposed  to  the  raking  of  cannon. 

"You  will  make  your  report  with  as  little  dcla\  as  possible,  SO  AS 
TO  GIVE  TIME  TO  THE  ARMY  TO  MARCH  AND  TAKE 
UP  ITS  POSITION  BEFORE  NIGHT.  Should  you  be  attacked 
by  a  large   force,  send  expresses  immediately  with  the  particulars. 

"S.  F.  Austin. 

"By  Order,  P.  VV.    Gray.son,  Aidc-de-Camp." 
While  they  were  in  this  position,  on  the  morning  of  the  28th,  a  des- 
perate engagement  was  fought  with  a  detachment  of  the  Mexican  force 
from  Bexar.     It  is  fully  described  in  the  official  report  to  General  Austin, 
which  follows  : 

"Dear  Sir:  In  conformity  with  your  order  of  the  27th  inst.,  we 
proceeded  with  the  division  composed  of  ninety-two  men,  rank  and 
file,  under  our  joint  command,  to  examine  the  Missions  above 
Espada,  and  select  the  most  eligible  situation  near  Bejar,  for  the 
encampment  of  the  main  army  of  Texas.  After  carefully  examin- 
ing that  of  San  Jose  (having  previously  visited  San  Juan)  we 
marched  to  that  of  Concepcion,  and  selected  our  ground  in  a  bend 
of  the  river  San  Antonio,  within  about  500  yards  of  the  old  Mission 
Concepcion.  The  face  of  the  plain  in  our  front  was  nearly  level, 
and  the  timbered  land  adjoining  it  formed  two  sides  of  a  triangle, 
both  of  which  were  as  nearly  equal  as  possible ;  and,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  two  places,  a  considerable  blufT  of  from  six  to  ten  feet 
sudden  fall  in  our  rear,  and  a  bottom  of  50  to  100  yards  to  the  river. 

"We  divided  the  command  into  divisions,  and  occupied  each  one 
side  of  the  triangle,  for  the  encampment  on  the  night  of  the  27th, 
Captain  Fannin's  company  being  under  cover  of  the  south  side, 
forming  the  first  division,  and  Captains  Coleman,  Goheen,  and  Ben- 
net's  companies,  ( making  in  all  only  forty-one,  rank  and  file )  oc- 
cupied the  north  side,  under  the  immediate  command  of  myself, 
(James  Bowie,  as  aide-de-camp). 

"Thus  the  men  were  posted,  and  lay  on  their  arms  during  the 
night  of  the  27th,  having  out  strong  picket  guards,  and  one  of  seven 
men  in  the  cupola  of  the  mission  house,  which  overlooked  the  whole 
country,  the  horses  being  all  tied  up. 

"The  night  passed  quietly  off,  without  the  least  alarm,  and  at 
dawn  of  day.  every  object  was  obscured  by  a  heavy,  dense  fog.  which 
entirely  prevented  our  guard,  or  lookout  from  the  mission,  seeing 
the  approach  of  the  enemy. 

"At  about  half  an  hour  by  sun.  an  advance  guard  of  their  cavalry 
rode  upon  our  line,  and  fired  at  a  sentinel  who  had  just  been  relieved, 
who  returned  the  fire,  and  caused  one  platoon  to  retire ;  but  another 
charged  on  him  (Henry  Karnes  1.  and  he  discharged  a  pistol  at  them, 
which  had  the  same  etTect. 


168  HlS•K)k^    OF    TEXAS 

"The  men  were  called  to  arms ;  but  were  for  some  time  unable 
to  discover  their  foes,  who  had  entirely  surrounded  the  position,  and 
kept  up  a  constant  firing,  at  a  distance,  with  no  other  efifect  than  a 
waste  of  ammunition  on  their  part.  When  the  fog  rose,  it  was 
apparent  to  all  that  we  are  surrounded,  and  a  desperate  fight  was 
inevitable,  all  communications  with  the  main  army  being  cut  off. 
Immediate  preparation  was  made,  by  extending  our  right  flank  (first 
division)  to  the  South,  and  placing  the  second  division  on  the  left, 
on  the  same  side,  so  that  they  might  be  enabled  to  rake  the  enemy's, 
should  they  charge  into  the  angle,  and  prevent  the  effects 
of  a  cross-fire  of  our  own  men ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  be  in  a  com- 
pact body,  contiguous  to  each  other,  that  either  might  reinforce  the 
other,  at  the  shortest  notice,  without  crossing  the  angle,  in  an  ex- 
posed and  uncovered  ground,  where  certain  loss  must  have  resulted. 
The  men,  in  the  meantime,  were  ordered  to  clear  away  bushes  and 
vines,  under  the  hill  and  along  the  margin,  and  at  the  steepest  places 
to  cut  steps  for  foot-holds,  in  order  to  afford  them  space  to  form 
and  pass,  and  at  suitable  places  ascend  the  bluff',  discharge  their 
rifles,  and  fall  back  to  re-load.  The  work  was  not  completed  to  our 
wish,  before  the  infantry  were  seen  to  advance,  with  arms  trailed, 
to  the  right  of  the  first  division,  and  form  the  line  of  battle  at  about 
2(X)  yards  distance  from  the  right  flank.  Five  companies  of  their 
cavalry  supported  them,  covering  our  whole  front  and  flanks.  Their 
infantry  was  also  supported  by  a  large  force  of  cavalry. 

"In  this  manner,  the  engagement  commenced  at  about  the  hour  of 
8  o'clock  A.  M.,  on  \\'ednesday.  28th  of  October,  by  the  deadly  crack 
of  a  rifle  from  the  extreme  right.  The  engagement  was  immediately 
general.  The  discharge  from  the  enemy  was  one  continued  blaze  of 
fire,  whilst  that  from  our  lines,  was  more  slowly  delivered,  but  with 
good  aim  and  deadly  effect,  each  man  retiring  under  cover  of  the  hill 
and  timber,  to  give  place  to  others,  whilst  he  re-loaded.  The  battle 
had  not  lasted  more  than  ten  minutes,  before  a  brass  double-fortified 
four-pounder  was  opened  on  our  line  with  a  heavy  discharge  of 
grape  and  canister,  at  the  distance  of  about  eighty  yards  from  the 
right  flank  of  the  first  division,  and  a  charge  sounded.  But  the  can- 
non was  cleared,  as  if  by  magic,  and  a  check  put  to  the  charge.  The 
same  experiment  was  resorted  to,  with  like  success,  three  times,  the 
division  advancing  under  the  hill  at  each  fire,  and  thus  approximat- 
ing near  the  cannon  and  victory.  'The  cannon  and  victory'  was  truly 
the  war-cry,  and  they  only  fired  it  five  times,  and  it  had  been  three 
times  cleared,  and  their  charge  as  often  broken,  before  a  disorderly 
and  precipitate  retreat  was  sounded,  and  most  readily  obeyed,  leav- 
ing to  the  victors  their  cannon.  Thus  a  small  detachment  of  ninety- 
two  men  gained  a  most  decisive  victory  over  the  main  army  of  the 
central  government,  being  at  least  four  to  one,  with  only  the  loss  of 
one  brave  soldier  (Richard  Andrews),  and  none  wounded;  whilst 
the  enemy  suffered  in  killed  and  wounded  near  100,  from  the  best 
information  we  can  obtain,  which  is  entitled  to  credit ;  say  sixty- 
seven  killed,  among  them  many  promising  officers.  Not  one  man  of 
the  artillery  company  escaped  unhurt. 


HISTORY  Ol'"  TEXAS  169 

"Xo  invidious  distinction  can  be  drawn  l(i'l\vi.en  any  officer  or 
private,  on  tliis  occasion.  Every  man  was  a  soldier,  and  did  his 
duty,  agreeable  to  the  situation  and  circumstances  under  which  he 
was  placed. 

"It  may  not  be  amiss  here  to  .say,  thai  near  the  close  of  the 
engagement  another  heavy  piece  of  artillery  was  brought  up,  and  tired 
thrice,  but  at  a  distance  ;  and  by  a  reinforcement  of  another  com- 
pany of  cavalry,  aided  by  six  mules,  ready  harnessed,  they  got  it  od. 
The  main  army  reached  us  in  about  one  hour  after  the  enemy's 
retreat.  Had  it  been  possible  to  communicate  with  you,  and  [to 
have)  i)r()ugiu  you  up  earlier,  the  victory  would  have  been  decisive, 
anil  Bexar  ours  before  12  o'clock. 

"With  sentiments  of  high  consideration,  we  subscribe  ourselves, 
Yours,   most   respectfully, 

"J.\.MEs  Bowie,  Aidc-dc-Coiiip. 

"J.  \V.  Fannin,  Coiiuiniiniaiit,  first  Division. 

"General  S.  F.  Austin." 

The  following  commimication  by  Major  Moses  Austin  Bryan  affords 
a  good  reason  why  the  main  army  did  not  reach  Concepcion  in  time  to 
participate   in   the   battle   of   the   28th   October.      He   also   mentions   the 
name  of  Captain  Andrew  Briscoe,  who  commanded  one  of  the  two  com- 
panies detailed,     (icneral  Austin  made  the  order  to  Colonel  Bowie,  but 
only  mentions  Captain  Fannin.     In  the  report  of  the  battle  by  Bowie  and 
Fannin  Captains  Coleman,  ( Joheen,  and  Bennett  were  mentioned.     These 
gentlemen  may  have  had  a  small  squad  of  men,  each,  but  not  a  company  : 
for  subsequent  to  the  battle,  the  squads  of  Coleman  and  Goheen  united, 
and  elected  Coleman  to  the  command  of  the  company  thus  formed. 
With  this  explanation,  we  subjoin  Mayor  Bryan's  communication : 
"On  the  morning  of  the  27th  of  October  1835  the  'Army  of  the 
people'  was  camped  at  the  Mission  dc  F.spada  about  nine  miles  below 
.San  Antonio  and  General  Stephen   1'".  Austin,  wi.shing  to  occupy  a 
position  as  near  the  town  as  j)0ssible,  ordered  Colonel  James  Bowie 
(a  volunteer  Aid)  to  take  the  companies  of  Captain  James  W.  Fannin 
(The  Brazos  Guards)  and  the  Harrist)urg  company.  Captain  Andrew 
Briscoe,  and  .select  a  suitable  camp  and  report  that  afternoon  at  camp 
with  his  two  companies.     About  9  o'clock  at  night  D.  B.  Macomb 
(  Assistant  Adjutant  Cieneral )  who  went  with  Colonel  Bowie  returned 
to  camp  and  reported  that  a  position  had  been  selected  about  ly^  miles 
bel(jvv  San  .Antonio  on  the  river  and  that  Colonel  Bowie,  Captain  Fan- 
nin and  Cajitain  Briscoe  considered  the  position  so  strong,  that  they 
b;id  concluded  not  to  retiuii  to  j-.^pada.  but  would  await  the  arrival 
of  the  army  in  their  camp.     <  leneral  .\ustin  was  very  much  worried, 
as  he  believed  the  small  jjarty  of  ninety-two  men  would  be  attacked 
next  morning  by  daylight  and  he  ordered  his  adjutant  General  War- 
ren D.  C.   Hall  and  his  aide-de-cani])  William  T.  Austin  to  go  and 
>ee  all  the  officers  of  the  ,irmy  and  notify  them  that  the  army  must 
be   ready   to   march   at   daylight    the   next    morning,   as   he    felt    sure 
General  Cos  would  attack  Bowie,  h^annin,  and  Briscoe.    The  General 
was  in  feeble  health  and  the  anxiety  he  felt  for  the  detachment  kept 


170  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

him  from  sleeping  that  night.  At  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the 
28  October  it  was  reported  to  the  General  that  the  company  from 
Eastern  Texas  which  was  the  camp  guard  had  marched  off  and  it 
was  reported  that  General  Sam  Houston  with  three  or  four  other 
delegates  to  the  consultation  had  left  before  daylight  for  San  Felipe 
de  Austin  where  the  consultation  had  been  called  to  meet  on  the 
15th  of  October.  The  General  ordered  that  two  companies  be  sent 
immediately  after  the  deserting  company.  The  army,  all  ready  to 
march,  was  detained  I  think  two  hours  waiting  the  return  of  the 
two  companies  with  the  deserting  company.  The  two  companies 
returned  without  the  deserters  and  the  army  took  up  the  line  of 
march  for  the  Mission  Concepcion,  near  which  was  the  camp  ground 
selected  by  Colonel  Bowie.  When  the  main  army  arrived  at  the 
camp  the  Mexican  soldiers  who  attacked  Bowie,  F^annin  and  Briscoe 
were  in  sight  retreating  into  San  Antonio.  As  the  General  rode  up 
Bowie,  Fannin,  and  Briscoe  came  out  and  met  him  and  he  told  them 
he  wished  to  follow  the  Mexicans  into  town  immediately.  They  pro- 
tested that  the  place  was  too  strongly  fortified,  etc.  The  General  dis- 
mounted and  the  army  hahed  at  the  new  camp,  and  as  soon  as  the 
General's  tent  was  pitched  he  called  a  council  of  war.  and  advised 
following  the  defeated  Mexicans  into  San  Antonio.  A  majority  of 
the  officers  in  council  disapproved  of  the  General's  views  and  the 
army  camped  in  the  position  selected. 

"Captain  Robert  J.  Calder,  who  was  a  Lieutenant  in  Captain 
James  W.  Fannin's  company,  will  probably  remember  about  the 
council  of  war,  etc.  I  was  General  .Austin's  private  secretary,  and 
was  by  his  side  in  camp,  and  on  the  march  all  the  time  and  know  the 
above  stated  facts." 

"Moses  .\tsTix  Brv.\n." 

As  will  be  seen  by  the  following  communication,  Austin,  with  a  divi- 
sion of  the  army,  took  a  position  above  the  town,  at  the  Old  Mill,  while 
Bowie  and  Fannin  with  a  weaker  force  occupied  Concepcion. 

"Head-Quarters.  On  the  Canal  Above  Bexar, 

October  31.  1835. 
"Colonel  James  Bowie  and  Captain  Fannin : 

"I  have  taken  a  position  on  the  .Alamo  Canal,  at  the  mouth  of  a 
dry  gully  about  one  mile  from  town.  There  is  one  a  little  nearer,  but 
it  cannot  be  occupied  to-day.  I  have  certain  information  that  all  the 
surplus  horses,  except  about  150  or  200.  were  started  to  Laredo  last 
night.  The  number  that  left  is  reported  ^00  head.  The  escort  does 
not  exceed  twenty  or  thirty  men. 

"I  have  dispatched  Captain  Travis,  with  50  men.  to  overtake  and 
capture  them.     He  has  guides,  and  I  have  no  doubt  will  succeed. 

"I  have  to  inform  you  that  a  servant  of  Antonio  de  la  Garza  came 
into  camp  to-day,  bringing  a  proposition  from  the  greater  part  of  the 
San  Fernando  company  of  cavalry,  and  the  one  of  Rio  Grande — to 
desert.  This  man  was  sent  to  procure  a  guarantee  for  them  when 
they  come  out.  I  have  given  the  guarantee,  and  have  now  to  com- 
municate to  you  the  mode  in  which  they  will  come  out  to  us — where. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  171 

etc.  He  says  they  will  be  obliged  to  come  in  the  day  time,  upon  some 
occasion  of  alarm,  when  they  are  ordered  out.  These  troops  are 
stationed  in  the  house  of  Padilla,  in  one  of  the  lower  labors  which 
Colonel  Bowie  understands  the  situation  of.  It  would  be  well,  then, 
for  you  to-morrow  to  make  a  diversion  on  that  side,  so  as  to  pro- 
duce the  necessary  stir ;  so  that  they  may  be  ordered  out.  and  thus 
give  the  men  the  chance  to  come  out  as  it  were  on  duty,  and  then 
escape.  They  will  present  themselves  with  the  butts  of  their  guns 
advanced,  or  a  white  flag.  Padilla  has  many  acquaintances  in  thos'' 
companies,  who  sent  Garza's  servant  (Jo.se  Ortiz)  to  have  an  unde: 
standing  with  him  as  to  the  guarantees  and  the  mode  of  joining  ui 

"In  regard  to  the  measure  of  harassing  the  enemy  tonight,  as  was 
spoken  of  before  we  parted,  by  simultaneous  firing  on  the  town,  1 
have  to  say  that  I  am  obliged  to  decline,  owing  partly  to  the  condition 
of  the  men  here  at  present,  having  lost  so  much  sleep  last  night ;  and 
partly  to  the  difficulty  of  crossing  the  river  from  here,  so  as  to  co- 
operate in  time  with  the  men  on  foot.  As  you  will  inake  a  diversion 
tomorrow  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  on  the  deserters,  you  will 
therefore  decline  anything  of  the  kind  to-night,  unless  you  think  it 
better  to  proceed  on  your  part.  If  you  think  so,  you  can  act  as  you 
think  best,  in  that  respect,  but  without  expecting  any  co-operation 
from  this  quarter,  for  the  reason  I  have  mentioned.  I  will,  however, 
mention  that  a  few  men  from  here  may  probably  fire  on  the  Alamo, 
which  is,  you  know,  on  this  side  of  the  river — about  moondown. 

"As  there  is  abundance  of  corn  here,  you  can  use  that  brought 
by  Seguin  for  your  detachment. 

"I  wish  you  to  send  to  Seguin's  ranch  for  some  rockets,  that  are 
there — two  or  three  dozen.  In  .Spanish  they  are  called  quctes.  \no- 
nounced  quotes — we  may  want  them. 

"Please  to  give  me  your  opinions  and  those  of  your  officers  as  to 
the  mode  of  further  operations  on  the  enemy. 

"S.  F.  Austin. 

"By  order,  W.  D.  C  Hall, 

"Dispatch  the  hearer  with  your  answer  to-night,  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible.    I   wish  vour  oiiinions  as  to  storming  or  besieging. 

"S.  F.  A." 

"Camp  Conccpcion,  ')  o'clock   I'.  M.     October  ,^1.   1835. 
"General  S.  F.  Austin. 

"Dear  Sir:  Yours  of  this  date  has  thi^  moment  been  received, 
and  contents  duly  considered. 

"We  will  make  the  desired  diversion  on  to-morrow,  in  order  to 
afltord  those  companies  protection  should  they  desire  to  join  us,  as 
early  as  circumstances  and  the  weather  will  admit,  say  nine  o'clock. 

"We  have  received  many  reports  with  regard  to  the  disposition  of 
the  troops,  and  some  of  the  officers,  but  so  various  as  to  make  it 
doubtful  what  degree  of  credit  should  be  attached  to  them.  No  doubt, 
however  exists  but  provisions  are  short,  and  we  can  compel  them  by 
close  siege  to  fight  us  outside,  starve,  or  run  away.     If  these  troops 


172  HISTORY  OF  TKXAS 

join  Us  on  to-morrow  or  any  other  time,  we  propose  to  you  to  be  in 
readiness  to  enter  the  town  forthwith. 

"In  order  to  effect  this  object,  let  us  agree  to  send  our  respective 
parties,  at  the  sa)iic  hour  in  the  morning,  so  as  to  be  ahi.'a\s  ready  to 
act  in  concert,  and  thereby  effect  our  object  with  as  little  loss  and  as 
much  certainty  as  practicable. 

"If  this  be  done  and  all  communication  of  every  sort,  with  the  city 
stop(<ed  at  once,  and  these  two  companies  do  not  join  us  in  a  given 
time  (say  five  days  or  some  certain  day),  let  us  storm  the  town 
simultaneously.     \Ve  cannot  doubt  for  a  moment  the  result. 

"The  corn  from  Seguin's  ranch  was  received  this  morning,  and 
is  quite  respectable. 

"In  conclusion  we  will  endeavor  to  perform  our  duty  below  town, 
and  do  most  earnestly  request,  nay  urge,  that  a  more  regular  com- 
munication with  each  other,  twice  a  day  if  possible,  be  kept  up. 

"James  Bowie, 
"J.  W.  Fannin,  Jr." 

In  these  positions  the  forces  at  San  Antonio  gained  strength  daily 
by  the  arrival  of  volunteers,  and  here  we  must  leave  them  for  a  time  and 
turn  to  the  consultation  assembling  at  San  Felipe. 


CHAPTER  XIV 
THE  CONSULTATION  OF  1835 

We  will  now  turn  to  the  civil  department.  On  October  1,  Colonel 
Austin,  as  chairman  of  the  San  Felipe  committee,  proposed  to  the  other 
committees  of  Texas  the  formation  of  a  central  representative  committee, 
pending-  the  meeting  of  the  consultation  :  "This  committee  proposes  that 
one  of  the  members  of  each  of  the  other  conunittees  of  safety  be  appointed 
to  come  to  this  place  without  one  moment's  delay,  and  remain  here  as  a 
permanent  counsel — such  a  measure  is  now  deemed  to  be  indispensably 
necessary."  On  the  8th,  as  we  have  seen,  Colonel  Austin  was  called  to 
the  command  of  the  volunteers  at  Gonzales.  In  the  meantime,  only  two 
committees  had  responded  to  his  urgent  request.  R.  R.  Royall  had  been 
sent  by  the  committee  of  Matagorda  and  Joseph  Bryan  by  the  committee 
of  Liberty.  At  the  same  time  several  members  of  the  San  Felipe  com- 
mittee had  gone  to  join  the  armv.  A  reorganization  of  the  committee 
was  therefore  effected. 

During  the  next  few  days  little  uf  importance  was  done  by  the  council. 
Koyall  took  up  the  work  that  .\ustin  had  been  doing  in  spreading  in- 
formation and  urging  organization,  and  kept  a  steady  correspondence 
with  Austin  in  the  army.  On  the  14th  the  council  appointed  Captain 
William  S.  Hall  "contractor  for  the  army  of  the  people,"  and  instructed 
him  to  ]iroceed  with  all  possible  dispatch  to  collect  supplies  for  Austin's 
forces.  In  case  he  met  with  obstacles  he  was  empowered  to  press  into 
service  "any  Valnal)les  tliat  ma\  be  necessary  to  a  speedy  and  jirompt 
co-operation  with  our  force  at  headquarters."  And  on  the  15th,  Royall 
issued  an  urgent  circular  begging  the  people  to  turn  out  promptly  and 
march  to  the  assistance  of  tlie  volunteers  who  were  advancing  toward 
.San  Antonio. 

On  the  16th.  thirty  members  of  the  consultation  assembled  at  San 
Felipe.  Those  present  were :  From  the  Municipality  of  Hevil — John 
Revil,  Wyatt  Hanks,  Thomas  Holmes,  S.  H.  Everett,  John  H.  Hlount  ; 
from  the  Municipality  of  San  Augustine — A.  Houston,  Jacob  Garrett. 
Wm.  N.  Sigler,  \.  E.  C.  Johnson  ;  from  the  Municipality  of  Harrisburg — 
Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  Clement  C.  Dyer,  Wm.  P.  Harris;  from  the  Munici- 
pality of  Matagorda — Ira  R.  Lewis,  R.  R.  Royall,  Charles  Wilson;  from 
the  Municipality  of  Viesca — J.  G.  W.  Pierson,  J.  L.  Hood,  S.  T.  .'\llen. 
A.  G.  Perry,  J.  W.  Parker,  Alexander  Thompson;  from  the  Municipality 
of  Nacogdoches— Wm.  Whitaker,  Sam  Houston,  Daniel  Parker.  James 
W.  Robinson.  N.  Robins;  from  the  Municipality  of  Columbi.a — John  A. 
Wharton.  Henry  Smith.  Edwin  Waller,  J.  S.  D.  Byrom.  The  municipali 
ties  of  Liberty,  Gonzales,  Mina,  and  Washington  were  unrepresented  al 
this  first  meeting,  but  Henry  Millard,  Claiborne  West,  A.  B.  Hardin. 
James  B.  Wood,  Hugh  B.  Johnson,  and  Peter  J.  Menard  soon  arrived 
from  Liberty. 

October  17,  1835.  there  was  not  a  sufficient  number  of  members 
present  to  form  a  (juorum  of  the  consultation,  owing  to  the  members  be- 
ing absent  in  the  .irnn-.  it  wa-.  resolved,  "that  the  members  ])resent  adjourn 

173 


174  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

until  the  first  day  of  next  month,  or  as  soon  as  a  quorum  can  meet  in 
this  place,  so  as  to  afford  an  opportunity  to  those  who  may  desire  it  to 
join  the  army  in  defense  of  their  country.  That  those  who  cannot  join 
the  army  may  remain  here  with  the  council  of  Texas,  and  have  access 
to  all  the  intelligence  in  possession  of  the  council,  relative  to  the  present 
crisis." 

This  action  was  in  accordance  with  the  desire  of  the  members-elect 
who  were  in  the  ranks  of  Austin's  army.  Before  leaving  Gonzales  they 
had  adopted  on  the  11th,  resolutions  requesting  all  members  to  join  the 
army,  equipped  for  a  campaign :  "Resolved,  That  if  any  portion  of  the 
Convention  meet  at  the  time  and  place  appointed  and  find  it  impracticable 
to  repair  to  the  camp,  as  invited  in  the  foregoing  resolution,  that  they  be 
requested,  if  they  amount  to  quorum,  to  adjourn  from  day  to  day  and 
suspend  all  action  until  the  first  of  November." 

.■\t  the  same  time,  on  account  of  the  confusion  previously  noticed  as 
to  the  place  where  the  consultation  was  to  meet,  several  delegates  had 
assembled  at  Washington,  and  before  adjourning  they  adopted  resolutions 
to  reassemble  there  on  November  1. 

On  the  18th  the  permanent  council  had  in  attendance  the  following 
members :  President,  R.  R.  Rovall ;  delegates  of  Viesca,  A.  G.  Perry. 
J.  T.  Hood.  J.  G.  W.  Pierson.  Alex  Thompson,  S.  T.  Allen,  J.  W.  Parker : 
delegates  of  Nacogdoches,  William  Whitaker,  Daniel  Parker;  delegates  of 
Liberty,  Joseph  Bryan,  Hugh  B.  Johnson,  Peter  J.  Menard.  A.  B.  Hardin. 
J.  B.  Wood ;  delegates  of  San  Augustine.  Jacob  Garrett.  A.  Houston 
delegate  of  Austin.  William  Pettus :  delegate  of  Harrisburg.  Isaac  Battef- 
son ;  secretary,  J.  G.  W.  Pierson. 

From  this  time  until  it  was  superseded  by  the  consultation  the  council 
took  in  hand  a  number  of  important  measures.  On  the  18th  a  second 
urgent  appeal  was  addressed  to  the  people,  begging  them  to  take  the  field. 
On  the  23rd.  Baker  and  Johnson,  who  had  been  sent  by  Austin  to  organ- 
ize public  opinion  in  East  Texas,  reported  the  result  of  their  labors,  and 
this  report  apparently  suggested  several  of  the  subsequent  measures 
of  the  council : 

San  Felipe,  October  23,  1835. 
"To  The  Chairman  of  the  General  Council  of  Texas. 

"Sir :  On  yesterday  evening  we  returned  from  Nacogdoches,  to 
which  place  we  went  about  three  weeks  since,  carrying,  at  the  request 
of  Colonel  Austin,  information  of  the  landing  of  General  Cos,  with 
instructions  to  solicit  aid  from  that  section  of  the  country  for  the  pur- 
pose of  expelling  him   from  Texas. 

"Much  division,  on  our  arrival,  we  found  to  exist  among  the  peo- 
ple :  but  the  letters  of  Colonel  Austin,  and  the  actual  invasion  of  the 
country,  had  the  happy  effect  of  producing  unanimity  of  sentiment 
and  instant  unison  of  action.  And  the  ardor  and  enthusiasm  which 
pervaded  every  one  when  we  left  does  credit  to  that  section,  and  is 
a  guarantee  to  this  that  in  the  hour  of  danger  we  will  by  them  be  sup- 
ported. About  eighty  men  immediately  prepared,  and  started  to  join 
the  army  at  San  Antonio,  and  we  presume  by  this  have  arrived  at 
headquarters,  .\bout  eighty  men  are  now  on  the  road,  and  crossed 
the   Brazos   at    ^^'ashingtnn,   probably   on   yesterday   evening.     This 


fHSlORY  OF  TEXAS  175 

latter  cuiiii)aii\  arc-  (.■iitirelv  fmiii  the  jurisdiction  of  San  Auj,'ustine. 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Sublet.  Although  that  section  of  the 
country  can  probably  raise  one  thousand  men.  the  difficulty  of  pro- 
curing horses,  arms,  and  the  necessary  equipments  is  so  great  that  it 
is  not  to  be  expected  that  they  will  send  a  large  force  at  once.  Under 
all  the  circumstances  we  think  they  have  so  far  done  very  well : 
and  we  have  no  doubt  they  will  still  continue  to  do  so.  and  that  we 
may  expect  to  be  aided  from  that  quarter  as  fast  as  the  ])eople  can 
prepare.  The  committee  of  Nacogdoches  were  very  active,  being 
constantly  engaged  in  procuring  arms  and  horses  and  provisions; 
and  they  deserve  the  thanks  of  Texas.  We  had  no  opportunity  of 
judging  of  the  committee  of  San  Augustine,  not  having  been  there. 
The  manner,  however,  in  which  the  citizens  have  turned  out  mani- 
fests that  they  have  done  their  duty.  We  regret  to  have  the  morti- 
fication to  state  that  the  people  on  the  Sabine  have  refused  to  aid 
the  cause  of  Texas.  From  Bevil's  statement,  we  are  informed,  a 
company  of  about  sixty  were  to  have  started  about  a  week  since  : 
and  the  jieople  generally,  through  the  country  along  which  we  passed, 
were  preparing  to  come  on.  But  late  Indian  depredations  along  the 
road  will  probably  detain  many  at  home. 

"Much  excitement  existed  through  the  country  from  Trinity  to 
.Sabine  about  the  time  of  our  arrival  at  Xacogdoches  on  the  supposi- 
tion that  the  northern  Indians  were  unfriendly.  \\'e  have  taken  much 
])ains  to  investigate  the  facts;  and.  although  appearances  were  then 
very  much  against  the  Indians,  no  doubt  now  exists  of  their  friendly 
intentions,  .\bout  one  month  since  a  general  council  of  the  twelve 
northern  tribes  was  held  at  the  Cherokee  village,  at  which  no  white 
man  was  permitted  to  be  jiresent.  During  the  session  of  their  coun- 
cil, manv  hostile  indications  appeared,  and  the  general  opinion  of 
the  .\mericans  was  that  the  Indians  intended  siding  with  the  Mexi- 
cans. Upon  the  breaking  up  of  the  council,  however,  the  Indians 
manifested  friendship,  ;nul  the  reasons  for  their  conduct  during  the 
session,  we  consider,  are  these.  The  war  chief  of  the  Cherokees  and 
other  chiefs  had  just  returned  from  San  Antonio,  to  which  place 
they  had  gone  at  the  request  of  Ugartechea,  who  endeavored  tc 
enlist  them  on  his  side. 

"The  chiefs,  on  their  return,  called  tlli^  general  cuimcil  and 
debated  the  cpiestions  what  course  to  pursue.  All  the  supposed  inva- 
sions of  the  ,\niericans  in  their  rights  were  regularly  called  up.  and 
discussed.  The  killing  of  three  Cherokee  Indians,  not  long  since, 
also  the  killing  of  Cushates.  and  the  surveying  of  their  lands.  The 
result  of  their  consultation  was  to  remain  friendly  with  the  .\meri- 
cans,  and  to  api)eal  to  the  convention  for  protection  and  redress. 
One  of  us  (Mr.  Raker)  was  |)resent  ;it  the  meeting  held  with  the 
chiefs,  at  Nacogdoches,  and  no  doubt  can  e.xisi  of  friendly  feeling 
of  the  northern  Indians.  .Secure  them  in  their  possessions,  treat 
them  in  a  frank,  manly,  independent  manner,  and  you  secure  their 
friendship,  and  hereafter,  if  necessary,  their  co-operation. 

"Bowles,  the  war  chief,  and  Rig  Mush,  the  civil  chief  of  the 
Cherokees,  with  three  other  chiefs,  are  now  on  their  way,  as  members 


176  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

of  the  convention,  with  full  powers  to  represent  all  the  northern 
Indians.  It  is  questionable  whether  they  could  be  induced  to  act 
against  the  Caddos,  lonies,  Kechies,  and  Huacos.  Owing  to  the 
many  misrepresentations  which  have,  of  late,  been  made,  the  Indians 
have  appointed  their  present  delegation  to  represent  them,  and  desire 
that  the  Americans  will  listen  to  nothing  but  what  comes  from  them. 
They  also  desire  to  have  one  particular  channel  of  communication, 
on  the  part  of  the  Americans ;  Colonel  Austin,  or  General  Houston, 
would  probably  be  the  best,  and  during  their  absence,  we  would  sug- 
gest the  propriety  of  appointing  a  standing  committee  to  com- 
municate with  them. 

"Many  persons  are  in  the  country,  receiving  lands,  who  have  never 
been  on  an  Indian  campaign,  and  who  now  refuse  to  aid  in  the  war. 
.As  such  people  do  not  benefit  the  country,  we  can  see  no  good  reason 
why  the  country  should  benefit  them ;  and  we  would  suggest  thi; 
propriety  of  your  adopting  a  resolution,  recommending  that  such 
persons  should  receive  nothing  until  the  convention  can  decide  upon 
their  merits.  Many  persons  are  also  detained  at  home  for  the  purjiose 
of  speculating  on  land,  and  for  the  purpose  of  surveying;  we  would 
suggest  to  your  body  the  propriety  of  recommending  to  the  commis- 
sioners to  close  their  offices,  until  the  present  critical  moment  shall 
jiass  over,  when  they  can  again  open  them. 

"Some  few  persons  are  also  endeavoring  to  create  the  impression 
through  the  country  that  the  government  is  very  friendly,  and  that 
the  people  ought  to  stay  at  home,  and  that  by  turning  out  they  will 
be  guilty  of  treason.  We  suggest  to  your  body  the  propriety  of  re- 
porting some  of  these  individuals  to  the  army,  in  order  that  some 
steps  may  be  taken  in  regard  to  the  matter. 

"We  have  already,  in  a  separate  communication,  transmitted  to 
you  the  resolutions  of  Natchitoches,  forwarded  from  the  committee 
of   Nacogdoches. 

"We  cannot  clo.se  this  letter  without  particularly  bringing  to  your 
notice  the  generous  and  patriotic  conduct  of  ^Ir.  Joseph  Durst,  on 
the  Angelina.  During  the  nineteen  days  we  were  at  his  house,  he  was 
always  active  in  forwarding  the  expresses,  and  furnishing  horses; 
charging  nothing,  and  desires  us  to  say  that  whatever  he  had,  was 
at  command. 

Respectfully. 

"MosLEV   Baker, 
"F.  W.  Johnson." 

Public  opinion  in  East  Texas  at  this  time  is  further  illustrated  by  the 
following  address  from  the  committee  of  safetv  and  correspondence  of 
Liberty  : 

"Fello-a'-Citkens : 

"The  committe  of  safety  for  the  municipality  of  Liberty,  in  the 
exercise  of  the  functions  delegated  to  them,  feel  it  their  duty  to 
address  their  fellow-citizens  of  the  municipality,  on  the  present  in- 
teresting nature  of  our  public  affairs. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  177 

"The  committee  art-  .sensil)lf  iliat  many  worthy  and  patriotic  citi- 
zens have  been  opposed,  on  principles  which  they  esteemed  sound  and 
correct,  to  a  rupture  with  the  authorities  of  Mexico.  The  committee 
know  how  to  appreciate  such  opposition  and  the  motives  from  which 
it  proceeds.  But  they  would  earnestly  solicit  such  as  still  adhere  to 
an  opposition  which  may  have  been  innocent,  and  even  ])raise-worthy 
in  its  origin,  to  reconsider  the  subject,  and  to  inquire  whether  the 
present  situation  of  the  country  does  not  essentially  change  the  ground 
on  w'hich  their  opposition  was  predicated.  The  committee  are  free  to 
declare  that  they,  too,  were  advocates  for  peace,  while  peace  was 
practicable  on  terms  compatible  with  the  welfare,  the  honor,  and  the 
future  safety  of  Texas,  and  of  the  constitution  which  we  have  all 
sworn  to  support  and  obey.  The  hope  of  such  a  peace  has  departed, 
without  leaving  a  single  ray  of  light  to  guide  the  most  credulous  in 
the  indulgence  of  it.  We,  therefore,  call  upon  all  such,  to  abandon 
an  opposition  which,  however  commendable  in  its  origin,  can  iiozc 
have  no  application  to  the  circumstances  of  the  country.  Right 
principles  never  change:  but,  in  the  application  of  i)rinci])les  to  facts, 
there  are  many  modifications.  The  federal  constitution  and  the  con- 
stitution of  the  states  have  been  violently  destroyed,  and  the  actual 
powers  of  the  government  are  usurj)ed  by  the  military,  who  are  exer- 
cising them  with  the  wonted  cruelty  and  recklessness  of  the  rights  of 
citizens  that  has  always  characterized  the  dominion  of  the  sword. 

"Of  those  of  our  fellow-citizens  who  regard  the  sanctity  of  their 
oaths  of  allegiance  and  allege  it  as  a  reason  for  opposing  their 
countrymen  now  in  arms,  we  would  enquire  what  is  the  obligation 
of  that  oath  ?  Most  clearly,  it  is  to  support  the  federal  and  state 
constitution.  Hut  where  are  those  constitutions?  They  have  been 
rent  to  atoms,  and  their  scattered  fragments  are  to  be  traced,  in  lines 
of  blood,  beneath  the  trampling  of  the  usuri)er's  cavalry,  on  the 
plains  of  Zacatecas. 

"Texas  is  but  pursuing  the  noble,  unsuccessful  example  of  that 
high  minded  state.  She  has  resolved  to  sustain  a  legitimate  govern- 
ment, or  to  perish  in  the  attempt ;  to  oppose  the  tide  of  military 
and  ecclesiastical  usurpation,  and  to  roll  it  back  upon  the  unholy 
league.  And  she  looks  with  confidence  for  the  aid  of  her  adjacent 
sister  states,  who  have  already  experienced  the  bitterness  of  military 
misrule.  For  this  purpose  the  sword  is  already  drawn  ;  our  fellow- 
citizens  are  in  the  field,  the  banner  of  liberty  is  unfolded,  and  the 
high  example  of  lawful  resistance  to  unlawful  usurpation  is  exhib- 
ited in  the  gleam  of  their  rifles  and  the  thunder  of  their  cannon, 
before  the  walls  of  San  Antonio. 

"The  committee  w^ould,  therefore,  affectionately  appeal  to  such  of 
their  fellow-citizens  as  are  still  holding  back  from  the  good  work,  in 
the  language  of  the  holy  pro|)het,  'Why  halt  ye  between  two 
opinions?'  If  the  constitution  be  the  object  of  your  allegiance,  then 
rise  up,  like  men,  and  support  the  constitution.  If  Santa  Anna  and 
his  military  vassals  be  the  government  you  desire,  then  avow  your- 
selves the  degraded  minions  of  an  unprincipled  and  infuriated  despo- 
tism.    The  contest  is  for  liberty  or  slavery;  life  or  death;  for  the 


vni,..  1—vj 


178  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

tranquil  possession  of  the  country  we  have  redeemed  from  bar- 
barism, or  a  forcible  ejection  from  it.  It  admits  of  no  neutrals. 
Those  who  are  not  for  us  are  against  us.  Those  who  refuse  to 
save  the  country  cannot  hope  to  participate  in  the  benefits  of  its 
salvation.  Our  numbers  are  few,  but  they  are  a  band  of  heroes,  and 
fear  not  the  issue.  Union  is  always  important.  The  concurrence  of 
every  citizen  is  desirable.  The  few  who  still  maintain  their  opposi- 
tion are  not  dreaded :  their  number  is  small,  their  influence  insignifi- 
cant. But  'Texas  expects  every  man  to  do  his  duty,'  The  door  of 
conciliation  is  open,  and  all  are  invited  to  enter.  They  will  be  re- 
ceived with  cordiality,  the  past  forgotten,  and  the  future  only  will 
be  regarded.  The  times  are  critical,  the  emergency  is  pressing,  and 
calls  for  promptitude  and  energ}-.  Texas  is  at  war ;  and  every  citi- 
zen who  shall  be  found  in  practices  inimical  to  her  interests  will  be 
dealt  with  according  to  the  utmost  rigor  of  military  law. 

"The  committee  urge  these  things,  not  in  the  spirit  of  dictation, 
but  of  friendly  admonition ;  not  to  alarm,  but  to  convince  and  to 
allure  every  misguided  citizen  into  the  path  of  duty,  of  interest,  and 
of  honor.  The  aged  and  the  infirm  who  cannot  take  the  field  can  con- 
tribute of  their  substance :  the  young,  the  robust,  and  the  gallant, 
are  exhorted  to  repair  to  the  camp,  to  unite  with  their  brethren  in 
arms,  and  to  exhibit  themselves  the  worthy  descendants  of  the  heroes 
of  '76.  Horses,  arms,  and  ammunition  are  wanted,  steady  hands 
and  brave  hearts  are  wanted  to  repel  the  storm  of  desolation  that 
lowers  over  our  beautiful  country.  Let  no  man  hold  back  too  long ; 
there  is  danger  in  delay  :  there  is  mischief  in  disunion  :  there  is  safety, 
happiness,  and  a  speedy  peace  in  a  united,  prompt,  and  decisive  exer- 
tion of  our  strength.  The  committee  would  repeat  the  motto  of  the 
gallant  hero  of  Trafalgar,  'Texas  expects  every  man  to  do  his  duty.' 

"Edward  Tanner. 
"David  G.  Burnet, 
"Wm.  Hardin, 
"Jesse  Devone, 
"B.  K.  Spinks, 
"Henry  W.  Farley. 
"Liberty.  October  24,  1835." 

On  receipt  of  this  address  by  the  General  Council,  it  was  ordered,  on 
motion  of  Mr.  Bryan,  of  Liberty,  that  two  hundred  and  fifty  copies 
should  be  jjublished. 

On  October  2,1.  following  Baker  and  Johnson's  report,  the  council 
adoj)ted  an  address  to  the  people  of  Texas,  designed  to  counteract  the 
influence  of  those  who  continued  to  urge  non-resistance  and  conciliation  ; 
and  on  the  26th.  moved  no  doubt  by  the  Natchitoches  resolutions,  it 
extended  an  eloquent  invitation  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  to 
assist   the  Texans  in  their  struggle   for  liberty. 

"To  the  People  of  Texas. 

"Fellow-Citizens:  The  General  Council  of  all  Texas,  invested 
with  full  power  to  direct  the  political  afifairs  of  the  country,  earnestly 
desiring  that  you  should  be  fully  and  satisfactorily  informed  of  the 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  179 

actual  condition  of  the  Mexican  government,  and  of  the  posture  of 
affairs  in  Texas,  again  address  you. 

"We  ask  you  to  discard  from  your  recollection  the  thousand 
rumors  you  may  have  heard  of  the  political  condition  of  the  Mexican 
government,  and  of  its  intentions  towards  Texas,  and  to  listen  to 
what  we  have  to  say  to  you.  We  have  been  appointed  by  the  dele- 
gates of  Texas  to  represent  the  country  until  the  Convention  shall 
meet,  and  what  we  say  to  you  is  true,  and  no  good  citizen  will  doubt 
it.  W'e  solemnly  warn  you  against  the  insidious  and  dangerous 
reports  you  every  day  hear;  and  we  as  solemnly  warn  you  against 
listening  to  the  equally  insidious  and  dangerous  doctrines  of  those 
who,  too  ignorant  to  understand  the  true  condition  of  things,  would 
persuade  you  that  no  danger  exists,  that  no  unfriendly  feelings  are 
entertained  by  the  Mexican  government  against  you,  and  that  if 
you  stay  at  home  all  will  be  well.  We  declare  to  you  that  such 
assertions  are  not  true,  and  that  if  you  act  under  that  belief,  your 
country,  your  property  and  your  liberties  are  lost. 

"Under  a  republican  federal  government  you  emigrated  to  Texas, 
you  abandoned  your  own  dear  and  native  republic,  your  relations 
and  friends,  and  all  the  tender  associations  of  life.  You  settled  a 
wilderness,  and  encountered  hardships  and  privations  of  every  kind  ; 
you  battled  with,  and  conquered  the  Indians,  and  instead  of  the 
country  which  a  few  years  since  was  one  wide  extended  uncultivated 
forest,  you  now  present  to  a  wondering  and  admiring  world,  one 
that  abounds  in  plenty,  with  wealth  overflowing  from  every  portion, 
and  population  scattered  from  the  Sabine  to  the  Rio  Grande.  You 
have  added  a  flourishing  country  to  the  Mexican  nation,  and  for  all 
this  you  were  promised  protection  to  your  lives,  your  persons  and 
property.  In  consideration  of  this  protection,  you  swore  to  support 
and  maintain  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  republican  federal 
government  of  the  Mexican  United  States.  Up  to  this  period  you 
have  been  faithful  observers  of  that  oath,  you  have  been  scrupu- 
lously circumspect  in  adhering  to  the  laws  and  institutions  of  the 
country,  and  the  people  of  Texas  may  fearlessly  challenge  the  whole 
world,  and  ask,  'in  what  have  we  offended?'  With  the  form  of 
government  you  were  content,  with  the  laws  you  were  satisfied. 
You  sought  no  change,  and  you  desired  no  revolution ;  you  dreamed 
not  of  war.  and  made  no  preparation  for  it.  But,  in  the  midst  of 
this  peace  and  prosperity,  and  supposed  security,  General  Santa 
Anna  was  .secretly  undermining  the  Constitution ;  secretl\-  and  de- 
liberately planning  the  destruction  of  your  form  of  government,  and 
paving  the  way  for  a  military,  ecclesiastical,  consolidated  govern- 
ment, one  which  he  was  to  rule  as  supreme  chief.  Fighteen  months 
ago  he  laid  the  plan  of  his  future  oj)crations.  .\bandoning  the 
republican  party,  who  had  made  him  president,  he  attached  himself 
to  the  militarv  and  the  clergy,  and  the  remnants  of  the  old  Spanish 
aristocracy.  He  banished  from  the  country  every  liberal  of  influence, 
and  finally  drove  the  members  of  Coneress  from  their  seats  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet.  By  his  individual  influence  he  returned  to  the 
next  Congress  a  large  majoritv  of  the  aristocrats,  and,  at  the  last  .ses- 


180  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

^ion  of  that  hociy.  he  caused  a  resolution  to  be  passed,  declaring  that 
the  form  of  government  should  be  clianged.  that  the  civil  militia 
should  be  disbanded,  and  that  only  one  gun  should  remain  in  the 
hands  of  every  five  hundred  men ;  that  the  system  of  colonization 
should  cease,  that  all  foreigners  should  quit  the  republic,  and  finally, 
to  consummate  his  ambitious  views,  he  himself  was  declared,  by  the 
same  Congress,  dictator  of  the  nation,  with  absolute  power,  having 
for  his  rule  and  guide  nothing  but  his  own  will  and  pleasure. 
Against  these  outrages  on  the  Constitution,  these  usurpations  of 
power,  the  state  of  Zacatecas  protested.  To  compel  her  into  obedi- 
ence, the  dictator  marched  against  her,  and  defeated  her  citizens 
in  battle.  The  town  was  pillaged,  and  the  citizens  massacred  by 
the  soldiery,  and  that  gallant  and  soverign  state  was  reduced  and 
made  a  military  garrison.  The  State  of  Coahuila  and  Te.xas  also 
protested  against  the  same  proceedings  of  Congress,  and  General 
Cos  was  ordered  to  put  her  down.  He  arrested  the  governor,  dis- 
persed and  made  prisoners  many  members  of  the  legislature,  dis- 
armed the  citizens,  and  garrisoned  Monclova  and  was  ordered  with 
a  large  force  to  Texas,  but  was  prevented,  by  the  disturbances  of  the 
interior,  from  coming  until  now. 

"On  the  19th  of  July  last  the  Congress  met  in  the  City  of  Mexico, 
and  resolved  itself  into  a  constituent  Congress,  and,  with  only  nine 
dissenting  voices,  resolved  that  the  form  of  government  should  be 
changed  into  a  central  one,  and  appointed  a  committee  to  report  a  con- 
stitution. The  committee  reported  that  there  should  be  a  supreme 
chief  to  rule  the  nation,  who  should  be  elected  for  eight  years,  re- 
eligible  for  life.  That  the  senate  should  be  compounded  of  twelve 
members,  six  generals  and  six  bishops,  to  be  appointed  by  the  chief. 
That  the  house  of  representatives  should  be  elected  by  the  people  own- 
ing a  certain  amount  of  property.  That  the  states  should  be  called 
districts,  to  be  governed  by  a  military  commandant  and  bishop. 

"This,  fellow-citizens,  is  the  new  form  of  government  under 
which  Santa  .\nna  proposes  to  bring  you :  and  the  question  occurs 
have  you  the  right  to  resist?  The  oath  you  have  taken  compels 
you  to  resist  it — but  independent  of  that,  you  have  the  undoubted 
right  to  do  so.  The  Mexican  government  is  a  confederacy  of 
sovereign  and  independent  states,  formed  by  their  voluntary  union. 
Texas,  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  in  1824. 
was  a  sovereign  member,  and  one  of  the  parts  that  formed  the  con- 
federacy ;  and  she  was  so  acknowledged  by  the  general  constituent 
Congress  who  forined  the  Constitution  by  their  decree  of  the  7th 
of  May.  1824.  The  form  of  government  into  which  she  entered 
was  a  republican  federative  one — one  congenial  with  the  interest, 
and  feelings,  and  education  of  her  citizens.  .So  long  as  this  form 
of  government  continued,  so  long  Texas  was  in  duty  bound  to  adhere 
to  it,  but  the  moinent  that  form  of  government  is  destroyed,  that 
moment  Texas  returns  to  her  original  sovereignty  and  has  the  un- 
doubted right  to  reject  or  acquiesce  in  any  form  that  may  be  pro- 
posed. The  republican  federative  government  is  now  destroyed : 
Texas  is  now  sovereign  and  independent,  and  has  the  right  to  say 


mSTORV  OF  TEXAS  181 

whctlicr  she  will  come  under  a  new  form  of  government,  planned 
by  Santa  Anna,  formed  by  the  clergy  and  military,  over  which 
Santa  Anna  is  to  be  chief. 

"Texas  has  decided  that  she  will  not  submit  to  the  new  govern- 
ment;  and  the  question  is  now  left  to  the  fate  of  war.  The  strength 
of  arms  is  to  decide  the  issue ;  and  the  American  and  Mexican  forces 
are  now  arrayed  against  each  other.  Fellow-citizens  of  Texas,  one 
thousand  of  your  number  have  already  gone  to  the  ticld  of  war.  One 
thousand  brave  and  generous  spirits,  one  thousand  true  devoted 
Americans  have  already,  like  their  fathers  of  the  revolution,  sworn  to 
live  free  or  die, — like  their  fathers  in  1776,  have  pledged  to  each 
other  'their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honor,'  and  have 
sworn  to  drive  every  Mexican  soldier  beyond  the  Rio  Grande,  or 
to  whiten  the  soil  with  their  bones.  The  cause  in  which  they  are 
engaged  is  nut  the  cause  of  any  party  ;  it  is  the  cause  of  Texas,  it 
is  a  contest  for  liberty,  it  is  an  issue  in  which  are  involved  the  lives, 
the  i)roperty,  and  freedom  of  the  settlers  of  our  country.  They  are 
lighting  because  Texas,  by  almost  universal  acclamation,  has  so 
ordered  it ;  and  no  man  can  any  longer  be  permitted  to  remain  a 
silent  and  inactive  spectator.  There  can  now  be  no  retreat,  and 
he  who  is  not  the  active  friend  of  Texas,  the  convention  will  shortly 
determine  is  her  enemy.  Will  you  longer  remain  idle?  Will  you 
longer  refuse  to  turn  out  ?  Will  you  still  continue  to  be  passive 
spectators?  No,  fellow-citizens,  we  believe  you  will  not.  We  be- 
lieve some  of  you  have  been  deceived ;  but  now  you  can  be  deceived 
no  longer :  And  we  entreat  you,  by  the  sacred  and  endearing  name 
of  liberty,  in  the  name  of  your  patriotic  and  devoted  fathers  of  the 
revolution,  by  all  the  tender  ties  that  should  hind  one  American  to 
another,  to  rouse  from  your  lethargy,  and  march  to  the  field  of  war. 
Shall  your  friends,  your  neighbors?  Shall  .Xmericans  be  slaughtered 
by  a  Mexican  soldiery,  and  you  not  avenge  their  deaths?  .Shall  they 
brave  the  cannon's  mouth,  and  you  not  participate  in  the  glory  ?  Shall 
tiiey  .shout  victory  from  the  battlements  of  San  Antonio,  and  you  not 
be  there  to  join  in  the  cry  ? 

"Fellow-citizens  of  our  common  country,  we  again  solemnly  warn 
you  of  your  danger  ;  we  again  tell  you  that  your  aid  is  required  :  we 
again  entreat  you,  without  delay,  to  march  to  .San  Antonio.  If  you 
refuse,  our  duty  constrains  us  to  tell  you  that  Texas  in  her  prosperity, 
the  convention  in  its  indignation,  the  army  flushed  with  victory,  will 
remember  you.  The  present  generation  may  brand  you  with  infamy. 
Posterity  will  remember  it  towards  your  children.  He  who  does  not 
now  protect  Texas,  Texas  will  not  protect  him  hereafter.  He  who 
confers  no  benefit  on  the  country,  the  country  will  confer  none  on 
him.  The  jjublic  lands  of  Texas  are  for  its  [)rotectors  alone ;  punish- 
ment and  disgrace  alone  for  those  who  are  secretly,  silently,  or 
openly  its  enemies.  To  .Americans,  to  freemen,  to  the  countrymen 
of  Washington,  to  the  friends  of  Texas,  we  have  said  enough. 
When  you  next  hear  from  us,  you  will  hear,  in  all  probability,  that 
the  blood  of  our  enemies  has  crimsoned  the  soil  of  our  country. 

"R.  R.  RoYALL,  President. 

"A.  Huston,  SccrctarY." 


182  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

"To  the  Citizens  of  the  United  States  of  the  North: 

"The  general  council  of  all  Texas,  by  a  resolution  unanimously 
adopted,  have  determined  to  address  you  in  behalf  of  suffering 
Texas,  and  to  invoke  your  assistance. 

"A  few  plain  facts  will  suffice  to  explan  to  you  the  political  con- 
dition in  which  we  are  placed,  and  to  satisfy  you  that  we  are  en- 
gaged in  a  contest  just  and  honorable  and  one  which  should  com- 
mand universal  admiration  and  sympathy. 

"Our  citizens  were  invited  to  settle  Texas  by  a  government  of  a 
federal  republican  character,  having  for  its  model  that  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  of  the  North.  Under  that  invitation, 
and  that  promise  of  protection  to  our  lives,  persons  and  property, 
thousands  emigrated  here,  and  have  subdued  a  vast  and  extended 
wilderness  to  the  purposes  of  agriculture,  and  in  place  of  the  solitary 
region  inhabited  hitherto  only  by  the  savage  and  the  beast,  now 
present  a  country  prosperous  in  the  highest  degree,  with  a  pop- 
ulation varying  between  sixty  and  one  hundred  thousand  inhabitants, 
and  having  on  its  whole  face  inscribed  one  universal  assurance  of 
its  future  greatness  and  prosperity. 

"Under  this  form  of  government  and  this  invitation,  thousands 
have  brought  their  property  to  this  country,  and  invested  thousands 
upon  thousands  of  dollars  in  land.  They  have  expatriated  them- 
selves from  their  native  country,  torn  tliemselves  from  connections 
dear,  given  up  to  the  conveniences  for  privations  of  every  sort. 

"They  have  given  security  to  the  Mexican  frontiers  from  Indian 
depredations,  and  made  the  mountains  the  boundary  of  the  savages. 
And  now,  when  we  have  accomplished  all  this,  when  we  had  just 
fairly  established  ourselves  in  peace  and  plenty,  just  brought  around 
us  our  families  and  friends,  the  form  of  government  under  which 
we  had  been  born  and  educated,  and  the  only  one  to  which  we  would 
have  sworn  allegiance,  is  destroyed  by  the  usurper.  Santa  .\nna. 
and  a  military  government  established  in  its  stead. 

"To  this  new  form  of  government  the  people  of  Texas  have 
refused  to  submit.  They  ground  their  opposition  upon  the  facts  that 
they  have  sworn  to  support  the  rejjublican  federative  government 
of  Mexico,  and  that  their  duty  requires  them  now  to  stand  nut  in 
opposition. 

"Texas  was  one  of  the  units  that  composed  the  government  by 
the  national  constituent  congress  of  1824.  She  was  acknowledged 
a  sovereign  and  independent  member  of  the  confederacy.  As  a 
sovereign  member  she  voluntarily  united  with  the  confederacy 
that  forms  the  government,  and  upon  the  breaking  up  of  that  govern- 
ment she  has  unquestionably  the  right  to  accede  or  to  reject  the  new 
one  that  may  be  proposed. 

"The  one  now  proposed  is  in  opposition  to  her  wishes,  interests, 
and  the  education  of  the  people.  It  protects  only  the  interests  of 
the  military  and  the  clergy,  securing  privileges  to  the  one  and  intoler- 
ance of  religion  to  the  other.  Such  being  its  character,  and  our 
rights  undoubted,  the  people  of  Texas,  with  one  united  voice,  have 
rejected  the  new  form  of  government,  and  have  resolved  to  abide 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  183 

by  their  oaths  to  sustain  the  constitution.  Public  sentiment  has 
already  declared  that  Texas  should  be  organized  as  a  state  govern- 
ment, under  the  constitution  of  1824,  or  such  other  form  of  govern- 
ment as  circumstances  may  require. 

"Members  to  a  convention  have  already  been  elected,  and  were 
to  have  met  on  the  15th  of  the  present  month.  The  invasion  of  ihc 
country  by  General  Cos  has,  however,  thus  far  prevented  their  meet- 
ing, as  nearly  every  member  is  now  in  the  field  of  war.  At  this  time 
our  army  is  besieging  General  Cos  in  San  Antonio,  but  he  is  hourly 
expecting  a  reinforcement,  and  the  people  of  Texas  want  aid  of 
their  own  fellow-citizens,  friends,  and  relations,  of  the  United  .States 
of  the  North. 

"What  number  of  mercenary  soldiers  will  invade  our  country  we 
know  not,  but  this  much  we  do  know,  that  the  whole  force  of  the 
nation  that  can  possibly  be  spared  will  be  sent  to  Texas,  and  we  be- 
lieve we  have  to  fight  superior  numbers.  But  one  sentiment  animates 
every  bosom,  and  every  one  is  determined  on  'victory  or  death.' 

"Citizens  of  the  United  States  of  the  North,  we  are  but  one 
people.  Our  fathers,  side  by  side,  fought  the  battles  of  the  revolution. 
We,  side  by  side,  fought  the  battles  of  the  war  of  1812  and  1815. 
We  were  born  under  the  same  government — taught  the  same  politi- 
cal creed,  and  we  have  wandered  where  danger  and  tyranny  threaten 
us.  You  are  united  to  us  by  all  the  sacred  ties  that  can  bind  one 
people  to  another.  You  are,  many  of  you,  our  fathers  and  brothers — 
among  you  dwell  our  sisters  and  mothers — we  are  aliens  to  you  only 
in  country  ;  our  principles  both  moral  and  political  are  the  same — 
our  interest  is  one,  and  we  require  and  ask  your  aid.  and  we 
earnestly  appeal  to  your  patriotism  and  generosity.  We  invite  you 
to  our  country — we  have  land  in  abundance,  and  it  shall  be  liberally 
bestowed  on  you.  We  have  the  finest  country  on  the  face  of  the 
globe.  We  invite  you  to  enjoy  it  with  us,  and  we  pledge  to  you, 
as  we  are  authorized  to  do,  the  lands  of  Texas  and  the  honor  and 
faith  of  the  people,  that  every  volunteer  in  our  cause  shall  not  only 
justly  but  generously  be  rewarded. 

"The  cause  of  Texas  is  plainly  marked  out.  She  will  drive  every 
Mexican  soldier  beyond  her  limits,  or  the  people  of  Texas  will  leave 
before  San  Antonio  the  bones  of  their  bodies.  We  will  .secure  on  a 
firm  and  solid  basis  our  constitutional  rights  and  ])rivileges.  or  we 
will  leave  Texas  a  howling  wilderness. 

"We  know  that  right  is  on  our  .side,  and  we  are  now  marching 
to  the  field  of  battle,  reiterating  our  father's  motto,  'to  live  free 
or  die.'  And  to  the  people  of  United  States  of  the  North  we  send 
this  assurance,  that  though  numbers  may  overwhelm  us,  no  other 
feeling  than  that  of  the  genuine  .A.merican  glowed  in  our  bosoms, 
and  though  danger  and  destruction  await  us,  no  friend  of  theirs 
proved  recreant  to  his  country. 

"Done  in  the  council  hall  on  the  2()th  day  of  October.  18.55. 

"R.  R.  RoYALL,  President. 
"A.  Houston,  Secrcfarv." 


184  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

The  permanent  council  also  took  steps  to  inaugurate  in  several  di- 
rections a  permanent  policy,  which  had  to  be  left  for  the  consultation 
to  develop. 

The  first  was  the  organization  of  a  force  of  rangers  for  Indian  defense. 
A  resolution  of  the  18th  authorized  the  employment  of  twenty-five  men 
"to  range"  between  the  Brazos  and  Trinity  Rivers,  twenty-five  between 
the  Brazos  and  Colorado  and  ten  east  of  the  Trinity.  On  the  26th 
twenty-five  more  were  added  to  the  force  between  the  Brazos  and  the 
Trinit}-.  On  the  18th  three  commissioners  were  appointed  to  visit  the  Indi- 
ans and  promise  them  that  the  consultation  would  redress  all  their  griev- 
ances. 

Another  important  resolution  of  the  18th  recommended  that  the  con- 
sultation annul  all  land  grants  made  under  suspicious  circumstances  since 
1833.  and  this  was  followed  on  the  27th  by  a  resolution  closing  all  the 
land  ofifices  and  suspending  surveys  until  the  meeting  of  the  consultation. 

On  the  20th  a  committee  was  appointed  to  consider  the  advisability 
of  establishing  a  postal  system.  Two  days  later  in  preliminary  report 
the  committee  strongly  favored  it.  and  on  the  23rd  John  Rice  Jones  was 
appointed  postmaster  general  to  put  the  system  into  operation.  On  the 
30th  the  committee  made  a  detailed  report,  defining  the  duties  of  the 
postmaster  general,  fixing  mail  routes,  and  establishing  postal  rates.  The 
rates  were  much  the  same  as  those  prevailing  in  the  United  States  at  that 
time,  postage  varying  according  to  the  size  of  the  letter  and  the  distance 
that  it  was  to  be  carried.  Four  routes  were  fixed  :  One  from  San  Felipe 
bv  Whiteside's  in  Cole's  settlement.  Washington,  and  Nacogdoches  to 
.San  .-\ugustine ;  one  from  San  Felipe  by  Orozimbo.  Columbia,  Brazoria, 
and  Quintana  to  Velasco ;  one  from  San  Augustine  by  Zavala's  to  Bevil's 
Mill ;  and  one  from  San  Felipe  by  Harrisburg  and  Liberty  to  Belem's 
Ferry  on  the  Sabine.  This  route  was  to  be  extended  to  Bexar  as  soon 
as  it  could  be  done  with  safety  to  the  mail.  Weekly  service  was  to  be 
inaugurated  on  all  these  routes,  and  it  was  hoped  that  Texas  would  thereby' 
be  enabled  to  present  a  more  united  front  to  the  enemy. 

On  the  20th.  consideration  of  finances  began,  when  a  committee  was 
appointed  to  inquire  into  the  state  of  the  public  funds,  and  report,  if  nec- 
essary, "a  plan  for  replenishing  them."  The  committee  found  that  they 
sorely  needed  replenishing,  and  accordingly  unfolded  their  plan  :  Com- 
missioners were  appointed  to  collect  all  public  money  in  the  hands  of 
officials  which  had  accumulated  from  land  sales,  stamped  paper,  or  other 
sources :  to  negotiate  loans  on  the  public  credit ;  and  to  take  measures  to 
enforce  the  continued  payment  of  all  fees  formerly  accruing  to  the 
government  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.  On  the  27th  Thomas  F.  McKinney 
was  appointed  to  obtain  a  loan  of  $100,000  in  New  Orleans,  but  declined 
the  commission.  On  the  31st.  the  last  day  of  its  existence,  the  council 
sanctioned  the  employment  of  privateers  on  the  Gulf,  and  adopted  a 
form  for  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal. 

On  November  1.  in  a  report  to  the  consultation.  President  Royall  said: 
"The  general  council  begs  leave  to  report  that  now.  on  the  or- 
ganization of  your  honorable  body,  the  duties  of  the  council  ter- 
minate, and  it  is  with  much  satisfaction  that  we  surrender  into  your 
hands  the  records  of  our  proceedings.    In  the  discharge  of  its  duties. 


I  U STORY  OF  TEXAS  185 

it  became  necessary  for  the  council  to  take  the  responsibihty  of  acts 
of  magnitude.     If  in  doing  so  we  have  transcended  the   authority 
that  was  intended  to  be  delegated  to  us,  we  hope  that  the  liberality 
of  your  assembly  will  attribute  it  to  motives  of  rendering  important, 
if  not  indispensable,  aid  to  the  cause  in  which  Texas  is  engaged." 
This   report  contained  certain  details  not   covered  by   the   preceding 
summary.     Information  received  from  the  army  contractor  gave  "reasons 
to  believe  that  upwards  of  one  hundred  beeves  and  a  considerable  quantity 
of  corn  meal  are  on  the  way,  repairing  to  headquarters ;  and  as  connected 
with  this  subject,  we  will  also  inform  you  that  supplies  of  sugar,  coffee, 
bacon,  blankets,  shoes,  tent  cloths,  etc.,  have  been  forwarded  from  Colum- 
bia. Brazoria  and  Matagorda.     But  as  winter  is  approaching,  high  water 
and  bad  roads  may  be  expected,  we  therefore,  recommend  that  a  large 
quantity  be  forwarded  to  headquarters  or  some  convenient  point. 

"We  have  reasons  to  believe  that  one  eighteen  pounder  and  a 
twelve  pounder  of  artillery  are  on  the  way.  with  a  fair  ])roportion 
of  powder  and  ball.     *     *     * 

"Our  finances  arising  from  the  receipts  of  dues  for  land,  as  will 
appear  on  file  in  Mr.  Gail  Borden's  report,  marked  F,  which  were  in 
his  hands,  is  fifty-eight  dollars  and  thirty  cents;  this  money  has  been 
exhausted,  and  an  advance  by  the  president  of  the  council  of  thirty- 
six  dollars.  There  were  also  several  hundred  dollars  in  the  hands  of 
Mr.  Money,  the  alcalde  of  the  Municipality  of  Austin ;  upon  this 
money  several  advances  have  been  made  by  Mr.  Cochran,  and  prob- 
ably will  nearly  cover  the  amount  of  the  money  in  the  alcalde's 
hands ;  as  such.  yf)u  may  consider  that  at  this  moment,  the  council 
is  out  of  funds. 

"Two  Mexican  officers,  jjrisoners  of  war,  are  now  on  parole  of 
honor,  having  the  jirivilege  of  the  town  of  San  Felipe;  it  will  be 
necessary  that  the  i)resident  or  some  appointed  authority  of  your 
body  have  observation  over  them,  as  may  be  usual  or  necessary. 

"As  some  days  may  pass  by  before  the  consultation  organize,  a 

]jroper  authority  to  receive  and  des]jatch  expresses,  the  council  is  of 

opinion  should  be  attended  to,  and  the  council  is  of  opinion  that  you 

should  appoint  a  committee  for  that  purpose." 

This  report  was  received  by  the  consultation  on  November  .^  with  a 

vote  of  thanks;  and  the  [)ermanent  council  dis.solved,  or,  more  pro])erly 

speaking,  was  absorbed  1)\-  the  consultation. 

While  these  movements  had  been  taking  jjlace  in  Texas  the  finishing 
touches  had  been  put  to  the  centralization  of  the  national  government 
of  Mexico.  Kennedy  briefly  describes  the  changes  in  the  constitution 
during  the  summer  of  18.35  : 

"In  July  the  Ceneral  Congress  met  in  the  capital  and  resolved 
itself  into  a  constituent  congress,  with  power  to  effect  organic  re- 
forms. It  decided  bv  a  large  majority  that  a  central  form  of  govern- 
ment should  be  adopted,  and  appointed  a  coniniittce  to  report  a  con- 
stitution. The  committee  reported  that  there  should  be  a  .Supreme 
Chief  to  rule  the  nation,  who  should  be  elected  for  eight  years,  and 
be  re-elected  for  life — that  the  Senate  should  be  composed  of  twelve 
members — si.x  generals  and  six  bishops,  to  be  appointed  bv  the  chief — '■ 


186  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

that  the  Representative  Chamber  should  be  elected  by  persons  own- 
ing a  certain  amount  of  property ;  and  that  the  states  should  be  called 
Departments,  to  be  governed  by  a  military  commandant  and  a 
bishop.  On  the  3d  of  October,  1835,  the  acting  President  of  Mexico, 
General  Barragan,  issued  the  following  decree,  abolishing  the  legisla- 
tive powers  of  the  several  states  and  established  a  Central  Republic. 
"Office  of  the  First  Secretary  of  State,  Interior  Department. 

"His  Excellency  the  President  pro  tern  of  the  Mexican  United 
States  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Republic.  Know  ye,  that  the  General 
Congress  has  decreed  the  following: 

"Art.  1.  The  present  government  of  the  states  shall  continue, 
notwithstanding  the  time  fixed  by  the  constitution  may  have  expired ; 
but  shall  be  dependent  for  their  continuance  in  the  exercise  of  their 
attributes  upon  the  Supreme  Government  of  the  nation. 

"Art.  2.  The  legislatures  shall  immediately  cease  to  exercise 
their  legislative  functions:  but  before  dissolving,  (and  those  which 
may  be  in  recess  meeting  for  the  purpo.se)  they  shall  appoint  a  De- 
partment Council,  composed,  for  the  present,  of  five  individuals, 
chosen  either  within  or  without  their  own  body,  to  act  as  council  tO 
the  governor ;  and  in  case  of  vacancy  in  that  office,  they  shall  pro- 
pose to  the  Supreme  General  Government  three  persons  possessing 
the  qualifications  hitherto  required :  and  until  an  appointment  be 
made,  the  gubernatorial  powers  shall  be  exercised  by  the  first  on  the 
list  who  is  not  an  ecclesiastic. 

"Art.  3.  In  those  states  where  the  legislature  cannot  be  as- 
sembled within  eight  days,  the  Ayuntamiento  of  the  capital  shall  act 
in  its  place,  only  for  the  purpose  of  electing  the  five  individuals  of 
the  Department-Council. 

"Art.  4.  All  the  judges  and  tribunals  of  the  states,  and  the 
administration  of  justice,  shall  continue  as  hitherto,  until  the  organic 
law  relative  to  this  branch  be  formed.  The  responsibilities  of  the 
functionaries  which  could  only  be  investigated  before  Congress,  shall 
be  referred  to  and  concluded  before  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  nation. 

"Art.  5.  All  the  subaltern  officers  of  the  state  shall  also  con- 
tinue for  the  present  (the  places  which  are  vacant,  or  which  may 
be  vacated  not  to  be  filled),  but  they,  as  well  as  the  officers,  revenues, 
and  branches  under  their  charge,  remain  subject  to,  and  at  the  dis- 
posal of.  the  Supreme  Government  of  the  nation,  by  means  of  the 
respective  Governor. 

"Palace  of  the  Federal  Government  in  Mexico,  Oct.  3d,  1835. 

"Miguel  Barragan,  A.  D. 
Manuel  Diez  de  Bonilla." 
This,  therefore,  was  the  situation  in  national  aflfairs  when  the  con- 
sultation assembled.    The  elections  of  September  and  October  had  resulted 
in  the  choice  of  the  following  members  of  the  consultation : 

department    of   BRAZOS 

Jurisdiction  of  Austin :  Stephen  F.  .A.ustin,  Thomas  Barnett,  Jesse 
Burnham,  Randall  Jones,  Wily  Martin.  \Mlliam  Menifee,  W.  Barrett 
Travis. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  187 

Jurisdiction  of  Columbia:  Win.  H.  Wharton,  Henry  Smith,  H.  T. 
Archer,  W.  D.  C.  Hall,  Edwin  Waller,  J.  S.  D.  Byrom,  John  A.  Wharton. 

Jurisdiction  of  Matagorda:  R.  R.  Royall,  Chas.  \Vilson,  J.  R.  Lewis, 
James  Kerr,  George  Sutherland.  Francis  M.  White. 

Jurisdiction  of  Harrisburg:  Lorenzo  de  Zavala.  Geo.  M.  Patrick, 
\\m.  P.  Harris,  c'.  C  .  Dyer,  M.  W.  Smith.  John  \\'.  Moore,  David  B. 
McComb. 

Jurisdiction  of  W  asiiinginii :  .\>a  Mitchell,  .\sa  Hoxey,  Jesse  Grimes, 
C.  Collard.  M.  Millican,  William  Shepherd,  Philip  Coe. 

Jurisdiction  of  Gonzales:  Wm.  S.  F"isher,  J.  B.  Clement,  Benj. 
Fuqua,  Geo.  W.  Davis.  Thos,  K.  Miller,  James  Hodge,  Wm.  Arrington. 

Jurisdiction  of  Mina:  J.  .S.  Lester,  D.  C.  Barrett,  Edward  Burle- 
son, R.  M.  Coleman,  B.  Manlove.  Bartlet  Sims,  R.  M.  Williamson. 

Jurisdiction  of  Viesca:  J.  G.  W.  Pierson,  J.  S.  Hood,  S.  F.  Allen, 
A.  G.  Perry,  J.  W.  Parker.  Alexander  Thomson. 

DEPARTMENT  OK   NACOGDOCHES 

Jurisdiction  of  Nacogdoches:  Wm.  Whitaker.  Sam  Houston,  Daniel 
Parker,  James  W.  Robinson.  Nat.  Robins,  Hoffman,  T.  J.  Rusk. 

Jurisdiction  of  San  Augustine :  A.  Houston,  Jacob  Garrett,  Wm. 
N.  Sigler,  A.  E.  C.  Johnson.  .A.  C.  Kellog.  Henry  Augustin,  Alexander 
Horton. 

Jurisdiction  of  Bevil:  John  Bevil,  S.  H.  Everett.  VVyatt  Hanks,  J.  H. 
Blount,  Samuel  Lewis,  Thos,  Holmes.  John  A.  Veatch. 

Jurisdiction  of  Liberty:  J.  B.  Wood,  Henry  Millard,  C.  West,  P.  J. 
Menard,  Hugh  B.  Johnson,  D.  G.  Burnet. 

DEP.\RTMI".N'T   OF   HEXAR 

None. 

A  quorum  was  present  on  November  .\  and  with  R.  R.  Royall  pre- 
siding the  consultation  organized  by  electing  B.  T.  Archer  president  and 
R.  B.  Dexter  secretary.  Archer,  on  taking  the  chair,  delivered  an  address 
outlining  the  problems  before  the  assembly : 

"The  first  measttre  that  will  be  brought  before  the  house,  will  be 
a  declaration  in  which  we  will  set  forth  to  the  world  the  causes  which 
have  impelled  us  to  take  up  arms,  and  the  objects  for  which  we  fight. 
"Secondly.  I  will  suggest  for  your  consideration  the  propriety  of 
establishing  a  provisional  government,  the  election  of  a  governor,  lieu- 
tenant governor  and  council ;  and  1  would  recommend  that  these 
officers  be  clothed  with  both  legislative  and  executive  powers.  This 
measure  I  conceive  absolutelv  necessary  to  prevent  Texas  from  fall- 
ing into  the  labyrinth  of  anarchy. 

"Thirdly.  The  organization  of  the  military  requires  your  imme- 
diate attention.  You  have  an  army  in  the  field  whose  achievements 
have  already  shed  lustre  upon  our  arms,  they  have  not  the  provisions 
and  comforts  necessary  to  continue  their  services  in  the  field ;  give 
them  character  or  their  victories,  though  they  are  achieved  not  with- 
out danger  and  glory,  will,  nevertheless,  be  unproductive  of  good, 
sustain  and  support  them  and  they  will  do  honor  to  you,  and  render 
incalcuable  .services  to  their  country  :  but  neglect  them,  Texas  is  lost. 
The  adoption  of  a  code  of  military  laws  is  indispensable:  without 


188  IIISIOUV  OF    TICXAS 

(li^cipliiu-  and  tirdcr  in  the  ranks,  your  annie.s  will  he  mobs,  mure 
dangerous  to  themselves  than  to  their  adversaries,  and  liable  at  all 
times  to  be  routed  and  cut  to  pieces  by  a  handful  of  regulars.  I 
know  the  men  that  are  now  in  the  field ;  there  never  were  better 
materials  for  soldiers ;  but  without  disci])line  they  can  achieve  noth- 
ing. Establish  military  laws,  and,  like  the  dragon's  teeth  sown  by 
Cadmus,  they  will  produce  armed  men.  It  will  he  necessary  to  pro- 
cure funds  in  order  to  establish  the  contemplated  government,  and  to 
carry  on  the  war  in  which  we  are  now  engaged ;  it  will,  therefore, 
be  our  duty  to  elect  agents  to  procure  those  funds.  1  have  too  high 
an  opinion  of  the  plain  practical  sense  of  the  members  of  this  body 
to  think  for  a  moment  that  they  will  elect  any  but  some  of  our  most 
influential  citizens  to  this  important  post.  Without  fimds,  however 
heroically  your  armies  may  fight,  however  wisely  your  councils  may 
legislate,  they  will  erect  but  a  baseless  fabric  that  will  fall  of  its 
own  weight. 

"There  are  several  warlike  and  powerful  tribes  of  Indians  that 
claim  certain  portions  of  our  lands.  Locations  have  been  made  within 
the  limits  they  claim,  which  has  created  great  dissatisfaction  amongst 
them  ;  some  of  the  chiefs  of  those  tribes  are  expected  here  in  a  few 
days ;  and  I  deem  it  expedient  to  make  some  equitable  arrangement  of 
the  matter  that  will  prove  satisfactory  to  them. 

"Permit  me  to  call  your  attention  to  another  subject.  Some  of  our 
brethren  of  the  United  States  of  the  north,  hearing  of  our  difficulties, 
have  generously  come  to  our  aid,  many  more  ere  long  will  be  with  us ; 
services  such  as  they  will  render,  should  never  be  forgotten.  It  will 
be  proper  for  this  convention  to  secure  to  them  the  rights  and  priv- 
ileges of  citizens,  to  secure  to  them  their  land  'in  head  rights,'  and 
place  them  on  the  same  footing  with  those  of  our  citizens  who  have 
not  yet  obtained  from  government  their  lands ;  and  in  all  other 
respects  to  place  them  on  an  equal  footing  with  our  most  favored 
citizens.  Again,  the  path  to  promotion  mu.st  be  open,  they  must  know 
that  deeds  of  chivalry  and  heroism  will  meet  their  rewards,  and  that 
you  will  throw  no  obstruction  in  their  pathway  to  fame. 

"Some  fraudulent  sales  or  grants  of  land,  by  the  late  government 
of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  will  retpiire  your  attention.  The  establish- 
ment of  mails,  and  an  exj)ress  department,  is  deemed  necessary  to 
promote  the  interest  of  the  country  ;  besides  other  minor  matters  that 
have  escaped  my  observation  in  this  cursory  review. 

"Finally.  Gentlemen  and  friends,  let  me  call  your  attention  from 
these  details  to  the  high  position  which  you  now  occupy ;  let  me 
remind  you  that  the  eyes  of  the  world  are  upon  you  ;  that  battling 
as  we  are  against  the  despotism  of  a  military  chieftain,  all  true  re- 
publicans, all  friends  to  the  liberties  of  man,  are  anxious  spectators 
of  the  conflict,  or  deeply  interested  in  the  cause.  Let  us  give  evi- 
dence that  we  are  the  true  descendants  of  that  band  of  heroes  who 
sustained  an  eight  years'  war  against  tyranny  and  0])pression  and 
gave  liberty  to  a  new  world.  Let  our  achievements  be  such  that  our 
mother  country,  when  she  reads  the  bright  page  that  records  them. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  189 

>hall  prouflly  and  ju\  fullv  exclaim,  thex.-  are  luv  sons!  their  heroic 

deeds  mark  them  as  such." 

l-'ollowiiifj  the  President's  adchess  General  Sam  Houston  introduced 
and  the  assembly  })assed  a  resolution  thanking  Bowie,  F"annin,  and  the 
troops  under  their  command  for  their  services  in  the  recent  battle  of  Con- 
cepcion.  Mr.  Edward  Hall  of  New  Orleans  presented  a  report  from  a 
committee  in  New  Orleans  which  had  collected  funds  and  forwarded 
volimteers  to  aid  the  Texans.  The  consultation  thanked  him  and  the 
committee  and  approved  of  the  disposition  which  had  been  made  of  the 
New  Orleans  recruits,  who  had  marched  to  join  Austin's  forces  at  San 
.\ntonio.  The  im])ortant  business  of  the  first  day's  session  was  closed  by 
the  appointment,  on  motion  of  John  A.  Wharton,  of  a  committee  to  set 
forth  the  causes  why  the  Texans  had  taken  up  arms.  This  committee  con» 
sisted  of  one  member  from  each  municipality  or  jurisdiction  represented 
in  the  convention,  and  included  the  following:  John  A.  Wharton,  Colum- 
bia; William  Menifee,  Austin:  R.  R.  Royall,  Matagorda:  Lorenzo  de 
Zavala,  Harrishurg :  Asa  Mitchell.  Washington  :  W.  S.  F"isher,  Gonzales : 
R.  M.  Williamson,  Mina:  Sam  Houston.  Nacogdoches;  A.  Houston,  San 
.\ugustine:  Wyatt  Hanks.  P.evil :  Henry  Millard,  Liberty;  S.  T.  Allen, 
N'iesca. 

The  work  of  this  committee  occu])ie<l  the  consultation  almost  ex- 
clusively until  November  7,  when  a  declaration  was  adopted.  The  chief 
question  at  issue  was  whether  the  consultation  should  declare  in  favor 
of  the  Mexican  constitution  of  1824 — thereby  remaining  a  part  of  the 
republic  of  Mexico  and  inviting  the  assistance  of  the  Liberals  through- 
out the  country  who  were  ojtposing  Santa  Anna's  centralization  of  the 
government — or  issue  an  outright  declaration  of  independence.  ,\ustin 
had  anticipated  the  necessity  for  some  such  declaration  and  had  written 
from  cam])  on  the  Salado  on  October  25  his  idea  of  what  the  declaration 
should  contain  : 

"1st.     A  Declaration  confirming  the  ])ronouncements  made  by  the 

])eoi)le  at  their  municipal  meetings  to  sustain  the  Federal  Constitution 

of  1824,  and  the  Federal  .System,  wliicli  the  armv  of  Texas  are  now 

defending. 

"2d.     To  declare   Texas  a  State  of   the   Mexican    i'\'deration,  in 

conseiiuence  of  the  dissolution  of  the  constitutional  government  of 

Coahuila  and  Texas,  by  Military  intervention. 

"3rd.     Declare  that  a  provisional  Local  f  xovernment  be  organized 

for  the  State  of  Texas,  imder  the  constitutional  Decree  of  7  May, 

1824.  aiul  a])])oint  a  provisional  governor  and  Lieutenant  Governor. 
"4th.      Declare  the  existing  laws  and  constitution  of  the  .State  of 

Coahuila  and  Texas,  to  be  ])rovisionally  in  force,  with  such  exceptions 

as  may  be  rleemed  |)roper  until  a  constitution  is  formed. 

"5th.     Pledge  the   faith  of  the  .State  to  raise   funds  and  means. 

arms  and  men,  to  sustain  the  war  in  defense  of  the  constitution  and 

Federal  System. 

"6th.     Secure  the  lands  and  interests  of  the  Indians,  and  declare 

all  fraudulent  and  illegal  sales  or  grants  of  land  made  bv  the  .State 

Govcrnnicnt  (if  Coahuiln  .-ind  Texas  siticc    \prtl.   18.^.S.  to  lie  null  and 

void. 


190  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

"7th.     Establish  a  provisional  Express  department. 

"8th.     Organize  the  militia,  and  appoint  a  commander  in  chief. 

"9th.  Raise  300  infantry  and  150  cavalry  and  a  corps  of  artillery 
as  regular  troops." 
A  compari.son  of  this  memorandum  with  President  Archer's  inaug- 
ural address  shows  that  it  had  great  influence  in  shaping  that  address. 
It  was  now  turned  over  to  the  committee,  and  Daniel  Parker  of  Nacog- 
doches, D.  C.  Barrett  of  Mina,  R.  M.  Williamson  of  Mina,  and  probably 
other  members  of  the  consultation  presented  drafts  embodying  their  ideas 
of  the  form  which  the  declaration  should  take.  \\'harton  was  in  favor 
of  a  declaration  of  independence,  but  the  committee  could  not  agree  and 
asked  the  house  for  instructions.  General  Houston  moved  a  declaration 
in  favor  of  the  constitution  of  1824,  but  after  .some  debate  withdrew  his 
motion  in  deference  to  the  wishes  of  Wharton.  Finally  it  was  decided 
by  the  decisive  vote  of  thirty-three  to  fifteen  to  declare  in  favor  of  the 
constitution.    As  finally  adopted  on  the  7th  the  declaration  was  as  follows : 

"declaration    of    the    people    of    TEXAS    IN    GENERAL    CONVENTION 

ASSEMBLED 

"Whereas,  General  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna,  and  other 
military  chieftains,  have,  by  force  of  arms,  overthrown  the  federal 
institutions  of  Mexico,  and  dissolved  the  social  compact  which  existed 
between  Texas  and  the  other  members  of  the  Mexican  confederacy ; 
now  the  good  people  of  Texas,  availing  themselves  of  their  natural 
rights, 

SOLEMNLY  DECLARE 

"1st.  That  the)-  have  taken  up  arms  in  defence  of  their  rights 
and  hberties.  which  were  threatened  by  the  encroachments  of  military 
despots,  and  in  defence  of  the  republican  principles  of  the  federal 
constitution  of  Mexico,  of  eighteen  and  twenty-four. 

"2nd.  That  Texas  is  no  longer  morally  or  civilly  bound  by  the 
compact  of  union ;  yet  stimulated  by  the  generosity  and  sympathy 
common  to  a  free  people,  they  offer  their  support  and  assistance  to 
such  of  the  members  of  the  Mexican  confederacy  as  will  take  up  arms 
•igainst  military  despotism. 

"3d.  That  they  do  not  acknowledge  that  the  present  authorities 
of  the  nominal  Mexican  republic  have  the  right  to  govern  within  the 
limits  of  Texas. 

"4th.  That  thev  will  not  cease  to  carry  on  war  against  the  said 
authorities  whilst  their  troops  are  within  the  limits  of  Texas. 

"5th.  That  they  hold  it  to  be  their  right  during  the  disorganiza- 
tion of  the  federal  system,  and  the  reign  of  despotism,  to  withdraw 
from  the  union,  to  establish  an  independent  government,  or  to  adopt 
such  measures  as  they  may  deem  best  calculated  to  protect  their  rights 
and  liberties,  but  that  they  will  continue  faithful  to  the  Mexican 
government  so  long  as  that  nation  is  governed  by  the  constitution 
and  laws  that  were  formed  for  the  government  of  the  political  asso- 
ciation. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  191 

"6th.  That  Texas  is  responsible  for  the  expenses  of  her  armies 
now  in  the  field. 

"7th.  That  the  public  faith  of  Texas  is  pledged  for  the  payment 
of  any  debts  contracted  by  her  agents. 

"8th.  That  she  will  reward,  by  donations  in  lands,  all  who  vol- 
unteer their  services  in  her  present  struggle,  and  receive  them  as 
citizens. 

"These  declarations  we  solemnly  avow  to  the  world,  and  call  God 
to  witness  their  truth  and  sincerity,  and  invoke  defeat  and  disgrace 
upon  our  heads,  should  we  prove  guilty  of  duplicity." 
On  the  7th.  after  the  passage  of  the  declaration  of  causes  for  taking 
up  arms,  Mr.  Millard  moved  the  appointment  of  a  committee  of  twelve, 
one    from   each   municipality    represented   in   the   convention,   to   present 
a  plan  for  a  provisional  government.     The  motion  was  adopted  and  the 
president  appointed  Messrs.  Millard,  Jones,  Wilson,  Dyer,  Hoxie,  Lester, 
H.   Smith,   Arrington,   Thompson.   Robinson,   Everett,   and  A.   Houston. 
The   committee   attacked    the   problem   by   dividing   itself   into   two   sub- 
committees, one  to  report  a  ]:)lan  of  civil  government  and  the  other  to 
consider  the  organization  of  the  military  department.     During  the  next 
six  days  the  consultation  worked  intermittently  on  the  reports  of  these 
two  sub-committees,  and  between  whiles  settled  a  number  of  other  im- 
portant matters. 

On  the  9th  it  was  agreed  that  the  volunteers  with  Austin  who  re- 
mained in  the  service  until  the  fall  of  San  Antonio,  or  until  honorably 
discharged,  should  be  entitled  to  twenty  dollars  a  month,  from  the  time 
that  they  left  home  imtil  their  return  :  and  to  "receive  such  other  dona- 
tions of  land  as  this  government  shall  vote  them  for  their  patriotism."  It 
was  voted  also  to  remunerate  them  for  "all  losses  of  private  propertx 
or  money  expended  in  the  service  of  the  country."  On  the  same  da\' 
Edward  Hall  was  a])pointed  agent  for  the  purchase  of  cannon  and  muni- 
tions in  New  Orleans,  and  was  instructed  to  call  upon  the  committee 
of  sympathizers  in  New  Orleans  for  funds  to  pay  for  these  supplies. 
The  claims  of  the  volunteers  to  the  special  consideration  of  the  consul- 
tation were  clearly  recognized,  and  on  November  1,1,  the  last  working  day 
of  the  assembly,  a  select  committee  made  the  following  report  concerning 
their  status: 

"Your  committee,  before  closing  their  report,  would  respectfully 
call  the  attention  of  this  house  to  the  army  now  in  the  field.  This 
force  is  composed  of  volunteers  from  every  rank  of  citizens  in  the 
country,  whose  services  gencralh'  commenced  before  the  assembling 
of  this  house,  and  as  their  movements  have  hitherto  been  regulated 
b\-  officers  of  their  own  choice,  no  obligation  can  be  imposed  ujion 
them  to  submit  to  the  control  of  the  jjrovisional  government;  advi- 
,sory  communications  are  all  that  can  be  made  to  them,  nevertlieless. 
vour  committee  recommends  that  every  honorable  inducement  should 
be  held  out  for  their  continuance  in  their  country's  service,  at  any 
rate  until  a  regular  army  be  ready  to  take  the  field,  and  should 
Rexar  so  long  hold  out  against  their  efTorts.  Already  have  this 
house  passed  resolutions  for  their  individual  compensation,  when 
the  resources  of  the  eoimtry  will  permit.     The  land  offices  have  been 


192  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

closed,  that  no  advantage  should  be  taken  over  the  soldier  in  tlic 
field  in  making  his  selection  of  lands ;  the  gratitude  of  this  body, 
as  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  all  Texas,  has  been  twice 
expressed  and  entered  upon  the  journals  of  the  house,  and  every 
effort  used  to  afford  supplies  of  ammunition  and  provision  within 
the  power  of  the  late  council,  and  of  this  body  :  these  efforts  we 
recommend  to  be  continued,  and  that  this  house  recommend  the 
members  of  the  army  to  elect  such  officers  as  are  wanting,  and  that 
all  officers  report  themselves  to  the  governor  and  council  for  com- 
missions;  that  their  respective  ranks  be  known  of  record  for  pur- 
poses obviously  necessary  for  their  future  compensation,  and  that 
of  the  soldiers  under  them,  who  may  receive  discharges  from  their 
respective  officers,  that  they  may  be  fully  known  when  a  grateful 
country  shall  be  able  to  express  her  thanks  in  bounties  more  sub- 
stantial than  mere  words.  Your  committee  recommended  that  the 
army  be  encouraged  to  persevere  with  the  assurance  that  every 
exertion  will  be  used  bv  the  provisional  government,  to  aid.  comfort 
and  support  it  which  it  has  within  its  power,  and  will  cn-operate 
in  forwarding  its  operations. 

"Your   comrhittee   would    suggest,   that    much   encouragement    is 
afforded  for  perseverance  in  military  operations,  from  the  unsettled 
state  of  the  ^lexican  government.     The  apprehension  of  resistance 
from  the  citizens  of  the  republic  is  admitted  in  a  late  report  of  a 
committee  of  congress,  contained  in  their  plan  of  a  form  of  govern- 
ment intended  to  be  enforced  upon  the  people  by  the   exertion  of 
military  power,  against  their  consent.     This  disposition  will  prevent 
the  usurper,  Santa  Anna,  from  reinforcing  the  troops  now  arrayed 
against  Texas ;  and  gives  hopes  of  a  co-operation  of  our  Mexican 
brethren  in  the  glorious  cause  of  liberty  and  the  constitution,  in  which 
Texas  has  set  the  noble  example." 
On  the  12th  it  was  resolved  that  "three  commissioners  be  appointed 
by  this  body,  as  agents  to  the  United  States  of  North  America,  to  he 
commissioned   by    the   governor   and    council ;    who    shall    delegate    them 
such  powers,  and  give  them  such  instructions,  as  the  governor  and  council 
may  deem  expedient."    B.  T.  Archer,  ^\'illiam  H.  Wharton,  and  Stephen 
F.  .Austin  were  elected  for  this  service. 

On  the  13th  it  was  "solemnly  decreed"  that  the  Cherokee  Indians 
and  their  associate  bands  were  justlv  entitled  to  the  lands  which  they 
claimed,  "lying  north  of  the  San  Antonio  road  and  the  Neches.  and 
west  of  the  .\ngelina  and  Sabine  rivers."  It  was  made  the  duty  of  the 
provisional  government  to  appoint  commissioners  to  treat  with  these 
Indians  for  the  establishment  of  definite  boundaries  ;  and  all  grants,  sur- 
veys, and  locations  made  within  these  boundaries  since  the  settlement 
of  the  Indians  therein  were  declared  "utterly  null  and  void."  "We 
solemnly  declare  that  they  are  entitled  to  our  commiseration  and  pro- 
tection, as  the  just  owners  of  the  soil,  as  an  unfortunate  race  of  people 
that  we  wi.sh  to  hold  as  friends,  and  treat  with  justice." 

Finally,  on  the  l.^th.  the  committee  on  enrollment,  to  which  had  been 
referred   the   plan   for  the  provisional   government   and  the   plan   for  the 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  19.5 

military   organization,   reported   the    following'   instruments,    which    were 
adopted : 

PLAN    OK  THE    I'ROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT 

Article  I 

That  there  shall  be  and  there  is  hereby  created  a  provisional  govern- 
ment for  Texas ;  which  shall  consist  of  a  governor,  a  lieutenant  governor 
and  a  council,  to  be  elected  from  this  body ;  one  member  from  each 
municipality,  by  the  majority  of  each  separate  delegation  present,  and 
the  governor  and  lieutenant  governor  shall  be  elected  by  this  body. 

Article  II 

The  lieutenant  governor  shall  be  president  of  the  council,  and  per- 
form the  duties  of  governor  in  case  of  death,  absence  or  from  other 
inability  of  the  governor,  during  which  time  a  president  "pro  tern"  shall 
be  appointed,  to  perform  the  duties  of  the  lieutenant  governor  in  council. 

Article  III 

The  duties  of  the  general  council  shall  be  to  devise  ways  and  means, 
to  advise  and  assist  the  governor  in  the  discharge  of  his  functions ;  they 
shall  pass  no  laws,  except  such  as  in  their  opinion  the  emergency  of  the 
country  requires ;  ever  keeping  in  view  the  army  in  the  field,  and  the 
means  necessary  for  its  comfort  and  support,  they  shall  pursue  the  most 
effective  and  energetic  measures  to  rid  the  country  of  her  enemies,  and 
place  her  in  the  best  possible  state  of  defence.  Two  thirds  of  the  mem- 
bers elect  of  the  general  council  shall  form  a  quorum  to  do  business  ; 
and  in  order  that  no  vacancy  shall  happen  in  the  council,  if  any  member, 
from  death  or  casualty,  shall  be  incapacitated  to  act,  the  governor  shall 
immediately  on  information  thereof,  notify  the  member  elected  to  fill 
vacancies,  and  on  his  default,  anv  member  who  has  been  elected  to  this 
body  from  the  same  jurisdiction.  The  Governor  and  council  shall  be 
authorized  to  contract  for  loans,  not  to  exceed  one  million  of  dollars, 
and  to  hypothecate  the  public  land,  and  pledge  the  faith  of  the  country 
for  the  security  of  payment.  That  they  have  the  power  to  impose  and 
regulate  imposts  and  tonnage  duties,  and  ])rovide  for  their  collection 
under  such  regulations  as  may  be  the  most  expedient. 

They  shall  have  power,  and  it  is  hereby  made  the  duty  of  the  gov- 
ernor and  council,  to  treat  with  the  .several  tribes  of  Indians  concern- 
ing their  land  claims,  and  if  possible  to  secure  their  friendship.  They 
shall  establish  post  offices  and  post  roads,  and  regulate  the  rates  of 
postage,  and  appoint  a  postmaster  general,  who  shall  have  competent 
powers  for  conducting  this  department  of  the  provisional  government, 
under  such  rules  and  regulations  as  the  governor  and  council  inay  pre- 
scribe. They  shall  have  power  to  grant  pardons,  remit  fines,  and  to  hear 
and  judge  all  cases  usual  in  high  courts  of  admiralty,  agreeably  to  the 
law  of  nations. 

Article  IV 

The  governor,  for  the  time  being,  and  during  the  existence  of  the 
provisional  government,  shall  be  clothed  with  full  and  am))le  executive 
\  oi,.  I     I,-', 


194  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

powers,  and  shall  be  cominaiidfi-in-chief  uf  the  army  and  navy,  and  of 
all  the  military  forces  of  Texas,  by  sea  and  land ;  and  he  shall  have  full 
power,  by  himself,  by  and  with  the  consent  of  the  council,  and  by  his 
proper  commander,  or  other  officers,  from  time  to  time,  to  train,  instruct, 
exercise  and  govern  the  militia  and  navy,  and  for  the  special  defense  and 
safety  of  the  country,  to  assemble  in  martial  array,  and  put  in  warlike 
attitude,  the  inhabitants  thereof,  and  to  lead  and  conduct  them  by  his 
proper  officers;  and  with  them  to  encounter,  repel,  resist  and  pursue, 
by  force  of  arms,  as  well  by  sea  as  by  land,  within  or  without  the  limits 
of  Texas;  and  also  destroy,  if  necessar}',  and  conquer,  by  all  proper 
ways,  and  enterprises,  and  means,  whatever,  all  and  every  such  person 
or  persons  as  shall,  at  any  time,  in  a  hostile  manner,  attempt  or  enter- 
prise the  destruction  of  our  liberty  or  the  invasion,  detriment  or  annoy- 
ance of  the  country  ;  and  by  his  proper  officers  use  and  exercise  over 
the  army  and  navy,  and  the  militia  in  the  actual  service,  the  law  martial. 
in  times  of  war.  invasion  or  rebellion,  and  to  take  and  surprise,  by  all 
honorable  ways  and  means  consistent  with  the  laws  of  nations,  all  and 
every  such  person  or  persons,  with  their  ships,  arms,  ammunition  and 
goods,  as  shall,  in  a  hostile  manner,  invade,  or  attempt  the  invading  or 
annoying  our  adopted  country.  And  that  the  governor  be  clothed  with 
all  these  and  all  other  powers  which  may  be  thought  necessary  by  the 
permanent  council,  calculated  to  aid  and  protect  the  country  from  her 
enemies. 

Article  V 

There  shall  be  constituted  a  provisional  judiciary  in  each  jurisdiction 
represented,  or  which  may  hereafter  be  represented  in  this  house,  to 
consist  of  two  judges,  a  first  and  second,  the  latter  only  to  act  in  the 
absence  or  inabilitv  of  the  first,  and  be  nominated  by  the  council,  and 
conditioned  by  the  gf)vernor. 

Article  VI 

Every  judge  so  nominated  and  commissioned,  shall  have  jurisdic- 
tion over  all  crimes  and  misdemeanors  recognized  and  known  to  the 
common  law  of  England  ;  he  shall  have  power  to  grant  writ  of  "habeas 
corpus"  in  all  cases  known  and  practiced  to.  and  under  the  same  law  ; 
he  shall  have  power  to  grant  writs  of  sequestration,  attachments  or 
arrests,  in  all  cases  established  by  the  "civil  code"  and  "code  of  prac- 
tice" of  the  state  of  Louisiana,  to  be  regulated  by  the  forms  thereof  : 
shall  possess  full  testimentary  powers  in  all  cases,  and  shall  also  be  made 
a  court  of  record  for  conveyances,  which  mav  be  made  in  English,  and 
not  on  stamped  paper,  and  that  stamped  paper  be,  in  all  cases  dispensed 
with  :  and  shall  be  the  "notyy  public"  of  their  respective  municipalities. 
All  office  fees  shall  be  regulated  by  the  governor  and  council ;  all  other 
civil  proceedings  at  law  shall  be  suspended  until  the  governor  and  general 
council  shall  otherwise  direct ;  each  municipality  shall  continue  to  elect 
a  sheriff,  alcalde  and  other  officers  of  avuntamientos. 

Article  VII 

.\1I  trials  shall  be  by  jury ;  and,  in  criminal  cases,  the  proceedings 
shall  he  regulated  and  conducted  upon  the  principles  of  the  common  law 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  195 

of  England,  and  tin-  ptnallies  prescribed  In  said  laws,  in  case  of  con- 
viction, shall  be  inflicted,  unless  the  otTender  should  be  pardoned,  or  fine 
remitted ;  for  which  purpose  a  reasonable  time  shall  be  allowed  to  ever\. 
convict,  to  make  his  apjilication  to  the  governor  and  the  council. 

•\rticle  VTII 

I  he  utticers  of  ilie  provisional  government,  except  such  as  are  elected 
by  this  house,  or  the  people,  shall  be  appointed  by  the  general  council, 
and  all  oflicers  shall  be  commissioned  by  the  governor. 

Article  IX 

AH  commissions  to  officers  shall  be  in  the  name  of  the  people  "free 
and  sovereign."  and  signed  by  the  governor  and  secretary ;  and  all  pardons 
and  remissions  of  fines  granted,  shall  be  signed  in  the  same  manner. 

Article  X 

Every  officer  and  member  of  the  provisional  government,  before  en 
tering  upon  the  duties  of  his  office,  shall  take  and  subscribe  the  following 
oath  of  office : 

"I.,  A.  B..  do  .solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will  support  the 
republican  principles  of  the  constitution  of  Mexico  of  1824,  and  obey 
the  declarations  and  ordinances  of  'the  constitution  of  the  chosen 
delegates  of  all  Texas  in  general  convention  assembled,'  and  the 
ordinances  and  decrees  of  the  provisional  government ;  and  faith- 
fully perform  and  execute  the  duties  of  my  office  agreeably  to  law, 
to  the  best  of  my  abilities,  so  help  me  God." 

Article  XI 

On  charges  and  specifications  being  made  against  any  officer  of  the 
|)rovisional  government  for  malfeasance  or  misconduct  in  office,  and 
jiresented  to  the  governor  and  council,  a  fair  and  impartial  trial  shall 
be  granted,  to  be  conducted  before  the  general  council;  and  if.  in  the 
opinion  of  two-thirds  of  the  members,  cause  sufficient  be  shown,  be  shall 
be  dismissed  from  office  by  the  governor. 

Article  XII 

The  governor  and  council  shall  organize  and  enter  upon  their  duties 
immediatelv  after  the  adjournment  of  this  house,  and  hold  their  .sessions 
at  such  times  and  places  as  in  their  opinion  will  give  the  most  energy  and 
eflfect  to  the  objects  of  the  people,  and  li>  the  performance  nf  the  duties 
assigned  to  them. 

Article  XIII 

The  general  council  shall  appoint  a  treasurer,  whose  duties  shall  lie 
clearly  defined  by  them,  and  who  shall  give  approved  security  for  his 
faithful  performance. 

Article  XIV 

That  all  land  commissioners,  empresarios,  .surveyors,  or  persons  in 
anywise  concerned  in  the  location  of  lands,  be  ordered  forthwith  to  cease 
their  operations  during  the  agitated  and  unsettled   state  of  the  country. 


196  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

and  continue  to  desist  from  further  locations  until  the  land  office  can  be 
properly  systematized  by  the  proper  authority,  which  may  hereafter  be 
established ;  that  fit  and  suitable  persons  be  appointed  to  take  charge  of 
all  the  archives  belonging  to  the  different  land  offices,  and  deposit  the 
same  in  safe  places,  secure  from  the  ravages  of  fire,  or  the  devastation 
of  enemies ;  and  that  the  persons  so  appointed  be  fully  authorized  to  carry 
the  same  into  effect,  and  be  required  to  take  and  sign  triplicate  schedules 
of  all  the  books,  papers,  and  documents  found  in  the  several  land  offices, 
one  of  which  shall  be  given  to  the  governor  and  council,  one  left  in  the 
hands  of  the  land  officer  of  the  land  office,  the  other  to  be  retained  by  the 
said  person  :  and  they  are  enjoined  to  hold  the  said  papers  and  documents 
m  safe  custody,  subject  only  to  the  order  of  the  provisional  government. 
or  such  competent  authority  as  may  be  hereafter  created ;  and  the  said 
persons  shall  be  three  from  each  department,  as  commissioners,  to  be 
forthwith  appointed  by  this  house  to  carry  this  resolution  into  full  effect, 
and  report  thereof  to  the  government  and  council  (and  that  the  said 
political  chiefs  immediately  cease  their  functions).  The  different  archives 
of  the  different  primary  judges,  alcaldes,  and  other  municipal  officers  of 
the  various  jurisdictions  shall  be  handed  over  to  their  successors  in  office, 
immediately  after  their  election  or  appointment ;  and  the  archives  of  the 
several  political  chiefs  of  the  departments  of  Nacogdoches,  Brazos,  and 
Bexar,  shall  be  transmitted  forthwith  to  the  governor  and  council  for 
their  disposition. 

Article  XV 

All  persons  now  in  Texas,  and  performing  the  duties  of  citizens, 
who  have  not  acquired  their  quantum  of  land,  shall  be  entitled  to  the 
benefit  of  the  laws  on  colonization,  under  which  they  emigrated ;  and 
all  persons  who  may  emigrate  to  Texas  during  her  conflict  for  constitu- 
tional liberty,  and  perform  the  duties  of  citizens,  shall  also  receive  the 
benefits  of  the  law  under  which  they  emigrated. 

Article  XVI 

The  governor  and  council  shall  continue  to  exist  as  a  provisional 
government,  until  the  re-assembling  of  this  consultation,  or  until  other 
delegates  are  elected  by  the  people,  and  another  government  established. 

Article  XVII 

This  convention  when  it  may  think  proper  to  adjourn,  shall  stand 
adjourned  to  meet  at  the  town  of  Washington,  on  the  first  day  of  March 
next,  unless  sooner  called  by  the  executive  and  council. 

Article  XVIII 

All  grants,  sales,  and  conveyances  of  land,  illegally  and  fraudulently 
made  by  the  legislature  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  located  or 
to  be  located  within  the  limits  of  Texas,  are  hereby  solemnly  declared 
null,  void,  and  of  no  effect. 

.Article  XIX 

All  persons  who  leave  the  country  in  its  present  crisis,  with  a  view  to 
avoid  a   participation   in   its  present    struggle,   without   permission    from 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  197 

the  alcalde  or  judge  of  iheir  nuniicipality,  shall  forfeit  all  or  any  lands 
they  may  hold  or  may  have  a  claim  to,  for  the  benefit  of  this  govern- 
ment ;  provided,  nevertheless,  that  widows  and  minors  are  not  included 
in  this  provision. 

Article  XX 

All  monies  now  due,  or  that  may  hereafter  become  due,  on  lands 
lying  within  the  limits  of  Texas,  and  all  public  funds  or  revenues,  shall 
be  at  the  disposal  of  the  governor  and  general  council,  and  the  receipt 
of  the  treasurer  shall  be  a  sufficient  voucher  for  any  and  all  persons 
who  may  pay  monies  into  the  treasury  ;  and  the  governor  and  council 
shall  have  power  to  adopt  a  system  of  revenue  to  meet  the  exigencies  of 
the  state. 

Article  XXI 

Ample  power  and  authority  shall  be  delegated,  and  are  hereby  given 
and  delegated  to  the  governor  and  general  council  of  the  provisional 
government  of  all  Texas,  to  carry  into  full  effect  the  provisions  and  reso- 
lutions adopted  by  the  consultation  of  the  chosen  delegates  of  all  Texas, 
in  general  convention  assembled,  for  the  creation,  establishment,  and 
regulation  of  the  said  jirovisional  government. 

OK  THE    .\I1I.IT.\RV 

Article  1.  There  shall  be  a  regular  army  created  tor  the  protection 
of  Texas  during  the  present  war. 

Art.  2.  The  regular  army  of  Texas  shall  consist  of  one  major  gen- 
eral, who  shall  be  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  called  into  public 
service  during  the  war. 

Art.  3.  The  commander-in-chief  of  the  regular  army  of  Texas  shall 
be  appointed  by  the  convention  and  commissioned  by  the  governor. 

Art.  4.     He  shall  be  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  governor  and  council. 

Art.  5.  His  staff  shall  consist  of  one  adjutant  general,  one  inspector 
general,  one  quartermaster  general,  one  paymaster  general,  one  surgeon 
general,  and  four  aides-de-cainp,  with  their  respective  ranks  as  in  the 
United  States  army,  in  time  of  war,  to  be  appointed  by  the  governor. 

Art.  6.  The  regular  army  of  Texas  shall  consist  of  men  enlisted 
for  two  years,  and  volunteers  for  and  during  the  continuance  of  the  war. 

Art.  7.  The  regular  army  of  Texas,  while  in  the  service,  shall  be 
governed  by  the  rules,  regulations,  and  discipline  in  all  respects  appli- 
cable to  the  regular  army  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  time  of 
war,  so  far  as  is  applicable  to  our  condition  and  circumstances. 

Art.  8.  The  regular  army  of  Texas  shall  consist  of  eleven  hundred 
and  twenty  men,  rank  and  file. 

Art.  9.  There  shall  be  a  corps  of  rangers  under  the  command  of  a 
major,  to  consist  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  to  be  divided  into  three 
or  more  detachments,  and  which  shall  compose  a  battalion  under  the 
commander-in-chief,  when  in  the  field. 

Art.  10.  The  militia  of  Texas  shall  be  organized  as  follows :  all 
able  bodied  men,  over  sixteen  and  under  fifty  years  of  age,  shall  be  subject 
to  militia  duty. 


198  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

All.  11.  JCvcry  inhabitant  of  Texas  coming  within  purview  of  the 
preceding  article  shall,  on  the  third  Monday  of  December  next,  or  a.s 
soon  thereafter  a.s  practicable,  assemble  at  each  precinct  of  their  muni- 
cipality, and  proceed  to  elect  one  captain,  one  first  lieutenant,  and  one 
second  lieutenant,  to  every  fifty-six  men. 

Art.  12.  \\'hen  said  election  shall  have  taken  place,  tiie  judges  shall 
certify  to  the  governor  forthwith,  the  names  of  the  respective  officers 
elected,  who  shall  as  soon  as  j)racticable  make  out  and  sign,  and  transmit 
commissions  for  the  same;  that  if  there  shall  be  found  to  exist  in  any 
municipality,  more  than  three  companies,  the  captain  or  commandants, 
on  giving  due  notice  thereof,  shall  call  together  the  subalterns  of  said 
companies  and  ])roceed  to  elect  one  major;  if  of  four  companies,  one 
lieutenant  colonel ;  if  of  five  or  more  companies,  one  colonel  for  the  com- 
mand of  said  companies,  which  shall  constitute  a  regiment  of  said  muni- 
cipality ;  that  if  there  shall  be  found  to  exist  more  than  one  regiment  in 
said  municipality,  the  whole  number  of  field  and  company  officers  shall, 
on  due  notice,  proceed  to  elect  a  brigadier  general  out  of  their  number, 
who  shall  command  the  whole  militia  in  the  said  municipality. 

Rraxch  Turxfr  Archer. 

President. 

Officers  had  already  been  elected  by  the  consultation  from  its  own 
members  on  the  12th.  For  governor,  Henry  .Smith  was  elected  over 
.\ustin  by  a  vote  of  thirty-one  to  twenty-two.  James  W.  Robinson  was 
elected  lieutenant-governor,  and  members  of  the  general  council  were 
chosen  as  follows:  A.  Houston,  San  Augustine;  William  Menifee.  Aus- 
tin; Daniel  Parker.  Nacogdoches;  Jesse  Grimes.  Wa.shington ;  A.  G. 
Ferry,  Viesca ;  D.  C.  Barrett,  Mina ;  Henry  Millard,  Liberty ;  Martin 
Parmer.  Teneha ;  J.  D.  Clements,  Gonzales ;  R.  R.  Royall,  ]\Iatagorda ; 
W.  P.  Harris.  Harrisburg;  E.  Waller.  Columbia;  \\^yatt  Hanks.  Bevil. 
The  governor's  salary  was  fixed  at  fifteen  hundred  dollars,  the  lieutenant- 
governor's  at  twelve  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  and  the  i>er  diem  of  mem- 
bers of  the  council  was  placed  at  three  dollars,  with  an  allowance  of  three 
dollars  for  each  twenty-five  miles  traveled  to  and  from  the  council. 

On  the  14th  the  consultation  adjourned  "to  meet  on  the  first  day 
of  March  next,  unless  sooner  called  by  the  governor  and  council,"  and 
all  members  who  could  do  so  were  urged  to  repair  to  San  Antonio  "to 
assist  our  fellow-citizens  in  the  field." 


ClIAPTKR  W 

THE  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT 

A  i)rovis!onal  govcninienl  having  been  established  by  the  general 
consultation,  and  prepared  to  enter  upon  the  duties  conferred  upon  it; 
we  offer,  as  appropriate  the  message  of  Governor  Smith  to  the  General 
Council : 

"I  thus  take  the  liberty  to  admonish  you.  because  no  common 
duties  devolve  upon  you. 

"You  have  to  call  system  froiu  chaos  ;  to  start  the  wheels  of  gov- 
enuuent,  clogged  and  impeded  as  they  are  by  conflicting  interests, 
and  by  discordant  materials.  Without  funds,  without  the  muni- 
tions of  war ;  with  an  army  in  the  field  contending  against  a  power- 
ful foe.  These  are  the  auspices  under  which  we  are  forced  to  make 
a  beginning. 

"2.  Our  country  is  now  involved  in  war.  Our  foe  is  far  su])erior 
to  us  in  numbers  and  resources.  Yet  when  I  consider  the  stern  ma- 
terials of  which  our  army  is  comj)osed,  the  gallant  and  heroic  men 
that  are  now  in  the  field,  I  regard  not  the  disparity  of  numbers,  but 
am  satisfied  that  we  could  push  our  conquests  even  to  the  walls  of 
Mexico.  I  earnestly  recommend  that  you  adopt  the  most  ]jrom()t 
and  energetic  measures  in  behalf  of  the  army;  that  you  forthwith 
Iirovide  all  the  necessary  munitions  of  war,  so  that  the  armv  mav  nf)t 
be  cramped  or  impeded  l)y  remissness  on  the  part  of  the  Govern- 
ment, .^nd  that  you  be  careful  to  select  agents  of  known  skill  and 
science  to  jnirchase  artillery  and  other  munitions. 

".?.  .\nother  important  matter  will  require  your  immediate  atten- 
tion. Our  seaports  and  frontier  towns  are  unprotected,  and  exjiosed 
to  the  mercy  of  the  enemy.  The  policy  of  having  them  well  fortified 
must  be  obvious  to  all.  I  therefore  recommend  the  organization  of  ;i 
Civil  and  Topographical  Engineer  Corps,  and  the  coiumencement  of 
the  work  of  fortification  and  defense  without  delay. 

"4.  I  recotnmend  the  granting  of  Letters  of  Mar<|ue  and  Re- 
prisal ;  by  doing  which  we  can  not  only  prevent  invasion  by  sea,  but 
we  can  blockade  all  the  ports  of  Mexico,  and  destroy  her  commerce, 
and  annoy  and  harass  the  enemy  more  in  a  few  months,  than  by  many 
years'  war,  carried  on  within  our  own  limits.  My  own  mind  is  satis- 
fied that  the  whole  of  our  maritime  o|)eratioiis  can  be  carried  out 
by  foreign  capital  and  foreign  enterprise.  .Mready  a])plications  for 
commissions  have  been  made ;  they  are  willing  to  take  the  hazard,  as 
such  affor<I  them  every  encouragement. 

"5.  Provisions  have  alreadv  been  made  for  the  organizati<in  of  a 
corps  of  Rangers,  and  1  conceive  it  highly  imitortant  that  you  should 
place  a  bold,  energetic  and  enterprising  commander  at  their  head. 
This  corps  well  managed,  will  jirove  a  safeguard  to  our  hitherto  un- 
protected frontier  inhabitants,  and  jjrevent  the  depredations  of  those 
savage  hordes  that  infest  our  border-;.     1  conceive  this  very  important 

W) 


200  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

at  this  moment,  as  it  is  known  that  the  Mexican  authorities  have  en- 
deavored to  engage  them  in  a  war  with  us. 

"6.  Volunteers  from  foreign  countries  are  daily  reaching  our 
shores  and  enlisting  in  our  cause.  These  gallant  and  chivalrous  men 
are  actuated  alone  by  the  noblest  motives ;  no  sordid  or  mercenary 
considerations  have  induced  them  to  leave  their  homes  and  share  our 
fate.  Let  us  then  act  with  becoming  generosity,  and  unasked  give 
valor  its  reward.  I  recommend  this  not  only  that  the  world  may 
know  what  are  the  inducements  which  Texas  holds  forth  to  the  brave 
and  enterprising;  but  in  order  that  it  may  be  now  settled  and  not 
hereafter  become  the  cause  of  dissatisfaction. 

"7.  Some  of  our  red  brethren  of  the  Cherokee,  Shawnee  and 
other  of  their  associate  bands,  are  located  on  certain  lands  within 
our  limits,  to  which  it  is  generally  understood  that  they  have  a  just 
and  equitable  title.  They  have  lately  been  interrupted  in  their  title 
by  surveys  and  locations  within  the  limits  which  they  claim,  which 
has  created  among  them  great  dissatisfaction.  I  therefore  recom- 
mend that  you  second  the  measures  of  the  late  Convention  in  this 
matter,  and  never  desist  until  the  objects  contemplated  by  that  body 
be  carried  into  effect. 

"8.  I  recommend  the  employing  of  agents  for  foreign  countries ; 
that  they  be  clothed  with  special  powers,  and  that  they  be  sent  to 
different  points,  with  a  view  of  procuring  for  Texas  all  the  aid  and 
assistance  that  a  generous  and  sympathizing  world  will  bestow. 

"9.  I  would  also  recommend  the  establishment  of  a  Tariflf,  and 
the  appointment  of  Revenue  Officers  to  collect  import  and  tonnage 
duties ;  also  a  collector  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  all  sums  due 
the  government  on  lands  or  other  sources. 

"10.  I  would  now  call  your  attention  to  the  Post  Office  Depart- 
ment, and  would  recommend  the  appointment  of  a  Postmaster  Gen- 
eral— the  appointment  made  by  the  previous  council  I  highly  approve, 
and  trust  under  your  care  that  this  department  will  flourish  and 
extend  its  benefits  to  every  section  of  our  country.  I  further  rec- 
ommend an  express  department  to  continue  during  the  war. 

"11.  No  time  should  be  lost  in  the  organization  of  the  militia, 
nor  in  the  local  civil  organization  of  the  different  jurisdictions  of 
Texas,  in  conformity  with  the  plan  of  the  provisional  organization 
of  the  government. 

"12.  You  will  find  it  necessary  to  appoint  a  Treasurer  and  per- 
haps other  officers  which  you  may  hereafter  find  requisite. 

"13.  It  will  also  become  your  duty  to  select  some  place  as  the 
seat  of  government,  at  which  to  hold  your  regular  sittings  during 
the  continuance  of  the  present  form  of  government.  In  doing  this 
you  will  throw  aside  all  local  partialities  and  prejudices,  and  fix  on 
that  point  possessing  most  advantages,  and  the  best  calculated  to 
forward  our  views  by  giving  promptness  and  energy  to  our  united 
actions.  I  therefore  deem  it  unnecessary  to  make  further  sugges- 
tions on  that  subject,  and  will  only  add,  that  a  council-hall,  together 
with  other  offices  for  the  different  departments  of  government,  is 
indispensable. 


HISTORY'  OF  TEXAS  201 

"14.  1  have  now,  gciitlenicii,  touched  upon  all  the  matters  of 
importance  that  have  presented  themselves  to  me — doubtless  many 
have  escaped  my  observation  which  you  will  detect.  I  will,  from 
time  to  time,  present  such  other  matters  for  your  consideration  as 
may  occur  to  me.  Affain  ])ermit  me  to  remind  you  of  the  necessity 
of  actinsi  with  energy,  boldness,  and  promptitude — that  the  welfare 
of  thousands  depends  upon  your  actions.  Your  country  possesses 
immense  resources  if  properly  developed;  it  is  for  you  to  quicken 
and  enliven  the  enersjies  of  the  hodv  ])olitic.  and  make  Texas  the 
Kden  oi  .\merica. 

"1  conclude,  genlk^men.  by  expressing  the  hope  that  the  Supreme 
Ruler  of   Nations  will  smile  upon  your  councils,  and  that,  by  our 
united  efforts,  we  will  be  enabled  to  place  Texas  in  a  situation  to 
become  what  the  tiod  of  Nature  designed  her  to  be,  a  land  of  Lib- 
erty and  of  Laws — of  agriculture  and  of  commerce — the  pride  and 
support  of  our  lives,  and  a  legacy  of  price  unspeakable  to  posterity." 
Following  the  reading  of  this  message,  the  general  council  organized 
for  work  bv  tiie  appointment  of  standing  committees  on  "Affairs  of  the 
Army,"  "Affairs  of  the  Navy,"  "Fiscal  Affairs,"  "Affairs  of  State,"  and 
"Land  and  Indian  Affairs."    During  its  session  the  council  passed  eighty- 
nine   resolutions   and  ordinances.     Most  of   them   were   concerned   with 
military   and   naval   affairs   and   with   financial   matters — the   creation  of 
regular  and  vohmteer  forces,  equipping,  ])rovisi()ning.  and  paying  them, 
and  the  raising  and  proper  management  of  revenue. 

The  military  ])lan  adopted  by  the  consultation  contemplated  two  things 
— the  creation  of  a  regular  army  and  the  organization  of  the  militia. 

The  army  was  to  consist  of  1,120  men,  rank  and  file,  part  regulars, 
enlisted  for  two  years,  and  part  volunteers,  enlisted  for,  and  during  the 
continuance  of,  the  war — "permanent  volunteers,"  they  were  called.  To 
this  was  added  a  corps  of  150  rangers,  commanded  by  a  major,  and  sub- 
ject to  the  commander-in-chief  when  in  the  field.  The  soldiers  were  to 
be  governed,  so  far  as  local  conditions  and  circumstances  would  permit, 
by  the  regulations  and  discipline  of  the  regular  army  of  the  United 
States.  And  the  force  might  be  decreased  or  augmented  at  the  discre- 
tion of  the  governor  and  council.  The  commander-in-chief,  appointed 
by  the  consultation  and  commissioned  by  the  governor,  and  "subject  to 
the  orders  of  the  governor  and  council,"  had  the  rank  of  major  general 
and  was  to  be  "commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  called  into  public 
service  during  the  war."  He  was  allowed  to  choose  his  own  staff  of  one 
adjutant  general,  one  inspector  general,  one  quartermaster  general,  a 
surgeon  general,  and  four  aides-de-camji. 

For  militia  duty  all  the  able-bodied  men  between  the  ages  of  sixteen 
and  fifty  were  declared  qualified,  and  they  were  ordered  to  embody 
themselves,  on  or  immediately  after  the  third  Monday  in  December,  in 
companies  of  fifty-six  men,  and  elect  officers — a  captain  and  a  first  and 
second  lieutenant.  The  munici|)ality  was  to  be  the  basis  of  organization, 
and  in  case  there  should  be  as  many  as  three  companies  in  a  single  muni- 
cipality, the  officers  were  to  elect  a  major  to  command  the  entire  force; 
if  there  were  four  companies,  they  were  entitled  to  a  lieutenant-colonel; 


202  11ISI'(  ikV  OK  TI'.XAS 

if  live,  to  a  culonel,  and  if  more  than  five,  to  a  brigadier  general.  I'ive 
companies  formed  a  regiment  of  militia. 

General  Sam  Houston  had  been  elected  commander-in-chief  of  the 
department  of  Xacogdoches  early  in  October,  and  on  November  12  he 
was  chosen  by  the  consultation  to  command  the  regular  army. 

In  his  first  message  to  the  council,  on  November  1(),  as  we  have  seen. 
Governor  Smith,  among  other  recommendations,  urged  haste  in  the  or- 
ganization of  the  militia.  The  council  referred  the  subject  to  the  mili- 
tary committee,  and  the  ideas  of  the  committee  were  embodied  in  an 
ordinance  that  was  passed  November  25.  It  provided  that  the  council 
should  appoint  in  each  municipality  three  commissioners  to  divide  the 
district  into  militia  precincts,  w'hich  were  to  conform  as  nearly  as  pos- 
sible with  those  already  existing,  and  to  choose  election  judges  for  each 
precinct.  Officers  were  to  be  elected  and  companies  formed  as  required 
by  the  plan  of  the  consultation.  Muster  days  were  fixed  for  company, 
battalion,  regimental,  and  brigade  drill  on  the  first  Saturday  in  Ajiril. 
May.  September,  and  October,  respectively.  Commissioners  for  sixteen 
niunici])alities  were  elected  November  26.  those  for  Matagorda  were 
appointed  the  next  day,  and  others  for  San  Patricio  and  Sabine  later. 
The  governor  was  commander-in-chief  of  the  militia,  and  was  allowed 
a  staff  of  four  aides  with  the  rank  of  colonel.  To  what  extent  the  or- 
ganization of  the  militia  was  etifected  is  uncertain.  Probably  very  little 
was  done,  for  about  the  time  that  the  elections  were  to  take  place  news 
spread  that  the  volunteers  had  begun  the  storming  of  Bexar  and  needed 
reinforcements.  Many  prepared  to  hasten  to  their  assistance,  some  of 
the  commissioners  among  them,  and  thus  the  organization  was  delayed. 

The  military  committee  on  November  21  presented  a  detailed  report 
on  the  organization  of  the  regular  army.  This  force,  which  the  consul- 
tation had  limited  to  1.120  men.  they  proposed  to  divide  into  two  regi- 
ments— one  of  artillery  and  one  of  infantry — of  560  men  each.  Each 
regiment  was  divided  into  two  battalions  and  each  battalion  into  five 
companies  of  fifty-six  men.  The  field  officers  of  the  infantry  were  to 
be  a  colonel,  a  lieutenant-colonel,  and  a  major ;  those  of  the  artillery,  a 
colonel,  two  lieutenants-colonel,  and  two  niajors.  Artillery  companies 
were  to  have  three  lieutenants  instead  of  two,  the  additional  lieutenants 
being  considered  necessarv  on  account  of  the  varied  and  im|)ortant  work 
that  would  be  required  of  the  artillery.  The  council,  with  some  amend- 
ments, adopted  thi>  report  in  the  form  of  an  ordinance  on  the  24th. 
Ofificers  and  privates  were  to  be  subject  to  the  same  discipline  and  to 
receive  the  same  pay  as  in  the  regular  army  of  the  United  .States,  and 
each  private  and  non-commissioned  officer  was  promised  a  bounty  of  (AO 
acres  of  land.  Later,  as  an  incentive  to  enlistment  in  the  regular  army, 
rather  than  with  the  volunteers,  an  additional  bounty  of  160  acres  of 
land  and  $24  in  monev  was  offered  the  regulars:  one-half  of  the  money 
was  to  be  paid  when  the  recruit  reported  at  hea(l(|uarters.  ,ind  the  bal- 
;uice  on  the  first  quarterly  pay-da\'  thereafter. 

On  the  same  day  that  this  ordinance  was  jiassed  ( iovernor  .Smith  sent 
to  the  council  a  message,  urging  it  to  make  "the  necessary  enactments 
calculated  to  authorize  the  commander-in-chief  to  issue  his  proclamation, 
in  order  that  vohmteers  and  other  troops     *     *     *     ^^ay  l<now  to  whom 


illSTUKV  OF  TKXAS  203 

to  report."  Whatever  the  act  may  have  been  which  the  governor  con- 
sidered necessary,  the  council  was  in  no  hurry  about  passing  it.  On  the 
Twenty-eighth  Company  officers  were  elected  for  the  regiment  of  infan- 
try, and  on  December  1  it  was  agreed  to  elect  the  artillery  officers  the 
following  Monday.  Before  this  was  done,  however,  the  governor  trans- 
mitted to  the  council  a  letter  from  General  Houston,  complaining  of  that 
body's  delay  in  helping  him  organize  the  regular  forces.  The  military 
committee  replied  that,  considering  "the  press  of  business  and  the  dis- 
tracted state  of  affairs,"  they  had  done  as  much  as  they  could,  and  been 
as  expeditious  as  possible,  a  good  deal  of  their  time  being  necessarily 
consumed  in  trying  to  provide  for  the  volunteer  army.  They  were  of 
tlie  oi^inion,  moreover,  that  it  would  not  be  good  ])olicy  to  appoint  all  of 
tlic  oftici-rs  of  the  regular  army  at  that  time.  If  the  war  should  be  pro- 
longed, Texas  would  be  compelled,  they  said,  to  depend  largely  upon  aid 
from  abroad,  and  they  thought  that  men  of  superior  qualifications  would 
liardly  be  attracted  from  the  United  States  if  every  door  to  promotion 
were  closed.  In  conclusion,  they  urged  that  the  governor  be  requested 
to  issue  a  proclamation  fixing  the  headquarters  of  the  army  at  Gonzales 
or  some  other  ]ioint  on  the  frontier. 

The  policy  of  holding  open  [lositions  of  rank  to  encourage  expert 
volunteers  from  the  United  .States  was  in  complete  agreement  with  the 
views  of  the  consultation.  In  liis  inaugural  address  the  chairman  of  that 
body  had  said,  "Some  of  our  brethren  of  the  United  States  of  the  North 
*  *  *  have  generously  come  to  our  aid,  many  ere  long  will  be  with 
us.  *  *  *  Yhe  path  to  promotion  must  be  open,  they  must  know 
that  deeds  of  chivalry  and  heroism  will  meet  their  rewards."  But  the 
greatest  influence  was  probably  e.xerted  on  the  conmiittee  by  a  letter 
from  |.  W.  Fannin,  Jr.,  which  thev  had  considered  on  December  4. 
l-'amiin  was  sure  that  many  AX'est  Point  graduates  would  come  to  Te.xas, 
if  coiumands  were  reserved  for  them. 

On  December  7  and  8  the  field  officers  for  both  infantry  and  artillery 
were  elected,  but  in  accordance  with  the  recommendation  of  the  com- 
mittee, company  officers  for  only  one  battalion  of  artillery  were  chosen. 
P)eforc  hearing  of  this  action  General  Houston  wrote  again  to  the  gov- 
ernor, insisting  that  a  complete  corps  of  officers  must  be  elected  at  once, 
if  any  success  were  to  be  expected  in  enlisting  the  regular  army.  Uj^on 
recei|)t  of  this  letter  the  council  proceeded  to  the  election  of  company 
officers  for  the  remaining  battalion  of  artillery  (December  11).  The 
commander-in-chief  was  then  provided  with  a  list  of  all  his  officers  and 
a  copy  of  ail  proceedings  of  the  council  that  related  to  the  army.  The 
council,  however,  was  not  yet  through  with  General  Houston.  .Another 
letter  to  Governor  Smith  on  December  17  called  attention  to  the  fact  thai 
no  appropriation  had  been  made  to  cover  the  expenses  of  the  recruiting 
service.  A  few  officers  had  been  ordered  on  this  service,  he  said,  bul 
he  had  done  it  solely  on  his  own  responsibility.  This  obstacle  was  re- 
moved by  the  council  on  the  21st.  when  an  ordinance  was  ])assed,  ajjpro- 
priating  .S40,(XX)  for  recruiting  purposes,  .\nother  ordinance  (December 
26),  eni])Owering  ail  commissioned  officers  to  administer  the  oath  of 
enlistment  completed  the  enactments  for  the  organization  of  the  regidar 
armv. 


204  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

For  the  various  regimental  offices  James  W.  Fannin,  Jr.,  was  elected 
colonel  of  artillery,  James  C.  Neill  and  David  B.  Macomb  lieutenants- 
colonel,  and  W.  B.  Travis  and  T.  F.  L.  Parrott  majors.  In  the  infantry 
Philip  A.  Sublett  was  elected  colonel,  Henry  Millard  lieutenant-colonel, 
and  William  Oldham  major.  Travis  declined  his  appointment  in  the 
artillery,  on  the  ground  that  he  believed  he  could  be  more  useful  in  some 
other  branch  of  the  army,  and  F".  W.  Johnson  was  elected  in  his  place. 
.Sublett  did  not  accept  the  colonelcy  of  infantry,  and  Edward  Burleson 
fell  heir  to  that  place. 

In  the  meantime,  the  council  had  early  taken  up  the  organization  of 
the  corps  of  rangers,  which  was  to  form  a  sort  of  adjunct  to  the  regular 
army.  The  consultation  had  authorized  the  enlistment  of  three  com- 
panies, aggregating  150  men,  but  the  ordinance  proposed  by  the  military 
committee,  November  21,  raised  the  number  to  168,  in  order  that  the 
companies  might  conform  in  size  to  those  of  the  regular  army.  The 
rangers'  term  of  service  was  fixed  at  one  year  and  their  pay  at  $1.25  a 
day.  They  were  to  furnish  their  own  rations,  horses  and  equipment, 
and  were  required  to  be  "always  ready  armed  and  supplied  with  100 
rounds  of  powder  and  ball."  R.  M.  Williamson  was  elected  major  and 
commandant  of  the  rangers,  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  commander-in- 
chief. 

On  December  4  the  council  referred  U<  the  military  committee  a  letter 
from  J.  W.  Fannin  on  the  subject  of  the  regular  army.  He  was  em- 
phatically of  the  opinion  that  its  size  ought  to  be  doubled.  "If  an  army 
be  at  all  requisite,"  he  said,  "it  sh'd  be  large  enough  to  ansii'er  the  [pur- 
pose] of  its  creation  *  *  *  The  case  appears  to  me  so  plain  that  I 
can  not  doubt  but  you  will  see  it  in  the  same  light.  \\'ith  this  convic- 
tion, I  will  proceed  to  the  main  subject — By  virtue  of  your  delegated 
powers  and  exigency  of  the  case  increase  the  'Regular  Army'  to  another 
Brigade  of  like  numbers  with  the  one  already  ordered."  It  was  no 
doubt  due  to  the  influence  of  this  letter  that  the  military  committee  at 
the  evening  session  of  December  4  introduced  an  ordinance  "to  organize 
and  establish  an  auxiliary  volunteer  corps  to  the  army  of  Texas."  By  a 
suspension  of  the  rules  the  act  was  passed  the  next  day.  Permanent 
volunteers,  or  those  enlisted  for  the  duration  of  the  war,  were  to  receive 
the  same  pay.  rations,  and  clothing  as  were  allowed  by  the  United  States 
in  the  war  of  1812,  and,  in  addition,  at  the  expiration  of  service,  or  when 
honorably  discharged,  a  bounty  of  640  acres  of  land.  Those  who  en- 
listed for  only  three  months  were  entitled  to  320  acres  of  land,  but  at 
the  discretion  of  the  governor  and  the  commander-in-chief  others  could 
be  accepted  for  even  a  shorter  period,  such  as  they  thought  consistent 
with  the  good  of  the  service.  These  last,  however,  were  to  receive  no 
bounty.  The  ordinance  does  not  fix  the  number  of  this  corps,  but  the 
day  after  its  passage  a  resolution  was  adopted  authorizing  the  com- 
mander-in-chief "to  accept  the  services  of  at  least  5.000  auxiliary  volun- 
teers, in  addition  to  the  local  volunteers." 

Just  as  the  auxiliary  corps  was  in  a  great  measure  due  to  the  influ- 
ence of  Fannin,  so  the  creation  of  a  cavalry  force  seems  to  have  re- 
ceived its  first  impulse  from  Travis.  On  December  3  he  wrote  to  Gov- 
ernor Smith,  saying  that  a  member  of  the  council  had  asked  him  for  his 


HISTURV  Ul'   TEXAS  205 

views  on  the  organization  of  the  army.  He  unhesitatingly  approved  the 
recommendations  of  I""annin  on  the  subject  of  the  regular  army,  he  said, 
and,  therefore,  confined  himself  to  a  consideration  of  the  volunteers. 
Among  these  he  thought  that  provision  should  by  all  means  be  made  for 
a  battalion  of  cavalry,  commanded  by  a  lieutenant-colonel,  "subject  alone 
to  the  orders  of  the  commander-in-chief  for  the  time  being."  They  ought 
to  be  armed  with  broadswords,  pistols,  and  double-barrelled  shotguns  or 
yagers,  and  should  be  enlisted  for  twelve  months — tmless  the  war  ter- 
minated sooner — "subject  to  regular  clisciplinc  and  the  rules  and  articles 
of  war,"  for,  he  concluded,  "a  mob  can  do  wonders  in  a  sudden  burst  of 
patriotism  or  passion,  but  can  not  be  depended  on  as  soldiers  for  a  cam- 
paign." This  letter  was  passed  to  the  military  committee  on  the  4th,  and 
on  the  16th  Mr.  Hanks,  the  chairman,  brought  in  a  bill  embodying 
Travis's  recommendation.  General  Austin  and  General  Houston  both 
concurred,  he  said,  in  the  belief  that  cavalry  was  necessary.  The  strength 
of  the  force  was  fixed  at  384  men,  rank  and  file,  divided  into  six  com- 
|)anies,  and  Travis's  suggestion  as  to  arms  was  so  modified  that,  while 
all  of  them  had  broadswords  and  pistols,  one-half  of  them  had  in  addi- 
tion double-barrelled  shotguns  and  the  other  half  yagers.  They  were  to 
receive  the  same  pay  as  cavalry  in  the  service  of  the  United  States  and 
a  bounty  of  640  acres  of  land.  It  is  somewhat  interesting  to  note  that 
this  was  the  only  force  for  which  the  council  prescribed,  or,  indeed, 
even  mentioned  a  uniffirm.  It  was  to  be  "a  suit  of  cadet  grey  cloth  coats, 
I  with  I  yellow  bullet  buttons,  and  pantaloons  for  winter,  and  two  suits 
of  gray  cottonade  roundabouts  and  pantaloons  for  summer,  and  fur  caps, 
black  cloth  stocks  and  cowhide  boots."  Travis,  who  had  declined  a  pre- 
vious appointment  in  the  artillery,  was  elected  lieutenant  colonel  and 
commandant. 

An  "Army  of  Reserve  for  the  protection  of  the  Liberties  of  Texas" 
was  the  last  of  auxiliary  forces  authorized  by  the  council.  It  was  to 
number  1,145  men,  officers  included — three  battalions  of  infantry,  one  of 
riflemen,  one  of  cavalrv  and  one  of  field  artillery — and  was  to  receive 
the  same  pay  and  bounty  as  the  other  auxiliaries.  Judge  T.  J.  Chambers 
was  responsible  for  this  act.  The  first  of  January,  he  ofTered  to  recruit 
a  force  in  the  United  States  and  have  it  ready  for  service,  if  possible,  by 
May  15,  1836.  He  agreed  to  loan  $10,000  of  the  funds  necessary  for 
the  purpose,  and  to  raise  the  balance  on  the  credit  of  the  government 
without  harassing  the  council.  Naturally  the  council  accepted  the  pro- 
posal, and  pledged  the  public  faith  to  repay  his  loan  and  any  other  obliga- 
tion incurred  b\'  the  undertaking.  Chambers,  with  the  rank  of  general, 
was  to  command  the  men  enlisted.  This  ordinance  was  passed  January 
7  and  sent  to  the  governor  for  a])])roval.  but  was  never  returned  by  him 
to  the  council.  Chambers,  therefore,  was  never  commissioned,  and. 
strictly  speaking,  jjrobably  had  no  authority  to  carry  out  his  plan.  Never- 
theless, he  was  not  deterred  from  going  to  the  United  States  and  send- 
ing to  Texas  between  May  and  December  of  18,16  nearlv  2,000  men  and 
<|uantities  of  war  materials,  in  which  he  spent  some  $23,000  of  personal 
funds  and  $9,035  in  Texas  bonds. 

While  the  government  was  f)ccu|)ied  in  organizing  the  army  on  i)aper. 
recruiting  officers  were  busy  trying  to  secure  enlistments.     But  the  effort 


206  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

to  enlist  the  regular  army  was  a  licart-breaking  failure.  Accurate  figures 
can  not  obtained,  but  the  assertion  may  be  ventured  that  at  no  time 
before  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  did  the  regulars  much  exceed  100  men. 
Houston  issued  his  first  ])roclamation  inviting  recruits  on  December  12. 

"Headquarters.  \\'ashington,  Texas,  December  12,  1835. 
"Citizens  of  Texas: 

"Your  situation  is  peculiarly  calculated  to  call  forth  all  your 
manly  energies.  Under  the  republican  constitution  of  Mexico,  you 
were  invited  to  Texas,  then  a  wilderness.  You  have  reclaimed  and 
rendered  it  a  cultivated  country.  You  solemnly  swore  to  support 
the  constitution  and  its  laws.  Your  oaths  are  yet  inviolate.  In 
accordance  therewith  vou  have  fought  with  the  liberals  against  those 
who  sought  to  overthrow  the  constitution  in  1832,  when  the  present 
usurper  was  the  champion  of  liberal  principles  in  Mexico.  Your 
obedience  has  manifested  your  integrity.  You  have  witnessed  with 
pain  the  convulsions  of  the  interior,  and  a  succession  of  usurpations. 
You  have  experienced,  in  silent  grief,  the  expulsion  of  your  mem- 
bers elect  from  the  state  Congress. 

"You  have  realized  the  horrors  of  anarchy  and  the  dictation  of 
military  rule.  The  promises  made  to  you  have  not  been  fulfilled. 
Your  memorials  for  the  redress  of  grievances  have  been  disre- 
garded ;  and  the  agents  you  have  sent  to  Mexico  have  been  impris- 
oned for  years,  without  enjoying  the  rights  of  trial  agreeably  to  law. 
Your  constitutional  executive  has  been  deposed  by  the  bayonets  of  a 
mercenarv  soldiery,  while  \our  Congress  has  been  dissolved  by  vio- 
lence, and  its  members,  either  fled,  or  were  arrested  by  the  military 
force  of  the  country.  The  federation  has  been  dissolved,  the  con- 
stitution declared  at  an  end,  and  centralism  has  been  established. 
.\niid  all  these  trying  vicissitudes,  you  remained  loyal  to  the  duty 
of  citizens,  with  a  hope  that  liberty  would  not  perish  in  the  republic 
of  Mexico.  But  while  you  were  fondly  cherishing  this  hope,  the 
dictator  required  the  surrender  of  the  arms  of  the  civic  militia,  that 
he  might  be  enabled  to  establish  on  the  ruins  of  the  constitution,  a 
system  of  policv  which  would  forever  enslave  the  people  of  Mexico. 
Zacatecas,  unwilling  to  vield  her  sovereigntv  to  the  demand  which 
struck  at  the  root  of  all  liberty,  refused  to  disarm  her  citizens  of 
their  private  arms.  Ill-fated  state!  Her  power,  as  well  as  her 
wealth  aroused  the  ambition  of  Santa  Anna,  and  excited  his  cupidity. 
Her  citizens  became  the  first  victims  of  his  cruelty,  while  her  wealth 
was  sacrificed  in  pavment  for  the  butcherv  of  her  citizens.  The 
success  of  the  usur]icr  determined  him  in  exacting  from  the  people 
iif  Texas  submission  to  the  central  form  of  government:  and.  to 
enforce  his  jilan  of  despotism,  he  des])atched  a  military  force  to 
invade  the  colonics,  and  exact  the  arms  of  the  inhabitants.  The 
citizens  refused  the  demand,  and  the  invading  force  was  increased. 
The  question  then  was  'shall  we  resist  the  oppression  and  live  free, 
or  violate  our  oaths,  and  bear  a  despot's  stripes?'  The  citizens  of 
Texas  rallied  to  the  defence  of  their  rights.  They  have  met  four  to 
one.  and.  by  their  chivalr\-  and  courage,  have  vanquished  the  enemy 


HISTURV  Ol'"    ll'.XAS  207 

willi  a  i^allaiitrv  and  >iiirit  which  is  characteri-'tic  (if  ihc  ju>licc  i)t 
our  cause. 

"The  army  of  tlic  people  is  now  heforc  Bexar,  hesiejjinj,'  the  cen- 
tral army  within  its  wall.  Though  called  together  at  the  moment, 
the  citizens  of  Texas,  unprovided  as  they  were  in  the  necessary 
munitions  of  war  and  supplies  for  an  army,  have  maintained  a  siege 
for  months.  Always  patient  and  untiring  in  their  patriotism  and 
zeal  in  the  cause  of  liherty,  they  have  home  every  vicissitude  of 
.season  and  every  incident  of  the  soldier,  with  a  contempt  of  peril 
which  reflects  immortal  honor  on  the  members  of  the  army  of  the 
people. 

"Since  our  army  has  been  in  the  field,  a  consultation  of  the 
people,  by  their  rejiresentatives.  has  met,  and  established  a  provi- 
sional government.  This  course  has  grown  out  of  the  emergencies 
of  the  country  :  the  army  has  claimed  its  peculiar  care.  We  are 
without  law.  and  without  a  constitutional  head.  The  provincial  ex- 
ecutive and  the  general  council  of  Texas  are  earnestly  engaged  in 
the  discharge  of  their  respective  duties,  preparing  for  every  exigcncx 
of  the  country ;  and  I  am  satisfied,  from  their  zeal,  ability,  and 
])atriotism.  that  Texas  will  have  everything  to  hope  from  their  exer- 
tions in  behalf  of  the  principles  which  we  have  avowed. 

"A  regular  army  has  been  created,  and  liberal  encouragement  has 
been  given  by  the  government.  To  all  who  will  enlist  for  two  years, 
or  during  the  war,  a  bountv  of  S24  and  800  acres  of  land  will  be 
given.  Provision  has  also  been  made  for  raising  an  auxiliary  volun- 
teer corps,  to  constitute  i^art  of  the  army  of  Texas,  which  will  be 
placed  under  the  command,  and  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief. The  field  for  ])romotion  will  be  open.  The  terms 
of  .service  will  be  various.  For  those  who  tender  their  services  for. 
or  during  the  war,  will  be  given  a  bounty  of  640  acres  of  land  :  an 
equal  bounty  will  be  given  to  those  who  volunteer  their  services  for 
two  years;  if  for  one  year,  a  bounty  of  .^20  acres;  and  for  those 
who  may  volunteer  for  a  shorter  period,  no  bounty  of  land  will  be 
given,  but  the  same  liberal  pay,  rations,  etc.,  will  be  allowed  them  as 
other  members  of  the  army.  The  rights  of  citizenship  are  extended 
to  all  who  will  unite  with  us  in  defending  the  republican  principles 
of  the  constitution  of  1824. 

"Citizens  of  Texas,  your  rights  must  lie  defended.  The  opjires 
sors  must  be  driven  from  our  soil.  Submission  to  the  laws  and 
union  among  ourselves  will  render  us  invincible  ;  >ubordination  and 
discipline  in  our  army  will  guarantee  to  us  victory  and  renown.  ( )m- 
invader  has  sworn  to  exterminate  us.  or  sweejj  us  from  the  soil  of 
Texas.  He  is  vigilant  in  bis  work  of  oppression,  and  has  ordered 
to  Texas  10,000  men  to  enforce  the  unhallowed  purposes  of  his  ambi- 
tion. His  letters  to  his  subalterns  in  Texas  have  been  intercepted, 
and  his  plans  for  our  destruction  are  disclosed.  Departing  from  the 
chivalric  principles  of  civilized  warfare,  he  has  ordered  arms  to  be 
distributed  to  a  portion  of  our  [lopulation.  for  the  purposes  of  creat- 
ing in  the  midst  of  us  a  servile  war.  The  hopes  of  the  usurper  were 
inspired  bv  a  belief  that   the  citizens  of  Texas  were  di.sunited  and 


208  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

divided  in  opinion ;  that  alone  has  been  the  cause  of  the  present  inva- 
sion of  our  rights.  He  sliall  realize  the  fallacy  of  his  hopes,  in  the 
union  of  her  citizens,  and  their  eternal  resistance  to  his  plans  against 
constitutional  liberty.  We  will  enjoy  our  birthright,  or  perish  in  its 
defence. 

"The  services  of  5,000  volunteers  will  be  accepted.  By  the  first 
of  March  next,  we  must  meet  the  enemy  with  an  army  worthy  of 
our  cause,  and  which  will  reflect  honor  upon  our  freemen.  Our 
habitations  must  be  defended;  the  sanctity  of  our  hearths  and  fire- 
sides must  be  preserved  from  pollution.  Liberal  Mexicans  will  unite 
with  us.  Our  countrymen  in  the  field  have  presented  an  example 
worthy  of  imitation.  Generous  and  brave  hearts  from  a  land  of 
freedom  have  joined  our  standard  before  Bexar.  They  have,  by 
their  heroism  and  valor,  called  forth  the  admiration  of  their  com- 
rades in  arms,  and  have  reflected  additional  honor  on  the  land  of 
their  birth.     Let  the  brave  rally  to  our  standard. 

"Sam  Houston,  Coimnatidcr-in-CIiicf  of  the  Army." 

This  is  a  strong  document,  even  for  Houston's  pen,  but  it  was  all  but 
fruitless.  By  January  17  there  were  thirty-five  regulars  at  Refugio,  and 
some  others,  apparently,  elsewhere,  for  Houston  urges  Governor  Smith 
to  "cause  all  the  regulars  now  enlisted  to  be  formed  into  companies,  and 
marched  to  headquarters."  By  January  28  Travis  had  enlisted  twenty- 
six  more  and  marched  to  the  relief  of  Bexar.  And  on  February  12 
George  W.  Poe  wrote  that  there  were  many  at  Columbia  who  would 
enlist  if  the  officers  were  only  prepared  to  "support  them  and  clothe 
them."  "Lieutenant  Chaffin,"  he  said,  "has  enlisted  about  thirty  men 
who  have  no  place  to  live  at  and  he  has  no  supply  of  arms,  clothing,  etc., 
for  them."  But  as  late  as  March  10  a  special  committee,  appointed  by 
the  convention  then  in  session  at  Washington,  had  to  report  that  "Of  the 
regular  army,  there  appears  to  be  sixty  privates,"  and,  though  they  did 
not  then  know  it,  thirty  of  these  were  dead  with  Travis  in  the  ruins  of 
the  Alamo.  The  chairman.  J.  W.  Bunton,  acknowledged  that  his  infor- 
mation was  incomplete,  and  there  may  have  been  a  few  more,  in  fact,  he 
had  heard  unofficially  of  a  company  of  forty  regulars  under  Captain  Teal, 
hut  the  number  all  told  was  pitifully  small. 

Enlistments  for  the  auxiliary  corps  were  more  numerous.  Companies 
from  Tennessee  and  New  Orleans  and  Mobile  arrived  early  in  the  cam- 
paign of  1835,  and,  as  time  passed,  volunteers  came  in  constantly  increas- 
ing numbers  from  the  United  States — chiefly  from  Louisiana.  Missis- 
sippi. Alabama,  Tennessee.  Kentucky,  and  Ohio  (Cincinnati).  Most  of 
these  later  arrivals  and  some  of  the  earlier  ones  joined  the  auxiliarv 
corps,  though  in  general  they  hesitated  to  volunteer  for  a  definite  period, 
and  were  with  difficulty  enlisted  for  a  term  of  only  three  months. 

The  fact  is  that  the  citizens  of  Texas  often  manifested  a  surprising 
degree  of  indifference  toward  the  war.  and  this  attitude  was  much  more 
general  than  is  ordinarily  suspected.  They  did  form  the  majority  of  the 
force  that  captured  Bexar  in  December,  but  their  lack  of  discipline — the 
simple  expression  of  the  frontiersman's  individuality — was  the  despair  of 
such  officers  as  Austin,  Travis,   and  Fannin,     W'hh  the  termination  of 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  209 

the  campaign  they  did  not  enlist  either  as  regulars  or  auxiliaries,  and  did 
not  again  take  the  tield  in  any  numbers  until  immediately  preceding  the 
battle  of  San  Jacinto.  On  December  17  Silas  M.  Parker  wrote  the  presi- 
dent of  the  general  council  that  he  had  with  the  greatest  exertion  been 
able  to  get  together  but  thirty  rangers,  and  could  with  difficulty  get  pro- 
visions for  them.  "I  cannot,"  he  said,  "engage  any  beef  or  pork  for 
them,  tho  there  is  plenty  in  the  country.  Such  is  the  indifference  of  the 
people  as  to  the  cause  of  Texas."  He  had  to  go  to  the  men  who  had 
beeves  to  spare,  and  value  the  beeves  and  kill  them  himself.  Travis,  in 
a  letter  to  Governor  Smith,  January  28,  complained  of  the  same  indif- 
ference, and  gives  some  pertinent  reasons  for  it.     He  said : 

"I  have  done  everything  in  my  power  to  get  ready  to  march  to 
the  relief  of  Bexar,  but  owing  to  the  difficulty  of  getting  horses  and 
provisions,  and  owing  to  desertions,  etc.,  I   shall  march  today  with 
only    about    thirty    men,    all    regulars    except    four.     *     *     *     Our 
affairs  are  gloomy   indeed — The   people   are  cold   and  indifferent — 
They  are   worn  down  and  exhausted  with  the  war,  and  in  conse- 
quence of  dissensions  between  contending  and  rival  chieftains  they 
have  lost  all  confidence  in  their  own  government  and  officers.     You 
have  no  idea  of  the  exhausted  state  of  the  country — Volunteers  can 
no  longer  be  had  or  relied  on — A  speedy  organization,  classification, 
and  draft  of  the  militia  is  all  that  can  save  us  now.     A  regular  army 
is  necessary — but  money,  and  inoucy  only  can  raise  and  equip  a  reg- 
ular army —     *     *     *     j]^^  patriotism  of  a  few  has  done  much  ;  but 
that  is  becoming  worn  down — I  have  strained  every  nerve — I  have 
used  my  personal  credit  and  have  neither  slept  day  or  night  since  1 
received  orders  to  march — and  with  all  this  exertion  I  have  barely 
been  able  to  get  horses  and  equipments  for  the  few  men  I  have." 
Again  he  writes  from  Bexar,  when  the  enemy  were  already  advanc- 
ing against  it,  that  he  hopes  the  people  of  Texas  will  at  last  open  their 
eyes  to  the  danger  and  unite  in  a  common  cause.     But  he  bitterly  adds, 
"I   fear  that  it  is  useless  to  waste  arguments  upon  them — The 
thunder  of  the  enemy's  cannon  and     *     *     *     The  cries  of  their 
famished  children  and  the  smoke  of  their  burning  divcllings  ivill  only 
arouse  them— I  regret  that  the  government  has  so  long  neglected  a 
draft  of  the  militia  which  is  the  only  measure  that  will  ever  again 
bring  the  citizens  of  Texas  to  the  Frontier." 
Almost  at  the  same  time  Fannin  was  writing  to  Ijcutenant  Governor 
Robinson, 

"But  when  I  tell  you  that  among  the  rise  of  400  men  at  and  near 
this  post,  I  doubt  if  twenty-five  citizens  of  Texas  can  be  mustered  in 
the  ranks — nay,  I  am  informed  that  there  is  not  half  that  number 
— Does  not  this  fact  bespeak  an  indifference  and  criminal  apathy 
truly  alarming?" 

Finally,  on  April  8,  when  Santa  Anna  was  at  San  Felipe,  entering 
the  heart  of  the  most  populous  settlements,  A.  Roberts  wrote  to  Presi- 
dent Burnet, 

"I  was  astonished  to  find  upon  making  a  call  upon  the  men  who 
have  stopped  here  fat  Spring  Creek]  that  in  place  of  obeying 
promptly  the  general's  call,  some  of  them  began  to  prepare  for  going 

\nl..   1     11 


210  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

fiirtluT   who   had   picviuusly    decided   on    remaining   here    for    some 
time     *     *     *     while   others   manifest   a   total    inditiference   on   the 
subject.     *     *     *     It   is  thought  that  there  is  at  this  time  on  this 
side  of  the  Brazos  in   a   moving  position   at  least  a  thousand  men 
liable  to  do  militia  duty." 
This,  truly,  is  one  side  of  the  picture.     The  Texas  revolution  was  not 
a  spontaneous  outbtirst  of  patriotic  indignation  against  Mexican  oppres- 
sion.    Few  of  the  colonists  were  satisiied  with  all  features  of  Mexican 
rule ;  but  few,  also,  were  ready  to  go  the  length  of  armed  rebellion.     A 
small  party  of  radicals  forced  the  war.     It  came  suddenly,  and  was  soon 
over — lasting  less  than  seven  months.     The  pacific  majority  were  dazed 
by  its  sudden  development,  and  before  some  of  them  recovered  it  was 
past.     For  some  of  them.  too.  there  were  other  enemies  besides  the  Mex- 
icans.    Fear  of  the  Indians  they  had  alwa\s.  and  on  the  plantations  of 
the  Brazos  there  was  added  the  threat  of  a  slave  uprising,     ^\'ith  their 
families   in    danger,   men   heard   only    faintly   the   calls   of   the   stricken 
country.     But,  when  all  is  said,  it  really  was  the  "old  settlers"  who  did, 
almost  unaided,  all  of  the  effective  fighting  of  the  Texas  revolution. 

Though  the  regular  armv  remained,  so  long  as  the  general  council  was 
in  session,  a  good  deal  of  an  abstraction,  steps  were  not  neglected  to 
secure  sup])lics  for  its  use  when  needed.  On  Xovember  27  an  ordinance 
ordered  the  purchase  of  munitions,  provisions,  scientific  and  surgical 
instruments,  books  and  stationery.  Among  the  small  arms  eniuiierated 
were  300  yagers,  600  muskets,  200  pairs  of  cavalry  pistols,  1,000  butcher 
knives,  and  1,000  tomahawks:  among  the  provisions  desired  were  350 
barrels  of  flour.  20.000  pounds  of  bacon.  15.000  pounds  each  of  coffee 
and  brown  sugar.  5.000  ])ounds  of  soap,  and  3.000  pounds  of  Kentucky 
chewing  tobacco;  the  books  included  100  copies  of  Scott's  "Infantry 
Drill."  twentv-six  co]iies  of  Crop's  "Discipline  and  Regulations."  and 
thirty-six  copies  of  ]\IcC(3mb's  ".School  of  the  Soldier."  A  resolution  of 
December  6  jiermitted  the  commander-in-chief  to  send  two  agents  along 
with  the  commissioners  to  the  United  States  to  purchase  these  supplies, 
but  whether  he  availed  liimself  of  the  privilege  does  not  appear.  Doubt- 
less manv  of  the  supplies  were  never  bought,  but  the  commissioners, 
.Messrs.  .\ustin.  Archer,  and  \\'illiam  H.  Wharton,  appointed  William 
Bryan,  of  New  Orleans,  general  agent  for  Texas,  and  he  from  time  to 
time  shipped  the  stores  that  were  most  urgently  needed. 

The  council  decided.  December  8,  that  the  original  order  for  350  bar- 
rels of  flour  was  insufficient,  and  increased  the  number  to  700.  while  at 
the  same  time  it  requested  the  governor  to  have  the  commissioners  to 
the  United  States  emplov  one  or  more  bakers  for  the  army.  On  Decem- 
ber 18  it  created  the  office  of  commissary  general  and  ajipointed  to  the 
place  Thos.  V.  McKinney.  ])robably  the  largest  nierchant  in  Texas.  Mc- 
Kinney  declined  the  office,  but  never  spared  either  trouble  or  expense  in 
his  private  capacity  to  procure  all  necessary  supjilies  for  the  soldiers. 
Finally,  thinking,  perhaps  that  private  enterprise  might  be  able  to  supply 
some  necessities  which  the  government  could  not.  the  council  elected 
a  sutler.  He  was  governed  by  the  regulations  for  the  same  office  in  the 
United  .States  army,  and  had  authority  to  appoint  stibsutlers  whenever 
the  commander-in-chief  rerpiested  them. 


HISTORY  OF  TliXAS  ill 

Members    of    the    eoiisuhatidii    did    not    consider    the    "army    of    the 
people."   the   ofticial   designation   of   the   volunteers  at    I'exar,   as   in   anv 
manner   subject    to   them.     Their   attitude   toward    it    was,   in    fact,    very 
deferential.    I-lesolutions  were  adopted,  Xovember  3,  commending  .Xustin, 
]'"annin.  and  Bowie  for  their  success  in  the  battle  of  Concepcion.     On  the 
12th  General  Houston  offered  a  resolution  thanking  the  army  on  general 
principles  for  "jK'rseverance.  firmness,  patriotism,  and  courage  in  defend- 
ing the  liberties  of  Texas."     .\nd  again,  on  the  13th,  CoUinsworth's  cap- 
ture of  Goliad  was  remembered,  and  in  order  perhajis  to  forestall  pos- 
sible jealousy  a  resolution  of  thanks  was  voted  to  him  and  his  men.    The 
military  committee  defined  their  relations  with  the  army  in  these  words: 
"This  force  is  composed  of  volunteers  from  every  rank  of  cit- 
izens in  the  country,  whose  services  generally  commenced  before  the 
assembling  of  this  house,  and  as  their  movements  have  hitherto  been 
regulated  by  officers  of  their  own  choice,  no  obligation  can  be  im- 
posed upon  them  to  submit  to  the  control  of  the  provisional  govern- 
ment ;  advisory  communications  are  all  that  can  be  made  to  ihem." 
With  respect,  therefore,  to  the  people's   army  the  consultation   con- 
fined it.self  mainly  to  the  effort  to  secure  reinforcements.     Districts  that 
had  not  contributed  their  quota  of  men  were  urged  to  do  so  at  once,  and 
the  temptation  to  shirk  was  removed  by  a  resolution  of  November  11  to 
the  effect  that  persons  leaving  (he  country  to  avoid  participation  in  the 
|)resent  struggle  should  forfeit  all  their  land  and  property  to  the  govern- 
ment. 

To  this  task  and  the  eipially  difficult  one  of  supplying  the  men 
.ilready  in  the  field  the  general  council  fell  heir.  An  ordinance  of  Novem- 
ber 19  provided  for  the  immediate  purchase  of  quantities  of  food,  cloth- 
ing, tents,  surgical  supplies,  .soap,  candles,  and  cooking  utensils,  and  axes, 
-pades,  and  shovels.  Medicine  had  already  been  forwarded,  it  was  said, 
in  sufficient  quantity  for  the  present.  John  \\'.  Moore  was  appointed 
"contractor"  to  carry  this  law  into  effect,  with  authority  to  pledge  the 
public  faith  for  the  payment  of  such  debts  as  he  might  incur.  The  same 
day  a  proclamation  was  issued,  calling  for  more  volunteers,  and  announc- 
ing that  "all  the  supplies  *  *  *  suited  to  the  necessities  of  this  incle- 
ment season  have  been  procured  and  are  procuring  through  the  i)eo])Ie's 
agents  appointed  for  that  purpose."  This  statement  was  a  trifle  i^rema- 
ture  but  the  council  was  determined  if  possible  to  make  good  its  prom- 
ise :  so  Henry  Millard  was  appointed  on  the  22d  to  obtain  sui)i)lies  for  a 
company  on  the  way  to  the  army,  and  on  the  27lh  an  ordin.-nicc  wa- 
rushed  through,  creating  a  commissary  at  San  Felipe  to  look  after  vulun 
teers  passing  there.  John  P>.  Johnson  was  chosen  for  this  resjxmsiblc 
position,  and  he  began  his  duties  at  once  by  issuing  eighty  rations  to  a 
company  from  Mobile.  At  the  same  time  an  approjjriation  of  $1,30(> 
was  made  for  the  benefit  of  the  army  at  Bexar,  and  a  few  days  later 
(  November  28)  John  Dunn  also  was  appointed  a  commissary  and  or- 
dered to  buy  for  it  at  Matagorda  or  the  nearest  point  jwssible  a  quantity 
of  flour,  bread,  and  beans.  December  1,  having  received  news  of  the 
"grass  fight,"  the  council  avowed  itself  deeply  grateful  to  the  men  en- 
L'aged  in  that  "brilliaiU  affair"  and  seized  the  occasion  .lo  assure  them 
ili.-it  no  moans  would  bo  omitted  tn  aid.  romfnrt.  and  assist  them  in  their 


212  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

important  investment  of  Bexar.  Before  the  army  received  this  grati- 
fying assurance,  however,  Colonel  Burleson  had  grown  impatient  and 
appointed  W'illiam  Pettus  contractor  for  the  volunteers.  This  appoint- 
ment the  council  ratified  on  the  5th,  but  before  Pettus  had  an  opportu- 
nity to  prove  his  efficiency  Bexar  had  capitulated  and  most  of  the  army 
dispersed. 

The  council  had  made  little  effort  to  reinforce  the  army,  relying  upon 
the  work  already  done  by  the  permanent  council  and  the  consultation 
and  upon  the  general  excitement  aroused  by  the  battle  of  Gonzales,  the 
capture  of  Goliad,  and  the  subsequent  march  on  Bexar.  A  letter  from 
Milam  and  Burleson,  received  on  December  9,  and  announcing  the  begin- 
ning of  the  assault  on  Bexar  and  the  need  of  ammunition  and  reinforce- 
ments, created,  therefore,  a  prodigious  stir.  One  committee  was  ap- 
pointed to  gather  up  and  dispatch  to  the  army  all  the  powder  and  lead 
in  town,  another  to  employ  expresses  to  scour  the  country  for  volunteers 
and  additional  ammunition,  and  still  another  to  procure  horses  for  these 
expresses.  Most  of  the  members  being  thus  on  special  duty,  the  council 
adjourned.  The  next  day  an  address  was  issued,  explaining  to  the 
people  the  straits  of  the  army,  and  pleading  for  reinforcements.  J.  W. 
l<"annin  and  Thomas  J.  Rusk  were  appointed  recruiting  agents — the  one 
to  operate  east  and  the  other  west  of  the  Trinity — to  enlist  volunteers  for 
thirty  days.  In  the  meantime  Dimit  was  increasing  the  strain  by  calling 
for  reinforcements  at  Goliad.  But  on  the  15th  came  the  news  that  Bexar 
had  fallen,  and  the  joy  of  the  council  was  unconfined. 

As  to  the  pay  of  the  volunteers,  the  consultation  had  decreed  that 
such  as  remained  in  the  service  until  the  fall  of  Bexar,  or  until  honor- 
ably discharged,  should  receive  $20  a  month  and  such  donations  of  land 
as  the  government  should  vote  them.  For  some  reason,  however — per- 
haps to  create  an  incentive  to  enlistment  in  the  regular  army  or  the 
auxiliary  corps — the  council  did  not  admit  these  volunteers  to  the  benefit 
of  the  bounty  laws.  Only  those — so  reads  the  ordinance— "their  heirs 
or  legal  representatives,  who  have  been  or  may  hereafter  be  killed  in 
battle  ,or  come  to  death  by  .sickness  or  accident  in  going  to  or  returning 
from  the  volunteer  army,"  shall  be  entitled  to  one  mile  square,  or  640 
acres  of  land. 

On  November  18  the  committee  on  naval  afifairs  reported  on  that 
portion  of  the  governor's  initial  message  which  recommended  the  issu- 
ance of  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  to  privateers.  Both  the  perma- 
nent council  and  the  consultation  had  favored  the  policy  of  commission- 
ing privateers,  and  the  committee  submitted  an  ordinance  continuing  the 
jiolicy.  This  was  passed  on  the  25th  and  approved  by  the  governor  on 
the  27th.  It  provided  for  the  issuance  of  letters  of  marque  by  the  gov- 
ernor and  council  to  "men  of  known  character,  standing  and  skill  as 
naval  tacticians,"  but  no  vessels  of  less  than  eighty  tons  burden  should 
be  licensed  ;  they  were  to  cruise  in  the  Gulf  and  prey  solely  on  vessels 
sailing  under  the  flag  and  commission  of  the  central  government  of 
Mexico ;  prizes  were  to  be  adjudicated  in  Texan  ports ;  the  government 
was  to  receive  twenty  per  cent  of  the  prize  money ;  and  commissions  were 
limited  to  six  months  in  duration.  A  supplement  to  this  ordinance  passed 
on  the  .^Oth  reduced  the  government's  share  of  the  prize  money  to  ten 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  213 

per  cent,  and  provided  that  the  privateers  should  sail  under  the  Mexican 
flag,  with  "the  figures  1,  8,  2,  4,  cyphered  in  large  Arabics  on  the  white 
ground  thereof." 

The  committee  closed  its  report  with  a  strong  recommendation  for 
ihe  establishment  of  a  naval  force : 

"Your  committee  would  further  most  earnestly  represent  that  the 
establishment  of  a  small  naval  force  for  the  security  of  our  extended 
coast  and  the  protection  of  our  own  commerce  would  seem  to  them 
highly  necessary  and  indispensable,  and  under  that  conviction  would 
recommend  the  purchase,  arming,  and  equipping  two  schooners  of 
twelve,  and  two  schooners  of  six  guns  each  to  cruise  in,  and  about 
the  bays  and  harbors  of  our  coast.     This  arm  of  the  service  should 
be   confined   and   entrusted    only   to   men    whose    nautical    skill    and 
experience  are  well  known  and  established,  and  who.se  activity  and 
efficiency,  would  with  greater  certainty  .secure  the  objects  of  its  crea- 
tion and  organization." 
In  accordance  with  this  report  an  ordinance  passed  on  the  25th  and 
approved  the  27th  "established  a  navy,  to  consist  of  two  schooners  of 
twelve  guns  each,  and  two  schooners  of  six  guns  each."     They  were  to 
be  purchased  and  equii)ped  as  soon  as  practicable  and  were  to  rendezvous 
at    Galveston.     Under    this    authorization    four    vessels    were    obtained 
during  January  and  February,   1836 — the  Liberty,  Invincible,  Independ- 
ence, and  Brutus-^and  during   1836  and  1837  they  did  valuable  service 
in  protecting  the  Texan  coa.st. 

The  outbreak  of  the  revolution  found  Texas  without  any  system  of 
revenue,  and  from  the  beginning  the  various  governing  bodies  were  at 
great  difficulty  to  supply  the  needs  of  the  volunteers  in  the  field  and  to 
provide  for  the  regular  army  which  it  was  hoped  could  be  created. 

On  October  20  the  permanent  council  appointed  a  committee  of  five 
"to  inquire  into  the  state  of  the  public  funds  and,  if  necessary,  report  a 
plan  for  replenishing  them."  The  committee  recommended  that  six 
"public  agents"  be  appointed  to  cooperate  with  the  committees  of  .safety 
in  each  jurisdiction  in  the  collection  of  dues  on  land  and  stamped  paper. 
Thev  were  also  to  negotiate  loans  whenever  possible,  and  pledge  as 
security  therefor  the  jniblic  faith.  On  the  22d  Gail  Borden's  ]X)wers 
were  strengthened  as  collector  in  the  jurisdiction  of  San  Felipe,  and  he 
was  instructed  to  publish  a  notice  that  drafts  drawn  by  captains  of  com- 
panies— presumably  for  supi^lies — and  apjiroved  by  the  president  of  the 
council  would  be  accepted  in  payment  of  public  dues. 

On  the  27th  a  more  ambitious  effort  was  made  to  secure  funds  by  the 
appointment  of  Thomas  V.  McKirney  to  negotiate  a  loan  of  $100,000 
in  New  Orleans.  But  from  this  undertaking  he  excused  him.self  on  the 
ground  that  such  a  commission  would  need  to  be  supported  by  unques- 
tionable authority,  which  he  feared  would  not  be  conceded  to  the  per- 
manent council.  Before  this  reply  was  received  the  council  had  merged 
into  the  consultation.  It  had  expended  the  sum  of  $374. .30,  had  made 
provision  for  the  efficient  collection  of  the  public  dues,  and  supplies  were 
on  the  way  to  the  army.  These  consisted  of  "upwards  of  100  beeves,  a 
considerable  quantity  of  corn  meal,  and  sugar.  coflFee.  bacon,  blankets, 
shoes  and  tent  cloths." 


214  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

The  aclual  tinancial  affairs  of  ihc  consultation  were  scarcely  more 
important  than  those  of  the  permanent  council.  On  the  morning  of 
November  6,  five  members  were  appointed  to  provide  for  the  necessities 
of  the  army,  with  authority  "to  borrow  money  or  originate  other  debts 
for  that  purpose."  and  in  the  afternoon  they  reported  a  loan  of  $500 
obtained  from  Thomas  F.  McKinney.  Of  this,  $238  had  been  expended 
in  paying  drafts  already  drawn  on  the  government,  $20  was  used  in  for- 
warding an  express,  and  a  balance  of  $242  remained  in  their  hands.  The 
following  day  the  consultation  declared  "that  Texas  is  responsible  for 
the  expenses  of  her  armies  now  in  the  field,  that  the  public  faith  of  Texas 
is  jiledged  for  the  payment  of  any  debts  contracted  by  her  agents,"  and 
"that  she  will  reward  by  donations  in  land  all  who  volunteer  their  serv- 
ices in  her  present  struggle"  ;  but  for  practical  purposes  this  meant  little 
more  than  the  expression  of  a  willing  spirit  to  meet  her  obligations  if 
she  were  able. 

At  the  same  time  a  windfall  arrived  in  the  shape  of  a  contribution 
from  New  Orleans.  Edward  Hall  brought  the  news  on  the  6th  that  a 
committee  in  that  city  had  raised  $7,000  for  the  benefit  of  Texas.  Half 
of  it  had  been  employed  in  equipping  and  transporting  volunteers,  but 
the  balance,  rapidly  growing  by  other  donations,  was  retained  by  the 
committee.  Three  days  later  we  find  the  consultation  appointing  Hall 
agent  for  the  purchase  of  war  munitions  and  instructing  him  to  draw 
on  this  committee  for  funds.  Patriotic  citizens  also  began  to  offer  loans 
and  securities  in  the  hope  that  an  hypothecation  of  individual  property 
migh^  prove  more  tempting  to  money  lenders  than  a  bare  pledge  of  the 
[)ublic  faith.  Stephen  F.  Austin  tendered  his  "whole  estate,"  to  be  mort- 
gaged as  the  consultation  saw  fit ;  J.  \\'.  Fannin  presented  thirty-six 
slaves;  and  Ben  Fort  Smith  offered  eleven  leagues  of  land  for  the  same 
purpose.  On  the  13th  the  consultation  gratefully  accepted  these  proffers, 
but  resolved  to  make  use  of  them  "only  when  imperiously  demanded  in 
the  most  extreme  emergency." 

The  ordinance  which  created  the  provisional  government  made  it  the 
duty  of  the  general  council  "to  devise  ways  and  means,"  and  jointly  witii 
the  governor  to  contract  loans  "not  to  exceed  one  million  of  dollars," 
hypothecating  the  public  land  and  pledging  the  faith  of  the  country  there- 
for ;  "to  impose  and  regulate  imposts  and  tonnage  duties,  and  provide  for 
their  collection  under  .such  regulations  as  may  be  the  mo.st  exjjedient" ; 
to  appoint  a  treasurer  and  clearly  define  his  duties ;  and  finally,  to  dis- 
pose of  all  monies  due  or  accruing  on  lands  and  all  other  public  revenues. 
.A.s  if  this  were  not  sufficient  latitude,  the  governor  and  council  were 
given  "power  to  adopt  a  svsteni  of  revenue  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the 
state." 

In  his  first  message  to  the  general  council  Governor  Smith  recom- 
mended the  appointment  of  a  treasurer  and  other  fiscal  officers.  The 
council  agreed  with  him,  and  the  committee  of  state  and  judiciary  re- 
ported, on  November  17,  "that  the  immediate  appointment  of  a  treasurer 
to  the  provisional  government,  whose  duty  shall  be  clearly  defined,  is 
now  devolving  upon  this  body.  Receipts  and  disbursements  of  public 
monies  have  been  hitherto  carried  on  without  system,  consequently  with- 
out any  other  responsibilities  to  the  public  than  that  high  sense  of  moral 


IIISIURV  Ol*"  TEXAS  215 

feeling  which  su  fiiiiiu-iuly  distinguishes  the  free  sons  of  that  country  in 
revolutionary  times  from  which  our  citizens  liave  descended." 

Accompanying  this  report,  the  committee  submitted  an  ordinance 
creating  a  treasur}-  department.  It  was  passed  the  following  day,  but 
was  vetoed  by  the  governor  because  the  salary  of  the  treasurer  was  fixed 
at  $o,(XX)  a  year,  an  exorbitant  one,  he  thought,  with  the  finances  of  the 
state  in  the  condition  they  then  were.  Upon  further  deliberation,  the 
council  unanimously  sustained  his  objection,  and  on  the  24th  D.  C.  Bar- 
rett proposed  a  new  ordinance,  obviating  it.  By  a  suspension  of  the 
rules  this  was  passed  the  same  day,  and  the  governor  approved  it  on  the 
26th.  Besides  defining  the  treasurer's  duties,  the  law  directed  that  dis- 
bursements should  be  made  only  upon  the  order  of  the  general  council, 
"approved  and  signed  by  the  (iovcrnor  and  attested  by  the  Secretary  of 
ihe  Executive." 

The  election  of  a  treasurer,  Josiah  H.  Fletcher,  completed  the  organ- 
ization of  the  department,  but  the  method  of  drawing  drafts,  though  safe 
was  cumbersome,  and  the  council  passed  an  ordinance  (December  2) 
providing  that  an  order  from  the  chairman  of  the  finance  committee 
should  be  a  sufficient  voucher  to  ihe  treasurer  for  disbursements.  The 
chairman  was  required  to  report  such  orders  to  the  house,  in  order  that 
the  amount  might  be  entered  upon  the  journal,  but  the  governor,  with 
some  justice,  pointed  out  that  this  was  an  inadequate  safeguard,  and 
vetoed  the  bill.  The  council,  however,  w-as  determined  and  passed  it 
over  his  objection. 

But.  perhaps  in  anticipation  of  this  action,  Henry  Millard,  chairman 
of  the  committee  on  finance,  shrinking  either  from  the  responsibility  or. 
more  probably,  the  labor  involved,  secured  the  passage  oi  a  resolution 
for  the  appointment  of  a  committee  of  jjublic  accounts.  This  was  "to 
receive,  audit,  and  register  said  accounts,"  and  keep  records  showing  the 
status  of  all  claims,  "whether  passed,  rejected,  or  under  consideration," 
and  report  upon  them  twice  a  week  to  the  general  council. 

A  fortnight  later  Mr.  Royall.  who  had  been  appointed  chairman  of 
this  committee,  sought  escape  by  creating  the  office  of  auditor,  and  his 
bill,  amended  to  provide  for  a  comi)trollcr  also,  was  passed  December  26. 
The  law  defining  the  duties  of  these  officers  is  a  rambling  one  of  tw-enty- 
one  sections ;  but  in  brief  it  was  declared  the  duty  of  the  auditor  to  ])ass 
upon  the  validity  of  all  claims,  keep  the  books  of  the  government  and. 
after  observing  the  proper  formalities,  draw  drafts  on  the  treasury  to 
cover  audited  accounts,  .^fter  approval  by  him  claims  under  $4,000  had 
to  be  examined  independently  h\  the  comptroller.  In  case  of  disagree- 
ment between  the  two.  the  auditor  might  ap|)cal  to  the  decision  of  the 
council  if  it  were  in  session  or,  in  its  absence,  to  the  governor.  All 
claims  for  more  than  .$4,000  he  nuisl  submit  first  to  the  council  or  gov- 
ernor, and,  when  passed  bv  them,  to  the  comptroller  for  his  approval — 
in  this  case,  perhaps  merely  formal.  All  drafts  on  the  treasurer  must 
be  signed  by  the  auditor  and  countersigned  by  the  comptroller,  and  if 
the  amount  were  greater  than  .$4,000.  they  must  bear  in  addition  the 
apjiroval  of  the  governor  or  coinicil.  But  the  council  reserved  the  right 
to  order  "iiayments  on  claims  not  within  the  ])rovision  of  this  ordi- 
nance."    Twice  a  week — on  Wednesday  and  .Saturday — to  prevent  fraud. 


216  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

auditor  and  comptroller  must  make  to  each  other  reciprocal  reports  of 
claims  audited  and  drafts  signed,  and  once  a  week  both  were  required  to 
report  to  the  general  council  or  the  governor.  The  governor  objected  to 
the  clause  which  gave  the  council  power  of  exempting  certain  claims 
from  the  operation  of  the  law,  but  the  bill  was  passed  unchanged  over 
his  veto  (December  29). 

The  appointment  of  officers  to  collect,  respectively,  customs  duties 
and  dues  on  land  completed  the  establishment  of  the  fiscal  administra- 
tive machinery. 

But  the  provision  of  revenue  was  a  matter  of  greater  difficulty.  The 
committee  on  finance  estimated  on  paper  an  adequate  income  from  sale 
of  the  public  domain,  taxes  on  land,  a  tax  on  slaves,  an  export  duty  on 
cotton,  and  tonnage  and  tariiT  duties;  but  the  committee  was  constrained 
to  admit  that,  although  the  picture  which  they  presented  might  be  "fiat- 
lering  and  exhilarating  in  the  highest  degree  to  the  patriot  and  statesman. 
*  *  *  yet  the  urgent,  pressing,  and  unavoidable  exigencies  and  im- 
mediate necessities  of  our  state  *  *  *  require  a  fund  to  which  it 
can  immediately  recur."  To  secure  this,  it  could  think  of  no  project 
"possessing  in  a  higher  degree  all  the  essential  requisites  of  speedy 
operation,  and  combining  celerity  and  certainty  in  its  accomplishment, 
than  that  suggested  by  a  loan." 

In  the  end  this  really  did  prove,  though  none  too  speedy  in  its  opera- 
tion, the  country's  chief  means  of  securing  ready  money,  but  the  council 
had  no  notion  of  trusting  all  its  ventures  to  one  bottom.  To  mention  its 
more  important  experiments  in  chronological  order :  on  December  5  a 
general  law  provided  for  the  negotiation  of  a  $1,000,000  loan;  a  week 
later  a  system  of  tonnage  and  tariff  duties  was  declared ;  on  December 
,30  measures  were  taken  for  the  efficient  collection  of  land  dues ;  and  on 
January  20  an  issue  of  treasury  notes  was  authorized.  To  these  sources 
of  revenue  must  be  added  finally  a  number  of  donations. 

Most  of  the  donations  came  from  the  United  States,  and,  though 
never  very  great,  as  an  evidence  of  good-will  they  afforded  encourage- 
ment to  the  Texans  far  out  of  proportion  to  their  intrinsic  importance. 
The  contribution  of  the  New  Orleans  committee  during  the  session  of 
the  consultation  has  already  been  noticed,  but  at  the  same  time  similar 
committees  were  busy  in  Natchitoches  and  Mobile.  November  15  the 
council  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  a  letter  from  D.  H.  Vail,  of  the 
former  place,  informing  them  that  he  had  received  "in  diflferent  articles" 
about  $800  for  the  benefit  of  Texas,  and  at  the  same  time  news  came 
that  in  Mobile  $2,000  had  been  raised.  On  November  30  General  Hous- 
ton presented  a  gift  of  $100  from  Mr.  John  Hutchins,  of  Natchez,  Mis- 
sissippi, and  some  two  weeks  later  we  find  the  council  taking  steps  to 
change  a  thousand  dollar  bank  note  which  was  a  contribution  from  the 
United  States.  In  the  meantime,  Austin,  .Archer,  and  Wharton  had 
been  dispatched  to  the  United  States  for  the  purpose  primarily  of  nego- 
tiating a  loan,  but  with  instructions  among  other  things  to  receive  dona- 
tions, and  late  in  February  they  reported  a  gift  of  $500  from  three 
citizens  of  Nashville.  About  the  same  time  Samuel  St.  John,  a  rich 
cotton  factor  of  Mobile,  authorized  the  provisional  government  to  draw 
on  him  for  $5,000.     He  had  visited  Texas,  he  explained,  in  the  summer 


IIISTURV  UF    IliXAS  217 

of  1832  and  had  ever  since  retained  a  lively  interest  in  her  welfare, 
because  of  her  peculiar  facih'ties  for  cotton  growing.  On  March  7,  to 
carry  this  subject  a  little  further  than  the  session,  of  the  general  council, 
the  convention  passed  a  resolution  of  thanks  to  H.  K.  W.  Hill  of  Nash- 
ville for  a  gift  of  $5,000,  and  on  May  20  the  citizens  of  Port  Gibson. 
Mississippi,  made  a  cash  donation  of  $927.  As  late  as  June  27.  a  Dr. 
Williams  presented  a  donation  of  $650  from  the  United  States.  The 
commissioners  in  their  progress  through  the  country  appointed  numer- 
ous local  general  agents  to  solicit  volunteers  and  donations,  and  the 
fimds  collected  were  employed  in  equipping  those  who  volunteered. 

In  Texas  itself  the  wealth  of  the  citizens,  as  of  the  state,  consisted 
in  land.  One  is  not  surprised  to  learn,  therefore,  that  with  two  e.xcep- 
tions,  they  subscribed  no  cash.  On  November  1  Frost  Thorn  wrote  t(i 
inform  the  consultatit)n  that  the  people  of  Nacogdoches  had  pledged  in 
mass  meeting  the  previous  day  twenty-eight  horses  and  $2,800,  while 
a  few  days  later  .San  Augustine  announced  subscriptions  of  thirteen 
horses  and  $400.  The  colonists  turned  naturally  to  a  tariff  as  a  revenue 
device.  In  his  tirst  message  (lovernor  Smith  recommended  the  establish- 
ment of  a  tariff,  and  the  finance  committee  estimated  an  annual  income 
of  $125,000  from  tonnage  dues  alone.  No  time  was  lost  in  introducing 
a  bill.  It  was  passed  on  Ndveinber  S.  and  approved  on  the  I2th,  biU  how 
much  revenue  it  yielded  is  unknown.  In  all  likelihood  it  was  very  little. 
Thomas  F.  McKinney  declared  that  all  the  merchants  in  the  country 
had  imported  larger  .stocks  than  usual  in  anticipation  of  the  law,  and 
complained  that  he  had  been  prevented  from  doing  the  same,  because 
his  partner,  Samuel  M.  Williams,  h.id  neglected  his  own  business  in  the 
I'niled  States  to  purchase  supplies  for  the  government.  The  council 
tliereupon,  to  remedy  the  injustice  j^assed  an  act  e.xempting  from  duty 
all  goods  actually  shipjied  but  not  received  by  this  firm  before  the  pas- 
sage of  the  act.  All  promise  of  revenue  from  this  law  was  permanently 
blighted  on  January  20,  by  making  treasury  notes  acceptable  for  customs. 
Complaints  soon  began  to  come  in.  too.  from  the  United  States,  and 
since  Texas  was  so  largely  dependent  upon  the  good-will  of  that  country, 
it  is  likely  that  the  enforcement  of  the  law  quietly  ceased.  I'inally,  the 
constituent  convention  decreed.  March  12.  1836,  that  tlu'  provisional 
government  had  exceeded  its  authority  in  levying  inijinrt  duties,  and 
ordered  what  had  been  collected  to  be  repaid. 

The  collection  of  land  dues  next  occupied  the  attention  of  the  coun- 
cil. The  colonization  law  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  provided  that  "new 
settlers  shall  pay  to  tlu'  -^tate.  ;is  :ui  acknowledgement  for  each  sitia 
of  grazing  land,  thirty  dollars:  for  each  labor,  not  irrigible,  two  and  a 
half ;  and  for  each  that  is  irrigible,  three  and  a  half:  and  so  on  pro- 
portionally. *  *  *  hj,i  1]^.  payment  thereof  need  not  be  com])leted 
under  six  years   from  settlement." 

When  hostilities  began.  J.  II.  Money,  of  the  municipality  of  .\ustin. 
had  in  his  possession  from  this  source  a  balance  of  $296.70,  and  most 
of  this  the  consultation  used.  Considerable  .sums  were  al.so  in  the  hands 
of  the  collectors  at  Nacogdoches,  and  a  few  days  after  its  organization 
the  general  council  ap])ointcd  a  committee  to  take  charge  of  them.  On 
November  27  Mr.  Menard  of  this  committee  reported  that  he  li.id  secured 


218  HISTORY  U1-"  TEXAS 

from  land  dues  $1,678. //j-i,  and  fruni  the  sale  of  stamped  paper  $250. 
An  ordinance  of  December  30  authorized  the  appointment  of  "collectors 
of  public  dues"  in  each  of  the  departments  of  Texas.  But  as  a  yielder 
of  revenue  the  law  was  greatly  impaired  in  efficiency  by  the  provision 
that  properly  audited  treasury  orders  should  be  receivable  for  such  dues. 
Gail  Borden  was  elected  collector  for  the  department  of  Brazos,  and 
two  of  his  reports  are  at  hand.  .An  incomplete  one  as  late  as  July  31, 
1836,  shows  that  he  had  received  at  that  time  but  S797.623/2.  No  report 
can  be  found  from  the  department  of  Nacogdoches,  but  there  was  much 
opposition  in  that  quarter  to  the  closing  of  the  land  offices  by  the  con- 
sultation, and  on  this  account  it  is  probable  that  few  of  the  citizens  paid 
their  dues. 

Finally  it  was  decided  to  issue  treasury  notes.  The  act  was  approved 
January  20,  and  provided  that: 

"The  Treasurer  shall  immediately  cause  to  be  printed  in  a  neat 
form  and  shall  issue,  in  discharge  of  claims  against  the  Government 
and  drafts  against  the  Treasury,  the  amount  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty   thousand  dollars  in   Treasury  notes,     *     *     *     specifying  on 
the  face  thereof,  that  they  shall  be  received  in  payment  for  lands  and 
other  public  dues,  or  redeemed  with  any  monies  in  the  Treasury  not 
otherwise  appropriated." 
Of  cour.se,  with  no  mone)   in  the  treasury,  and  little  prospect  of  get- 
ting any,   these  notes  were  practically   worthless   from  the  day  of  their 
issue. 

But  from  the  beginning  it  was  felt  that  a  loan  from  the  United 
States  must  be  the  chief  hope  of  the  country  for  money,  and  on  Novem- 
ber 12,  as  we  have  seen,  the  consultation  appointed  Stephen  F.  Austin, 
U'illiam  H.  Wharton,  and  B.  T.  Archer  conmiissioners  to  the  United 
.States,  with  such  powers  and  instructions  as  the  "governor  and  general 
council  may  deem  expedient." 

The  council  was  strangely  dilatory  in  preparing  these  instructions. 
A  select  committee  appointed  for  that  purpose  reported,  November  21, 
that  upon  considering  the  matter,  they : 

"Are  unable  to  find  any  acts  of  the  Convention  or  of  this  Council, 
whereon  to  base  instructions  for  said  agents,  or  any  data  which  can 
guide  your  committee  in  an  opinion  of  their  duties,  but  from  all  the 
information   thev   can   obtain,   your   committee   have  concluded   that 
the  agents  should  receive  their  instructions  from  the  Executive;  but 
in  order  to  enable  the  Governor  to  give  the  necessary  instructions,  an 
ordinance  should  first  be  originated  by  the  Committee  of  State,  and 
passed  and  approved,  defining  in  general  the  powers  and  duties  of 
the  agents.     *     *     *     B^,t  your  committee  can  not  advise  that  the 
Committee  of  .State  be  instructed  upon  this  subject  with  propriety, 
until  the  reports  of  the  several  committees  on  the  Military.  Navy, 
and   Finance  have  been  received  and  passed." 
At  the  end  of  nearly  two  weeks  the  council  had  passed  to  its  third 
reading  an   ordinance   to  create   a  loan   of   a   million   dollars,  but  there 
it  halted  until  the  governor  took  up  the  matter,  in  his  message  of  Decem- 
ber 4 :     "It  must  be  acknowledged  by  all,"  he  said,  "that  our  only  succor 
is  expected    from  the   East,   where  as  yet   we  have   not  dispatched  our 


JllSI\)kV  OF    riCXAS  219 

agents.  Sufficient  time  has  elapsed  since  the  rising  of  the  Convention  for 
them,  by  this  time,  to  have  arrived  in  the  United  Stales.  They  have  called 
on  me  in  vain  day  after  day,  time  after  time,  for  their  dispatches,  *  * 
*  and  they  arc  not  yet  ready.  I  say  to  you,  the  fate  of  Texas  depends 
upon  their  iinniediale  di>patcli  and  success.  *  *  *  Permit  me  b>  beg 
of  you  a  susjiensinn  of  ;ill  utiur  business,  muil  oiu'  l''oreign  .Agents  are 
disj)atched." 

Thus  bestirred,  the  council  innnediately  passed  the  bill  providing  for 
a  loan,  and  tlie  next  day  ])assed  an  ordinance  outlining  the  instructions 
which  the  governor  should  give  the  commissioners.  15oth  bills  were  ap- 
proved on  December  5. 

For  the  loan,  the  governor  was  required  to  make  oiU  ten  bonds  of 
$100,000  each,  payable  in  nol  less  than  live  nor  more  than  ten  years; 
and  with  these  the  commissioners  were  "by  all  jiruper  ways  and  means, 
by  .sale  or  pledge"  to  secure  the  loan,  "or  such  part  thereof  as  they  can 
effect,  upon  the  best  terms  the  market  atlfords,  not  exceeding  ten  ])er  cent 
per  annum."  In  case  these  bonds  should  not  be  accepted  as  sufficient 
security,  the  commissioners  were  instructed  "to  ])ledge  or  hypothecate 
the  public  lands  of  Texas,  and  to  pledge  the  public  faitli" — everything, 
in  fact,  that  Texas  posses.sed.  With  this  authority,  the  governor  lost 
no  time  in  issuing  commissions  to  the  agents,  and  their  private  instruc- 
tions were  ready  for  them  on  December  8.*  PiiU  more  than  two  weeks 
elapsed  again  before  they   sailed   for   New  Orleans. 

On  January  10  the  commissioners  notified  ( iovernor  .Smith  that  they 
had  arranged  for  two  loans  aggregating  $250,000.  The  fact  that  this 
could  be  done  in  New  Orlepns.  where  the  Texas  situation  was  so  well 
known,  they  considered  it  ])articularly  encouraging  and  of  good  augury 
for  success  in  other  parts  of  the  L'nited  .States.  It  will  be  seen  from 
their  terms  that  the.se  so-called  loans  were  reall\-  nothing  more  than 
contracts  for  the  purchase  of  five  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land  at 
fifty  cents  an  acre;  but  the  commissioners  thought  themselves  very  fortu- 
nate to  get  money  on  any  terms.  "In  fact,  rather  than  have  missed  the 
loan,"  they  wrote,  "we  had  better  have  borrowed  the  money  for  five 
years  and  given  them  the  land  in  the  bargain."  They  were  of  the  o|)inion, 
moreover,  that  the  loan  would  increase  the  interest  in  Texas ;  the  lenders, 
ihey  said,  had  alreadv  offered  to  lane!  in  'iCxas  within  six  weeks  five 
hundred  volunteers. 

The  first  loan,  of  $200,000,  was  subscribed  by  (en  men,  four  of  whom 
were  from  Cincinnati,  three  from  Kentucky,  two  from  Virginia,  and 
one  from  New  Orleans.  Ten  per  cent  f)f  the  amount  was  paid  dow-n  ;  the 
balance  was  to  be  paid  upon  ratification  of  the  contract  by  the  convention, 
which  had  been  called  for  March  1.     The  amount  advanced  was  to  bear 

•Besides  negotiating  this  loan,  they  were  to  make  arrangements,  for  fitting  out  a 
navy,  procure  supplies  for  the  army,  receive  donations  and.  finally,  proceed  to  Wash- 
ington and  find  out  the  attitude  of  the  Government  toward  Texas.  They  were  to 
learn  whether  any  interposition  might  be  expected  from  the  United  States,  or  whether 
"any  ulterior  move  on  our  part  would  be  more  conmiendable  and  he  calculated  to 
render  us  more  worthy  of  their  favor,  or  wdietlur  by  any  fair  and  honorable  means 
Texas  can  become  a  member  of  that  Repiddic."  In  short,  thc\  were  to  learn  whether. 
if  Texas  shoidd  declare  independence,  the  I'nited  .States  would  immediately  recognize 
it  and  form  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance. 


220  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

eight  per  cent  interest,  and  the  lenders  might,  if  they  chose,  take  land  in 
repayment  for  this  and  future  instalments  at  the  rate  of  fifty  cents  an 
acre.  In  case  they  elected  to  take  land — and  all  of  them  intended  to — 
the  government  was  to  survey  and  plot  it  in  tracts  of  six  hundred  and 
forty  acres  each,  and  they  must  make  their  selection  within  two  months 
after  publication  of  a  notice  that  the  lands  were  ready.  Article  fifth 
provided  that  "no  grant  or  sale  of  land  shall  be  made  by  the  government 
of  Texas,  from  and  after  the  date  hereof,  which  shall  not  contain  a  full 
reservation  of  priority  for  the  location  to  be  made  under  this  loan."  but 
this  was  not  to  apply  to  vested  rights  already  existing,  .\rticle  sixth, 
a  little  more  sweeping,  declares  that  "none  of  the  public  lands  are  to  be 
offered  at  public  or  private  sale  until  after  the  locations  hereinbefore 
provided  for  shall  have  been  made."  For  the  faithful  performance  of 
this  contract,  the  commissioners  pledged  "the  public  lands  and  faith  of  the 
government  of  Texas,"  but  even  after  its  confirmation  the  lenders  re- 
.served  the  right  of  declining  to  pay  the  balance. 

The  second  loan  was  for  $50,000,  and  seven  of  the  twelve  subscribers 
were  residents  of  New  Orleans,  while  three  were  from  \'irginia  and  two 
were  from  Kentucky.  This  loan  was  supposed  to  have  been  in  cash, 
but  Austin  for  some  reason  estimated  that  it  would  yield  them  net  but 
$40,000.  Gouge,  however,  who  wrote  from  documents,  some  of  which 
are  not  now  accessible,  says  in  his  Fiscal  History  of  Texas  that  the 
amount  actually  received  was  $45,802.  The  conditions  of  this  loan  were 
the  same  as  those  of  the  first,  except  that  priority  of  location  was  reserved 
to  subscribers  to  the  first,  and  that  the  commissioners  j)ledged  their  per- 
sonal property  for  the  ratification  of  this  contract  by  the  convention. 

To  the  lenders  this  was  simply  a  gigantic  land  speculation.  They 
bound  themselves  by  mutual  agreement  not  to  sell  to  any  outsiders  for 
less  than  $1.25  an  acre,  and  began  forthwith  to  "boom"  Texas  lands 
both  by  letter  and  in  the  public  prints.  The  Texans  were  at  first  glad 
enough  to  get  money  on  any  terms,  and  such  expressions  as  were  made 
at  the  time  favored  prompt  ratification  of  the  contracts  in  order  that 
the  remaining  instalments  might  become  available.  But  before  the  con- 
vention met  considerable  opposition  was  being  manifested  to  the  pro- 
vision which  secured  to  the  lenders  prior  rights  of  location.  It  was 
felt  that  this  would  make  it  very  difficult  for  the  government  to  find 
additional  purchasers  for  its  public  lands,  and  after  the  establishment 
of  the  government  ad  interim  President  Burnet,  with  the  approval  of 
his  cabinet,  refused  to  ratify  the  contract.  After  a  good  deal  of  nego- 
tiation the  contractors  agreed  to  surrender  their  right  to  prior  location 
in  return  for  a  bonus  of  thirty-two  leagues  of  land,  and  on  June  3,  1837, 
and  May  24,  1838,  congress  appropriated  lands  at  the  rate  nf  fift\  cents 
an  acre  to  settle  their  claims  for  the  money  advanced. 

The  work  of  the  commissioners  extended  beyond  the  life  of  the  pro- 
visional government,  but  it  will  be  best  to  follow  them  here  to  the  end 
of  their  mission. 

Greatly  encouraged  by  their  success  in  New  Orleans,  they  continued 
their  activities  in  the  United  States.  They  were  offered  a  loan  of  $50,000 
in  Mobile  on  the  same  terms  as  the  New  Orleans  loan,  but  for  some 
reason  nothing  ever  came  of  it.    Elsewhere  thev  were  not  so  well  received. 


1IIST()I■;^■  OF  TI'.XAS  221 

Men  hesitated  to  risk  their  iiiuiifv  in  Texas  until  a  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence was  made,  and  though  the  commissioners  urged  this  step  upon 
the  government  time  after  time,  no  attention  was  paid  to  them.  Indeed, 
as  late  as  April  24,  nearly  two  months  after  the  declaration  was  made. 
.\ustin  complained  that  they  had  heard  from  the  government  not  "one 
word."  To  make  matters  worse,  there  spread  through  the  country  rumors 
of  the  unchecked  advance  of  the  Mexicans  and  of  the  unfortunate  quarrel 
between  the  governor  and  council,  and  it  is  not  strange  that  the  most 
strenuous  efforts  of  the  commissioners  were  in  vain — although,  as  Whar- 
ton said,  "we  offer  to  the  lenders  to  pledge  all  we  have  on  earth,  even 
to  our  wearing  apparel." 

On  April  11  Austin  made  an  ingenious  proposition  to  President 
Biddle  of  the  United  States  Bank  for  a  loan  of  $500,000.  The  proposal 
was  to  deposit  in  the  United  States  Bank  Texas  bonds  for  $500,000, 
bearing  eight  per  cent  interest  for  ten  years,  upon  which  the  bank  should 
issue  stock  certificates  at  $100  each  for  the  same  amount.  These  stocks 
were  to  be  offered  to  the  public  for  a  cash  payment  of  $25,  with  notes 
at  sixty,  ninety  and  a  hundred  and  twenty  days  for  the  balance.  The 
notes  were  to  be  discounted  by  the  bank,  and  all  the  money  thus  obtained 
should  be  paid  over  to  the  commissioners.  At  the  end  of  five  years  the 
state  would  begin  the  redemption  of  the  bonds,  and  would  take  up  one- 
fifth  annually.  Biddle  sympathized  with  the  Texans,  but  he  could  not 
accept  Texan  bonds  as  bankable  security.  On  the  15th,  Austin  made  a 
frantic  appeal  to  President  Jackson  and  Congress  for  a  share  of  the 
$37,000,000  surplus  in  the  national  treasury,  but  naturally  nothing  came 
of  that. 

Two  weeks  after  Austin's  appeal  to  President  Jackson  arrangement 
was  made  for  a  loan  of  $100,000  in  New  York  on  the  same  plan  as  the 
N'ew  Orleans  loans.  The  lenders  in  this  case  had  the  ojition  of  taking 
land  in  repayment  at  twenty-five  cents  an  acre,  but  since  the  expense  of 
issuing  stock  certificates  and  surveying  the  land  was  to  be  borne  by  them, 
it  is  doubtful  whether  they  enjoyed  any  advantage  over  the  former  lenders. 
Ten  per  cent  of  the  loan  seems  to  have  been  paid,  but  only  $7,000  can 
be  accounted  for.  Austin  deposited  $5,000  with  William  Bryan  in  New 
Orleans,  June  12,  and  $2,000  was  paid  to  Wharton.  The  commissioners 
themselves  admitted  that  they  did  not  expect  this  loan  to  be  ratified, 
"unless  the  prospects  of  Texas  were  gloomy  even  to  desperation." 

It  is  evident  that  the  actual  cash  handled  by  the  governmcnl  during 
the  war  was  not  great.  The  treasurer  reported  on  March  1,  IS.Vi.  thai 
he  had  received  and  expended  since  November  28,  18.^5.  $3,981.85.  The 
amount  was  yielded  principally  by  the  revenues  of  Texas,  but  if  any 
other  sums  ever  came  from  the  same  source  the  fact  is  not  revealed  by 
the  records.  Donations,  it  seems  certain,  did  not  exceed  $25,000,  and 
much  of  this  was  in  kind  :  while  the  loans  amounted,  it  was  said,  to 
$100,000. 

The  total  indebtedness  of  the  government  at  the  end  of  .'\ugust,  1836, 
was  estimated  by  the  treasurer  at  $1,2.50,000.  Of  this  amount  there 
was  due  for  loans  $100,000.  on  account  of  the  navy  $112,000, to  the  army 
$412,000,  for  supplies  $450,000,  and  for  civil  and  contingent  expenses 
S118.000.    The  remaining  ?;fi0.000  is  not  itemized.     Some  of  these  claims 


222  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

were  ]);ii(l  in  land,  but  the  most  of  them  were  discharged  with  treasury 
notes,  which  subsequently  were  unmercifully  scaled  and  redeemed.  Such 
debts  as  remained  unpaid  at  the  time  of  annexation  were  ])aid  from  the 
ten  million  dollars  which  the  state  received  from  Congress  in  1850. 

Other  subjects  to  which  the  general  council  devoted  sotne  attention 
were  the  enlistment  of  co-operation  by  the  Mexican  Liberals  and  con- 
ciliation of  the  Indians — chiefly  of  the  Cherokees  and  their  allies. 

L'ndoubtedly  one  reason  of  the  consultation  for  declaring  on  Novem- 
ber 7.  for  the  constitution  1824  was  the  ho])e  of  receiving  assistance 
from  the  Mexican  Liberals,  and  it  was  much  encouraged  a  few  days  later 
b\-  news  that  General  Mexia — he  who  had  visited  Texas  in  the  interest  of 
.Santa  Anna  during  the  troubles  of  18v32 — had  organized  a  small  force  in 
New  Orleans  and  was  preparing  to  make  a  descent  upon  Tampico  in  the 
interest  of  the  Liberals.  On  November  12  a  committee  of  the  consultation 
reported  that  the  rumor  of  unsettled  conditions  in  Mexico  "gives  hopes 
of  a  co-operation  of  otu"  Mexican  brethren  in  the  glorious  cause  of  liberty 
and  the  constitution,  in  which  Texas  has  set  the  noble  example."  This 
feeling  can  only  have  been  increased  by  the  arrival  of  Governor  Viesca 
and  Col.  Jose  Maria  Gonzales,  the  latter  bringing  with  him  about  twenty 
Mexican  soldiers.  He  had  formerly  served  in  the  Mexican  army  and  had 
at  one  time  commanded  several  companies  of  cavalry  that  were  then  de- 
fending Bexar.  Austin  and  Fannin  believed  that  he  could  induce  these 
to  desert  in  a  body. 

Gonzales  came  before  the  general  council,  November  30,  and.  after 
having  explained  to  him  the  declaration  of  the  7th,  offered  his  services 
and  was  accepted  (  December  3)  as  "a  volunteer  to  defend  the  repub- 
lican principles  of  the  constitution  of  1824,  and  the  rights  of  Texas." 
He  was  ordered  to  retain  command  of  the  Mexicans  under  his  charge 
and  report  himself  to  General  Burleson  at  Bexar.  An  advance  of  $500 
was  made  to  him  to  dcfrav  necessarv  exjienses  of  himself  and  men.  He 
cannot  have  arrived  at  Bexar  in  time  to  have  caused  much  dissatisfac- 
tion among  its  defenders,  but  the  day  after  its  fall  we  do  find  him  issuing 
a  proclamation  to  his  old  comrades  in  arms,  urging  them  to  help  the 
Texans  support  the  standard  of  federation. 

In  the  meantime.  General  Mexia.  returning  from  his  disastrous 
expedition  to  Tampico,  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos,  December  3, 
and  asked  the  government  to  inform  him  how  he  could  best  use  the  men 
under  his  command  to  the  advantage  of  the  federal  cause.  Almost  simul- 
taneously came  Cajit.  Julian  Miracle  from  Mier,  saying  that  the  Liberals 
(if  Tamauliiias  and  Nuevo  Leon  were  readv  to  join  the  Texans,  if  they 
were  fighting  to  sustain  the  federal  system  and  not  for  independence. 
Canalcs,  a  lawyer  of  Mier,  was  alreadv  at  Palo  Blanco,  he  said,  within 
two  days'  march  of  San  Patricio,  with  two  hundred  men;  and  the  Mexi- 
can garrison  at  Lipantitlan  was  readv  to  join  Canales  or  Gonzales  at 
any  time.  In  reply  to  General  Mexia  the  council  first  instructed  William 
Pettus  and  Thos.  F.  McKinnev  to  help  him  in  any  way  necessary  to 
enable  him  to  proceed  to  the  interior  and  carry  the  war  into  the  enemy's 
country  ;  but  on  the  10th  it  asked  him  to  go  to  Bexar  and  reinforce  the 
besieging  army  there.  For  the  information  of  the  Liberals  whom  Cap- 
tain Miracle  represented  a  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  an  address 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  223 

It)  tlie  Mexican  people.  Their  re])ort  was  adoi)tecl  on  the  11th.  and 
Miracle,  with  five  hundred  cn|)ies  printed  in  S])anish.  was  returned  post 
haste  to  his  friends  : 

"The  Genera]  Council  of  the  Provisional  (iovernment  of  Texas 
to  the  Mexican  people : 

"The  people  of  Texas  have  taken  up  arms  in  defence  of  their 
rights  and  liberties,  menaced  by  the  attacks  of  military  despotism, 
and  to  sustain  the  re])ublican  jirinciples  of  the  constitution  of  1824. 
The  Mexican  nation  ought  to  be  fullv  informed  on  this  subject,  in 
order  to  correct  the  falsehoods  circulated  bv  the  Centralists,  who  have 
attempted  to  calumniate  the  Texans  by  ijiving  to  the  revolution  here, 
a  character  very  different  from  the  true  one.  and  painting  it  in  the 
blackest  colors. 

"Texas  has  solemnly  declared  her  principles  in  the  declaration 
of  the  seventh  of  November  last,  made  by  its  representatives,  and  has 
called  God  to  witness  the  sincerity  and  purity  of  her  intention.  The 
people  of  Texas  could  not  have  acted  in  any  other  manner,  and  every 
free  man  would  have  done  the  same  who  appreciates  his  own  dignity 
and  was  able  to  resist  slavery. 

"Texas  was  left  without  any  government,  owing  to  the  imprison- 
ment and  dispersion  of  the  Executive  and  Legislative  authorities  of 
the  state  by  the  military  Centralists,  and  everything  was  rapidly  fall- 
ing into  anarchy  and  ruin.  It  certainly  was  not  the  fault  of  the 
Texans  that  this  state  of  things  existed.  They  were  living  in  peace 
when  the  revolutionar\-  flame  reached  their  homes  ;  their  situation  may 
be  compared  to  that  of  a  peaceful  village  that  is  suddenly  assailed 
by  a  furious  hurricane,  which  menaces  ruin  and  death,  from  which 
the  inhabitants  seek  safety  by  any  means  in  their  power,  without 
being  in  any  manner  censurable  for  the  impending  danger,  nor  for 
trying  to  shield  themselves  from  its  effects.  The  truth  is.  that  a 
storm  which  originated  elsewhere,  threatened  to  involve  them  in  its 
desolating  ravages.  They  wish  to  save  themselves  as  they  have  a 
right  to  do.  by  the  law  of  nature. 

"Faithful  to  their  oaths,  they  wish  lo  defend  the  constitution,  and 
for  this  their  enemies  have  declared  a  war  of  extermination  against 
them,  and  are  trying  to  deceive  the  liberal  Mexicans  with  false  reports 
that  their  objects  are  different  from  those  expressed  in  the  before- 
mentioned  declaration.  God  knows  this  to  be  a  malicious  calumny, 
circulated  for  the  ])urpose  of  consolidating  centralism,  by  trying  to 
miite  the   I*"ederalists  in  its  ranks  against  their  friends  the  Texans. 

"Very  dearly  indeed  have  the  Texans  ac(|uire(l  their  homes  in 
this  country,  which  but  a  short  time  since  was  .-i  wiblerness  infested 
by  hostile  Indians.  It  is  just  and  natural  that  the\-  should  wish  to 
preserve  them,  in  conformity  with  the  guarantees  of  the  F'ederal  com- 
pact under  which  they  were  acquired.  It  is  equally  so.  that  they 
should  obey  the  first  law  which  God  has  stamped  upon  the  heart  of 
man  civilized  or  savage,  which  is  self-preservation. 

"The  Texans  have  therefore  taken  up  arms  in  defence  of  their 
constitutional  rights,  in  fulfillment  of  their  duties  to  the  Mexican 
confederation  .-itid  nf  the  most   sacred  obligation  to  themselves. 


224  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

"They  have  organized  a  local  Provisional  Government,  to  provide 
for  their  security  as  a  part  of  the  Mexican  confederation  should  it 
again  be  re-established.  Can  it  be  possible  that  the  whole  nation  will 
declare  war  against  us  because  we  wish  to  comply  with  our  obligation 
in  favor  of  the  constitution,  and  because  we  wish  to  defend  the  rights 
which  God  has  given  to  man,  and  which  the  Alexican  nation  has 
solemnly  guaranteed  to  us?  No,  it  cannot  be  believed.  The  free 
Mexicans  are  not  unjust,  and  they  will  take  part  in  our  favor. 

"To   arms,  then,   patriotic   Mexicans.     The   Texans,   although    a 
young  people,  invite  and  call  you  to  the  contest  which  it  is  the  duty 
of  all  to  sustain  against  the  perjured  centralists,  separate  as  we  have 
done  from  the  Central  Government,  and  declare  eternal  war  against 
it;  let  us  sustain  the  federal  compact,  restore  the  federal  system  and 
firmly  establish  the  liberties  and  happiness  of  our  country.     In  this 
great  work  you  will  receive  aid  and  assistance  from  the  Texans,  .so 
far  as  their  limited   resources  will  permit,   as  they   have  offered  in 
the  second  article  of  their  declaration." 
But  the  government  was  not  agreed  on  a  policy   toward  the  Mexi- 
cans.    Governor  Smith  said  that  he  had  no  faith  in  them.     He  vetoed 
on  the  9th  an  ordinance  for  the  relief  of  Mexia,  and  wrote  the  same 
day  to  Burleson,  saying  that  the  council  had  fitted  out  Gonzales  with- 
out his  knowledge  or  consent.     "You  will  keep  a  strict  eye  on  him,"  he 
admonished,  "and  if  he  should  seem  not  to  act  in  good  faith  I  now  order 
you  to  arrest  him  and  his  men,  disarm  them  and  hold  them  as  prisoners 
of  war  subject  to  my  order."     The  council,  too,  without  just  cause,  it 
appears,  lost  confidence  in  Mexia.     He  did  not  go  to  Bexar,  as  requested, 
though  most  of  his  men — all  of  whom  were  Americans — did,  and  he  sent 
with   them   a   proclamation   to   the   Mexicans   of  the  garrison,    some   of 
whom  he  had  once  commanded,  asking  them  to  join  the  Texans.     Mexia 
himself   returned   to    Xew   Orleans;    Miracle    is   not   again   heard    from, 
though  reports  arrived  from  time  to  time  of  the  movements  of  his  patron, 
Canales,    on    the    Rio    Grande ;    Gonzales,    also,    after    the    fall    of    San 
.■\ntonio,  drifted  toward  the  Rio  Grande   frontier,  and  is  several  times 
mentioned  as  being  at  the  head  of  two  or  three  hundred  Mexican  troops 
south  of  San  Patricio. 

Thus  the  hope  of  Mexican  co-operation,  at  best  rather  exotic,  faded 
away.  The  convention  issued  the  declaration  of  independence  on  March 
2.  And  this,  of  course,  quashed  anv  sentiments  of  sympathy  that  the 
extremely  small  party  of  Liberals  in  ^^lexico  may  have  felt. 

On  December  22,  the  council  appointed  General  Houston,  John  Forbes, 
and  John  Cameron  to  treat  with  the  Cherokees  and  on  the  26th  they 
were  instructed  to  proceed  to  Nacogdoches  at  once  and  negotiate  a  treaty, 
pursuing  in  all  things  "a  course  of  justice  and  equity  towards  the  Indi- 
ans." They  were  to  conform  in  very  respect  to  the  resolutions  adopted 
by  the  consultation  on  November  13.  Houston  was  granted  a  furlough 
by  the  governor  to  carry  out  this  mission,  and  he  and  his  fellow  com- 
missioners signed  a  treaty  with  the  Cherokees  on  February  8,  1836. 

The  most  effective  work  of  the  provisional  government  has  now  been 
described.  The  further  history  of  that  body  is  concerned  mainly  with 
the  unseemly  quarrel  which  developed  between  the  governor  and  the 
cotmcil.  and  ibis  will  be  treated  in  a  later  chapter. 


CllAPTllR  XVI 

THE  CAl'TURE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO 

We  left  the  volunteers  ;it  San  Antonio  on  October  31.  Austin,  with 
tile  main  division  of  the  army,  was  occupying  a  position  above  town 
at  the  Old  Mill,  and  Howie  and  Fannin,  with  a  smaller  force,  were  hold- 
ing Mission  Concepcion.  On  that  day,  as  we  saw,  Austin  informed 
Bowie  and  Fannin  that  sonic  of  the  Mexican  soldiers  w-ished  to  desert 
to  the  Texans  and  outlined  a  plan  for  creating  a  diversion  to  cover  their 
movements.  Fannin  and  Bowie  accejited  this  plan,  but  suggested  that 
the  two  divisions  of  the  arniv  should  unite,  if  the  deserters  did  not  join 
them  within  five  days.  The  communication  reached  .\ustin  on  Novem- 
ber 1,  and  he  replied: 

"1  sent  a  demand  today    for  a  surrender.     General   Cos   stated 
that  his  duty  would  not  permit  him  to  receive  any  official  communi- 
cation, and  of  course  it  was  returned  unopened.     He  in  a  short  time 
after  sent  out  Padre  Garza,  with  a  flag,  to  say  to  me  verbally,  that  he 
had  absolute  orders  from  his  government  to  fortify  Bexar  and  hold 
it  at  all  hazards,  and  that   as  a  militarv   man  his  honor  and  duty 
required  obedience  to  the  orders,  and  that  he  would  defend  the  place 
until  he  died,  if  he  had  only  ten  men." 
The  demonstration  was  made  as  agreed  upon,  but  no  deserters  took 
advantage  of  it  to  leave  the  Mexican  ranks.     It  did  result,  however,  in 
another  shift   in   the  position  of   the   Texan   forces,   Bowie  and   Fannin 
writing  Austin  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  November  1  that  the 
men    had   been    so    pleased    with    ;i    position    :ibout    eight    hundred   yards 
below  town : 

"That    we    determined    In    occupy    it,    and    have    in    consequence 
brought  up  the  baggage,  etc.   from  Concepcion,  and  have  thrown  a 
rough  bridge  across  the  river,  and  thus  occupy  both  banks.     We  are 
resolved  to  hold  it  as  long  as  our  members  can  justify  it.  and  it  meets 
your  approbation.     We  arc  exposed,  and  they  must  certainly  know 
our  foree.  and  may  attempt  in  all  probability  to  dislodge  us.     .Should 
we   be    uninterru])ted    tonight,    we    will    endeavor    to    strengthen    the 
post.     Will  you  allow  us  to  once  more  say  that  a  more  ecjual  division 
of  the   forces    [is  desirable]." 
On   the   next   day    (November   2)    both   divisions   of    the   army   held 
councils  of  war  to  decide  whether  to  attemj^t  to  take  the  town  by  storm 
or  by  siege,  and  both  decided  in   favor  of  a  siege.     The  officers  in  the 
division  under   Bowie  and   l-'annin  advised   a  union   of  the   two   forces, 
and  Austin's  council   resolved  "that   such  positions  should  be  taken   for 
the  army  at  present  as  would  secure  it  from  the  cannon  shot  of  the  enemy 
and  enable  it  at  the  same  time  to  carry  on  the  offensive  o])erations,  while 
we  are  waiting  for  the  large  18  pound  cannon  and  additional  reinforce- 
ments."   In  con.sequence  of  the  resolution  the  main  force  was  now  moved 
back  to  Concepcion,  but  a  detachment  still  remained  at  the  Old  Mill. 

Little  progress  was  made.     On  November  5,  Captain  Briscoe's  com- 
pany  went   ntit   to   scour   the  country   Inward   the    Rio   Frio,  and   Travis 

22.'? 

VOL.  I— 15    • 


226 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 


accompanied  it  as  a  volunteer.  Briscoe  decided  to  return  on  the  8th. 
but  Travis  called  for  volunteers  and  continued  to  reconnoiter.  On  the 
10th  he  captured  a  drove  of  three  hundred  horses  which  General  Cos 
several  days  before  started  to  Laredo.  This  was  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant incidents  of  the  early  part  of  the  siege. 

On  the  14th.  Austin  wrote  to  the  consultation  informing  it  of  Tra- 
vis's success.  "The  enemy  is  closely  shut  up  in  Bexar,"  he  said,  "and 
more  and  more  discouraged  every  day.  All  we  need  is  perseverance 
and  reinforcements,  to  keep  up  the  army.  I  entreat  the  Convention  to 
hurry  on  reinforcements  to  keep  up  the  army,  with  all  possible  dispatch. 


Ihe  Alamo 

and  the  campaign  will  soon  end.  There  is  very  little  prospect  that  the 
enemy  will  get  any  aid  from  the  interior."  This  letter  was  received  by  the 
general  council,  which  on  the  19th  made  it  the  basis  of  a  stirring  appeal 
to  the  people  of  Texas  for  reinforcements : 

"The  foregoing  letter  *  *  *  speaks  a  language  too  cheering 
in  prospect  of  success  against  our  enemies  not  to  arouse  the  most 
ardent  patriotism  in  the  bosom  of  every  friend  of  liberty,  and  es- 
pecially in  the  hearts  of  our  fellow  citizens  of  Texas.  By  a  reso- 
lution unanimously  adopted  in  your  Council,  we  are  prompted  to 
call  upon  our  fellow-citizens  to  rally  around  the  standard  of  their 
country,  and  unite  in  accomplishing  the  glorious  object  contemplated 
in  the  letter  from  the  Commanding  General  before  Bexar,  and  rid 
Texas  of  the  last  vestige  of  her  enemies." 


f 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  227 

On  the  18th  General  Austin  wrote  again  to  the  consultation  report- 
ing recent  movements  of  the  enemy  and  of  the  besieging  army ; 

"In  my  last  I  communicated  the  taking  of  a  cavalado  of  300 
horses  by  a  detachment  under  the  command  of  Captain  Travis — I 
now  enclose  his  detailed  report  and  beg  leave  to  recommend  the  serv- 
ices of  Captain  Travis  and  the  men  who  composed  his  party. 

"On  the  9th  inst.,  I  received  information  which  was  entitled  to 
attention,  that  a  reinforcement  was  on  the  road  from  Laredo  to  join 
General  Cos.  I  immediately  ordered  Captain  Fannin  to  take  com- 
mand of  sixty-five  men  from  the  encampment  at  the  Mission  Concep- 
cion,  which  were  to  have  been  joined  by  an  equal  number  from  the  en- 
campment above  Bexar  and  to  proceed  on  the  Laredo  road  to  inter- 
cept the  reported  reinforcements.  Captain  Fannin  marched  promptly 
but  was  not  joined  by  the  party  from  the  upper  camp.  He,  however, 
proceeded  on  the  Laredo  road  as  far  as  Rio  Frio.  He  returned 
last  night — I  enclose  his  official  report.  This  officer  has  been  very 
efficient  and  I  recommend  him  as  one  of  the  officers  of  the  regular 
army  when  it  is  organized. 

"On  the  14th,  I  received  information  that  Colonel  Ugartechea  left 
Bexar  the  night  before  for  Laredo,  supposedly  for  the  purpose  of  es- 
corting the  expected  reinforcements — I  immediately  despatched  Col. 
Burleson  with  130  men  in  pursuit  of  him — I  have  since  learned  that 
Ugartechea  had  a  man  for  a  pilot  who  has  lived  with  the  Comanches 
and  that  he  will  make  a  great  circle  by  the  hills  on  the  head  of  the 
Medino.  The  prospect  of  Burleson's  meeting  him  is  therefore  doubt- 
ful— According  to  the  best  accounts  reinforcements  have  not  yet  left 
Laredo. — the  enemy  are  shut  up  in  the  walls  and  fortifications  of 
Bexar,  parties  of  our  volunteers  go  around  the  town  daily  and  within 
cannon  shot.  We  have  picked  up  about  twenty  of  their  six-pound 
shot — I  have  heretofore  on  various  occasions  submitted  to  a  council 
of  officers  the  storming  [of]  the  fortifications  and  I  am  now  decidedly 
in  favor  of  that  measure  as  soon  as  the  New  Orleans  Greys  get  up 
from  Goliad  and  Burleson's  detachment  returns. 

"The  works  are  stronger  than  they  were,  but  are  greatly  extended 
and  consequently  the  defending  force  is  very  much  scattered  ;  the 
troops  inside  are  also  very  much  discouraged,  and  begin  to  consider 
the  contest  as  hopeless,  cut  of?  as  they  are  from  resources,  with  a  wil- 
derness in  the  rear  which  has  been  burnt  nearly  all  the  way  to  the 
Rio  Grande  on  all  roads,  Bexar  must  fall  in  a  short  time  for  want 
of  resources  without  loss  on  our  jjarl,  and  I  think  it  could  be  stormed 
successfully  though  at  a  very  considerable  risk  of  losing  men — My 
health,  which  has  been  very  bad  from  a  very  severe  dysentery  since 
the  army  left  Cibolo,  has  improved  within  the  last  few  days  very 
much — The  army  has  done  all  that  could  have  been  done  under  the 
circumstances  and  without  materials  and  organization,  which  latter 
is  purely  voluntary — It  deserves  great  credit  for  its  sufferings  and 
perseverance — I  have  every  confidence  that  a  short  time  will  end  this 
campaign." 


228  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

Aftt-r  writing  this  letter  Austin  received  from  the  general  council 
notice  of  his  selection  as  commissioner  to  the  United  States,  and  at  three 
o'clock  he  wrote  again  to  the  provisional  government : 

"I  can  only  say  that  I  am  ready  at  all  times  to  serve  Texas  in 
any  station  where  it  is  considered  I  can  be  useful.     Some  prudence 
will  be  necessary  to  keep  this  army  together  should  I  leave  at  once. 
1  therefore  cannot  at  this  time  say  when  I  can  be  in  San  Felipe,  but 
will  give  you  the  earliest  possible  information  on  this  subject." 
On  the  21st  Austin  gave  the  order  for  an  assault  on  the  town,  but 
Col.  Edward  Burleson  and  Col.  Philip  Sublett,  who  were  now  command- 
ing the  principal  divisions  of  the  army,  notified  him  that  their  officers 
were   unwilling   to   make   the   attempt   at    that   time   and   the   order   was 
withdrawn. 

On  the  24th,  the  army  was  mustered  and  informed  that  Austin  was 
cumpelled  to  proceed  to  the  United  States  as  a  commissioner  under  his 
recent  appointment.  Volunteers  were  called  for  who  would  pledge  them- 
selves to  remain  before  Bexar  until  it  fell,  and  four  hundred  and  five 
oflfered  themselves.  At  the  same  time  an  election  was  held  to  choose 
a  new  commander-in-chief,  and  the  choice  fell  upon  Col.  Edward 
Burleson.  Austin  then  proceeded  to  San  Felipe,  where  on  November 
.Wth,  he  made  to  the  provisional  government  a  long  report  on  the  serv- 
ices of  the  volunteers : 

"That  their  services  have  been  and  now  are,  in  the  highest  pos- 
sible degree,  useful  and  important  to  Texas,  is  very  evident.  Had 
this  army  never  crossed  the  river  Guadalupe,  a  movement  which 
some  have  condemned,  the  war  would  have  been  carried  by  the 
Centralists  into  the  colonies,  and  the  settlements  on  the  Guadalupe 
and  La  Baca  would  probably  have  suffered,  and  perhaps  have  been 
broken  up.  The  town  of  Gonzales  had  already  been  attacked,  and 
many  of  the  settlers  were  about  to  remove. 

"What  eflfect  such  a  state  of  things  would  have  had  u|)()n  tin- 
moral  standing  and  prospects  of  the  country,  although  a  matter  of 
opinion,  is  worthy  of  mature  consideration;  and  more  especialh'. 
when  it  is  considered  that,  at  that  time,  the  opinions  of  many  were 
vacillating  and  unsettled,  and  much  division  prevailed.  The  volun- 
teer army  have  also  paralyzed  the  force  of  General  Cos.  so  that  it  is 
shut  up  within  the  fortifications  of  Bexar,  incapable  of  any  hostile 
movements  whatever,  outside  of  the  walls,  and  must  shortly  sur- 
render, or  be  annihilated.  The  enemy  has  been  beaten  in  every 
contest  and  skirmish,  which  has  proven  the  superiority  of  the  volun- 
teers, and  given  confidence  to  everv  one.  Our  undisciplined  volun- 
teers, but  few  of  whom  were  ever  in  the  field  before,  have  acquired 
some  experience  and  much  confidence  in  each  other  and  in  them- 
selves, and  are  much  better  prepared  for  organization,  and  to  meet 
a  formidable  attack,  than  they  were  before. 

"The  post  at  Goliad  has  been  taken  by  the  volunteers,  and  the 
enemy  deprived  of  large  supplies  which  were  at  that  place,  and  of  the 
facilities  of  procuring  others  by  water,  through  the  port  of  Copano. 
which  is  also  closed  upon  them  by  the  occupation  of  Goliad.  The 
enemv  has  been  driven  from  the  river  Nueces  bv  a  detachment  of  the 


iiisToKV  oi-"  'rr.XAS  229 

\ ukiiUt.c'r.>  who  {garrison  Cjoliad,  aided  by  the  palriutic  suns  of  Ireland 
from  Power's  colony.     More  than  one  hundred  of  the  enemy,  in- 
cluding many   officers,  have  been   killed ;  a  great   many   have  been 
wounded,  others  have  deserted,  and  a  valuable  piece  of  brass  cannon, 
a  six-pounder  has  been  taken,  and  another  preserved   (the  one  that 
was  at  Gonzales)   from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.     Three 
hundred    head    of   horses   have   been    taken,    and    the    resources    for 
sustaining  an  army  in  Bexar  are  all  destroyed  or  exhausted,  so  that 
an  enemy  in  that  place  is  at  this  time  more  than  three  hundred  miles 
from  any  supplies  of  breadstuff  and  many  other  necessary  articles. 
.•Ml  this  has  been  effected  by  the  volunteer  army  in  a  little  more  than 
one  month,  and  with  the  loss  of  only  one  man  killed  in  battle,  and  one 
wounded   (who  has  nearly  recovered),  before  Bexar;  one  wounded 
at   (Goliad,   and  one   at   Lipantitlan,   on   the    Nueces.      In   short,   the 
moral  and  political   influence  of  the  campaign,   is  ecjuallv   beneficial 
to  Texas  and  to  the  sacred  cause  of  the  Constitution  and  of  Libert)', 
and  honorable  to  the  volunteer  army.    This  army  is  composed,  prin- 
cipally, of  the  most  intelligent,  respectable,  and  wealthy  citizens  of 
the   country ;   and    of    volunteers    from    Louisiana    and    Alabama, — 
men  who  have  taken  up  arms  from  [jrinciple.  from  a  sense  of  duty, 
and  from  the  purest  motives  of  patriotism  and  (jhilanthropy.     They 
have  bravely  sustained  the  rights  of  Te.xas,  and  the  cause  of  Mexican 
Liberty,  and  patiently  borne  the  exposure  and  fatigue  of  a  winter's 
campaign  during  the  most  inclement,  wet,  and  cold  spell  of  weather 
known  in  this  country  for  ma/iy  years.     The  most  of  them  are  men 
of  families,  whose  loss  would  have  made  a  fearful  void  in  our  thin 
community.    They  might  have  been  jirecipitated  upon  the  fortification 
of   Bexar,   which   were  defended   by    seven   or   eight    hundred   men. 
and   a   number   of   cannon,   and   taken    the   place   by    storm,   against 
superior  numbers  ;  and  Texas  might,  and  in   all   probability   would, 
have  been  covered  with  mourning  in  the  hour  of  victory.     On  con- 
sultation with  the  officers  in  councils  of  war,  it   was  deemed  most 
prudent  not  to  hazard  so  much  in  the  commencement  of  the  contest, 
when  a  disaster  would  have  been  so  materially   injurious  ;  and  the 
system  was  adopted  of  wasting  away  the  resources  and  spirits  and 
numbers  of   the  enemy  by   a   siege,   the  ultimate    success  of   which 
appeared   to   be   certain,   without    any    serious   hazard   on   our   part. 
That  the   fall  of   Bexar  within  a  short  time.  ,ind   with  a  verv  little 
loss,  will  be  the  result,  I  have  no  doubt." 
Two  days  after  .'\ustin's  departure  from  San  Antonio  occurred  what 
was  called  the  "Grass  Fight."     The  facts  of  this  affair  of  November  26 
are  as  follows:     It  was  known  that  Colonel  Ugartechea  was  expected 
with  reinforcements  for  the  garrison  or  with  money  to  pav  off  the  troojjs. 
.Scouts  of  small  detachments  were  kept  out  constantly  by  the  Texans  to 
cut  Cos's  communication,  and  to  capture  foraging  parties.     Colonel  |ames 
Bowie,  with  a  small  detachment,  was  out  on  this  service,  with  orders  to 
keep  a  lookout  for  Colonel  Ugartechea.  and  report  to  headquarters.     On 
the  morning  of  the  26th,  while  out  in  the  direction  of  the  ujiiJcr  crossing  of 
the  Medina  River,  he  discovered  a  body  of  Mexicans  which  he  mistook 
for  Ugartechea's  advance,     lie   immediatclv   dis[)atched    Deaf   Smith   to 


230  HISTORY  OF   JEXAS 

headquarters  with  the  information.  Smith  arrived  at  headquarters  about 
the  middle  of  the  afternoon.  The  news  brought  by  him  created  quite  a 
stir  in  camp — all  were  ready  to  march  and  capture  Ugartechea  and  party. 
Colonel  Bowie  in  the  meantime  fell  back  towards  town,  keeping  the 
enemy  in  sight,  and  when  within  one  or  two  miles  of  the  town  took  a 
strong  position  in  a  ravine,  with  nearly  perpendicular  banks  from  three 
to  six  feet  high,  and  awaited  the  advance  of  the  enemy  and  reinforce- 
ments from  camp.  At  this  point  he  held  the  enemy  in  check  till  troops 
from  camp  arrived  on  the  ground.  In  the  meantime  General  Cos,  seeing 
the  stir  in  the  Texas  camp,  divined  the  cause  and  ordered  out  a  strong 
detachment,  with  one  piece  of  artillery,  to  the  aid  of  his  foraging-party. 
The  Texans,  when  the  order  was  given  to  go  to  the  relief  of  Bowie 
turned  out,  some  on  horseback,  others  on  foot,  without  regard  to  order 
of  march,  and  moved  in  double-quick  for  the  scene  of  action.  .A.s  they 
arrived  they  took  position  in  a  ravine  nearly  at  a  right  angle  from  that 
occupied  by  Bowie.  When  the  main  force  got  up,  there  being  no  enemy 
in  sight,  a  company,  Capt.  James  G.  Swisher's,  advanced  to  the  high 
ground  in  front  of  the  ravine.  The  enemy,  who  had  taken  position  in  a 
ravine  nearly  parallel  with  that  occupied  by  the  main  force,  opened  fire 
on  the  Texan  lines  with  artillery  and  musketry.  They  had  fired  several 
rounds,  with  no  other  result  than  a  waste  of  their  ammunition.  The 
Texans  did  not  return  the  fire,  for  the  reason  that  the  enemy  was  not 
only  invisible  but  protected  by  the  banks  of  the  ravine.  At  this  stage  of 
affairs.  Captain  Swisher,  who  had  discovered  the  position  of  the  enemy, 
at  the  suggestion  of  Colonel  Johnson,  with  his  company,  charged  the 
piece  of  artillery,  supported  by  infantry,  at  the  head  of  the  ravine,  and 
drove  them  down  on  the  main  force.  The  Texans  from  the  ravine  ad- 
vanced and  opened  fire  on  the  enemy,  but  at  too  great  a  distance  to  do 
much  execution,  if  any  at  all.  The  Mexicans  retreated  rapidly  to  the 
town,  the  Texans  pursuing  till  within  range  of  the  guns  of  the  town, 
when  they  were  ordered  to  fall  back,  and  occupy  their  first  ground. 

Seeing  no  movement  by  the  enemy  to  move  their  animals  and  forage, 
orders  were  given  to  return  to  camp.  This  was  a  brilliant  affair,  though 
conducted  without  any  regular  order  of  battle — each  one  fought  on  his 
"own  hook." 

The  spoils  of  victory  were  a  large  number  of  horses,  mules,  saddles, 
bridles,  blankets,  ropes,  and  a  large  number  of  packs  or  bales  of  grass, 
the  latter  was  set  on  fire.  The  loss  of  the  enemy,  if  any.  is  not  known 
except  one  man  left  on  the  ground  with  his  thigh  broken. 

Col.  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  a  former  aide  of  General  Austin's,  was  present 
and  acquitted  himself  with  his  usual  gallantry.  His  account  of  the 
affair  is  here  inserted. 

"For  several  days  previous  to  the  26th  of  November.  1835,  Col. 
Ugartechea  was  expected  to  return  from  Laredo  with  a  reinforce- 
ment variously  estimated  from  four  hundred  to  eight  hundred  men. 
Deaf  Smith  had  been  for  some  days  on  the  lookout  in  the  direction 
of  Laredo  and  on  the  morning  of  the  26th,  he  was  seen  coming  across 
the  field  at  full  speed  making  his  way  to  headquarters.  He  came 
in  and  stated  that  a  body  of  Mexicans  which  he  supposed  were 
the  reinforcements  were  about  five  miles  west  of  town  and  coming 


HISTORY  OF    IKXAS  231 

in.  General  Burleson  ordered  out  about  forty  cavalry  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Bowie  to  intercept  and  delay  them  until  about 
one  hundred  and  sixty  infantry,  which  he  ordered  out,  could  come  up. 
Smith  said  he  thought  the  Mexican  force  was  about  five  hundred 
strong.  The  men  were  immediately  in  motion,  and  in  a  rapid  march 
Bowie  dashed  on  with  his  horsemen  and  intercepted  the  enemy  about 
a  mile  from  town  and  about  four  miles  from  our  camp.  It  turned  out 
to  be  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  Mexican  cavalry  who  had  been 
sent  out  of  town  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  grass  for  their  horses. 
Bowie  immediately  commenced  an  attack  upon  them  and  ordered  his 
men  to  dismount  and  take  a  bank.  The  Mexicans  also  dismounted 
and  took  a  ditch  and  sent  back  to  town  for  a  reinforcement.  At  this 
time,  Bowie's  guns  commenced  firing.  The  infantry  had  just  arrived 
at  a  creek  which  was  about  waist  deep  and  about  a  mile  in  a  direct 
line  from  where  Bowie  commenced  the  fight  but  about  two  miles 
the  way  we  had  to  march.  .Some  cavalry  had  been  seen  a  moment 
before  Bowie's  engagement  commenced  and  something  was  said 
about  taking  a  favorable  position  to  fight  them  but  on  hearing  the 
commencement  of  the  firing  the  men  jumped  in  and  waded  the 
creek  and  advanced  at  a  run  to  reinforce  Bowie.  When  we  got 
in  half  a  mile  of  him  the  firing  ceased.  We  advanced  rapidly  but 
with  very  little  expectations  of  getting  into  a  fight.  The  grass  party 
had  retired  and  got  into  a  ditch  and  were  waiting  for  the  reinforce- 
ment from  town,  which  was  then  coming,  consisting  from  the  best  in- 
formation I  could  gather,  of  about  five  himdred  men  and  one  piece  of 
artillery.  I  think  a  six-pounder.  We  were  not  apprized  of  the  position 
Bowie  occupied  and  marched  in  between  the  grass  party,  and  the  rein- 
forcement, who  were  apprized  of  our  situation  and  we  not  of  theirs. 
They  waited  very  quietly  until  we  passed  a  little  eminence  that  was 
between  us  and  them  and  then  gave  us  a  general  fire  which  threw  our 
men  into  confusion.  An  order  was  given  to  lie  down,  followed  im- 
mediately by  an  order  from  some  one  to  retreat.  It  is  due  to 
Burleson  to  say  that  this  order  was  not  given  by  him,  nor  do  I  know 
by  whom.  At  the  same  time  an  order  was  given  to  charge,  and  about 
fifty  of  our  force  did  charge.  In  the  charge  we  got  in  some  forty 
yards  of  where  the  grass  party  were  lying  concealed  on  our  right 
and  the  reinforcement  gathered  to  our  left.  The  grass  party  then 
opened  a  fire  on  us,  which  was  repeated  before  we  could  discover 
where  they  were.  Their  force  was  about  a  hundred  and  thirty, 
Bowie  having  killed  and  wounded  about  twenty.  Fifteen  of  our 
mess  charged  on  them  and  routed  them  from  the  ditch,  killing  and 
wounding  several  of  them.  They  ran  entirely  off  the  field  and  I  do 
not  believe  that  they  again  joined  in  the  fight.  Our  forces  were  by 
this  time  scattered  over  about  one  hundred  acres  of  ground,  and 
in  small  parties,  every  man  fighting  pretty  much  on  his  own  hook. 
We,  however,  kept  advancing  upon  the  enemy  and  they  falling  back. 
We  got  in  about  eighty  yards  of  the  cannon,  when  it  was  discharged 
on  us  with  grape  and  cannister  and  run  back  a  short  distance,  where 
they  halted  and  fired  again.  They  then  attempted  a  charge  with  I 
think  about  a  hundred  and  fiftv  cavalr\-  on  about   fortv  of  our  men 


232  11  IS  TORY  ()!•    TEXAS 

who  were  occupying  a  little  eminence  on  the  field  to  prevent  the 
enemy  bringing  their  cannon  to  that  point,  which  would  have  given 
them  an  advantage.  The  cavalry  came  up  at  a  beautiful  charge  until 
they  got  within  about  one  hundred  yards,  when  they  broke  their 
ranks  and  fell  back.  They  twice  repeated  this  attempt  at  a  charge 
but  failed  to  get  any  nearer  us  than  about  one  hundred  yards.  About 
this  time  the  Morales  BattaHon  was  brought  up  to  drive  our  men 
from  the  eminence.  These  men  advanced  with  great  coolness  and 
nravery  under  a  destructive  fire  from  our  men.  preserving  all  the 
time  strict  order  and  exhibiting  no  confusion.  They  got  up  in 
about  twenty  j^ards  of  our  position ;  all  our  guns  and  pistols  had 
been  fired  off  and  we  had  no  time  to  reload  and  must  have  tried  the 
butts  of  our  guns  against  their  bayonets  but  for  the  fact  that  some 
of  our  men  who  were  fighting  in  a  different  place,  hearing  the  steady 
fire  *  *  *  at  that  point  attempted  to  come  to  them  and  in  com- 
ing across  the  field  ran  nearly  upon  the  enemy's  cannon.  The  Mexi- 
cans took  it  for  granted  that  it  was  an  attempt  to  take  their  cannon 
and  ordered  the  Morales  BattaHon  to  reinforce  the  cannon.  They 
soon  after  retreated  until  they  came  under  cover  of  the  guns  of  the 
town.  Col.  Bowie  joined  us  soon  after  the  fight  commenced  and 
acted  with  his  usual  coolness  and  bravery.  During  the  engagement 
a  little  boy  was  sitting  down  behind  a  bunch  of  small  thorn  bushes 
loading  his  gun.  The  cannon  was  fired  and  the  whole  charge  of 
grape  and  cannister  struck  the  bushes  and  tore  them  literally  to 
pieces,  but  the  boy  escaped  unhurt.  During  the  engagement  a  Mexi- 
can officer  who  had  acted  with  great  bravery  charged  alone  in  the 
midst  of  our  men  and  was  shot  off  his  horse  by  one  of  our  men.  The 
fight  I  think  lasted  about  an  hour  and  a  half.  The  number  of  the 
enemy  killed  has  been  variously  estimated  from  forty  to  upwards 
of  a  hundred.  I  think  the  latter  the  most  accurate.  They  carried 
off  during  the  engagement  a  number  of  the  dead,  as  I  saw  myself 
.several  dead  men  carried  off  on  horseback.  During  the  fight  Genl. 
Burleson,  Col.  Jack,  Col.  Sublett,  Col.  Somervill,  Col.  Johnson,  and 
Adjutant  Brister  were  all  on  the  field.  Adjutant  Brister,  who  has 
since  been  killed,  acted  with  great  bravery  during  the  whole  of  the 
fight,  and  old  Mr.  Burleson,  the  father  of  Genl.  Burleson,  particu- 
larly distinguished  himself.  After  the  battle  was  over  we  formed  and 
waited  about  an  hour,  and  marched  back  to  camp,  where  we  arrived 
a  little  after  dark.  We  had  four  men  slightly  wounded  and  one  of 
our  men  ran  away  and  was  never  heard  of  until  he  got  to  Gonzales, 
about  seventy  five  miles." 
These  little  affairs  not  only  served  to  break  the  monotony  of  camp 
life  but  to  keep  the  volunteers  in  good  spirits,  notwithstanding  the 
inclemency  of  the  weather,  want  of  proper  clothing,  blankets,  and 
tents.  The  Provisional  Government  did  what  it  could  to  supply  the 
wants  of  the  army.  Texas  was  without  a  treasury,  and  without  credit. 
Of  this  the  volunteers  were  aware  and  they  made  no  complaints,  but 
performed  their  duty  on  all  occasions  with  alacrity.  They  were  gov- 
erned by  no  law  except  their  own  sense  of  right  and  duty ;  their 
patriotism  and  love  of  country  predominated  and  imbued  every  heart ! 


IIISIOkN'  ()!■■    ri;.\AS  233 

1  will  notice  an  error  into  wliicli  Vujikum  was  draw  n.  in  which  he 
does  the  volunteers  great  injustice.     He  says: 

"After  the  departure  of  General  Austin,  the  besieging  army 
before  San  Antonio  came  very  near  being  broken  up.    This  threat- 
ened dissolution   originated   from  a  projected  enterprize  against 
Matamoras,  with  the  hope  of  obtaining  the  co-operation  of  a  large 
force  of  Mexican  liberals.    Dr.  James  Grant,  an  Englishman,  some 
time  before  domiciliated  about   Alonclova,  and  one  of  the  legis- 
lators dispersed  by  General  Cos,  was  the  cause  of  this  movement. 
He  published  an  account  of  the  exposed  condition  of  the  interior 
of   Mexico — representing  that  Alvarez  was  active   in  the  South, 
and  had  taken  .\capulco ;  that  Guzman  and  Montenegro  had  an 
army  of  twenl\  -one  hundred  liberals  in  the  State  of  Guadalajara  ; 
that  Puebla,  with  the  governor  at  its  head,  had  refused  to  publish 
the  centralizing  decree  of  the  3rd  of  October,  and  the  people  were 
rising   en   masse   to   defend   their   liberties;   that    V'alladolid    had 
protested  in  the  strongest  terms,  and  was  raising  her  civic  militia ; 
that  Oajaxa  had  made  a  like  protest  and  was  also  preparing  for 
defence ;  that  Zacatecas  was  ready  to  take  the  first  opportunity 
to  avenge  her  wrongs  ;  so  also  was  Durango  ;  and  that  Tamaulipas 
and  New   Leon  would  rise  the  moment  an  attack  was  made  on 
-Matamoras,  and  San  Luis  Potosi  would  instantly  follow.     These, 
with  the   further  representations — made,   no   doubt,   honestly   by 
Grant — that  Santa  Anna  was  sadly  distressed  for  want  of  funds 
to  carry  on  his  despotic  plans,  and  that  his  army  was  scattered 
and  could  not  be  safely  united,  served  to  turn  the  heads  of  many 
of  the  leading  men  of  Texas.     It  was  supposed  that  they  had  only 
to  show  themselves  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  when 
the   whole    of    Mexico    would    rally    around    them!      They    never 
reflected    that    since    1832    the    Texans    had    been   a    by-word    of 
reproach  in  Mexico,  and  that  all  parties  then  denoimced  them  as 
'perfidious,  ungrateful  disturbers'." 
The  facts  upon  which  this  fine-wrought  story  is  based  are  these; 
Dr.  James  Grant  was  a  .Scotchman,  not  "Englishman,"  a  gentleman 
of  literary  attainments,  urbane  and  social,  and  possessed  of  fine  con- 
versational  powers.     He   resided   at    I'arras,   not   "about    Monclova," 
Coahuila,  and  owned  a  hacienda  there,  on  which  he  was  erecting  mills 
for  the  manufacture  of  woolen  and  cotton  fabrics;  there  was,  also,  on 
the   estate   a  good   vineyard   from    which    he   manufactured    wine   and 
brandy. 

It  is  true  that  Doctor  Grant  suggested  the  idea  of  taking  Mata- 
moras, by  which  the  government  i>f  Mexico  would  be  deprived  of  a 
source  of  considerable  revenue.  He  believed  the  project  to  be  not 
only  practicable,  but  of  great  ]>ublic  ;idvantage  to  Texas,  believing, 
as  he  did.  that  once  in  ])osscssi(>n  of  that  town  the  Texans  would  be 
joined  by  large  numbers  of  Mexican  liberals.  This  [)roject  was  freely 
discussed  by  the  volunteers  of  the  army,  but  neither  Grant  nor  the 
volunteers  thought,  much  less  intended,  to  break  up  the  army.  For, 
in  the  latter  part  of  November,  Grant  was  siiiierintending  the  building 


234  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

of   a    furnace   to   cast    cannon    balls    and    a   number    of    balls    had   been 
brought  up  from  the  missions  below  town  for  that  purpose. 

From  the  time  when  the  Texas  army  took,  position  before  San 
Antonio  de  Bexar  there  had  been  a  want  of  suitable  ammunition  for 
the  three  pieces  of  artillery,  one  of  which  was  taken  at  Concepcion,  noi; 
was  either  of  them,  except  the  last,  properly  mounted.  True,  exertions 
had  been  made  to  procure  and  forward  heavier  guns  and  a  supply  of 
ammunition,  but  so  far  without  success.  Indeed  there  was  scarcely  a 
musket  and  bayonet  in  the  army :  the  principal  arms  were  rifles  with 
a  few  double-barreled  shot-guns.  The  army  was  indebted  to  the  enemy 
for  a  number  of  cannon  balls  which  thej-  fired  at  the  Texan  position, 
about  one  half  of  which  fell  short,  struck  the  ground,  and  rolled 
forward.  On  these  occasions,  it  was  quite  amusing  to  see  two  or  three 
or  a  half  a  dozen  in  chase  of  the  balls,  which,  when  recovered,  were 
from  time  to  time  returned  in  compliment  to  the  enemy. 

In  the  last  days  of  November,  by  way  of  breaking  the  monotony 
of  camp  life  and  to  annoy  the  enemy,  a  trench  was  opened  between 
the  Old  Mill  and  the  Alamo,  near  the  San  Antonio  River,  and  in  point 
blank  shot  of  the  Alamo.  The  trench  formed  two  sides  of  a  right 
angled  triangle,  in  which  was  placed  at  night  the  cannon,  taken  at 
Concepcion.  Early  the  next  morning  the  Texans  opened  fire,  alter- 
nately on  the  Alamo  and  the  town,  which  was  kept  up  the  greater 
part  of  the  day.  The  effect  of  the  fire  is  not  known  but  it  was  reported 
by  citizens  of  the  tow-n  that  one  or  two  in  the  Alamo  were  killed  and 
wounded  and  that  it  produced  great  excitement  in  the  town.  It  was, 
however,  an  unfortunate  waste  of  ammunition  on  the  part  of  the  Texans, 
as  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel.  The  gun  was  withdrawn  at  night,  and 
the  party  returned  to  their  quarters. 

The  question  of  raising  the  siege,  and  going  into  winter  quarters, 
either  at  Goliad  or  Gonzales,  or  at  both  places,  was  being  discussed  at 
headquarters  in  the  first  days  of  December.  However,  on  the  3rd  of 
December  a  council  of  war  was  held  at  headquarters  of  the  com- 
manding general,  when  it  was  resolved  that  the  army  should  retire, 
and  go  into  winter  quarters  at  Goliad  or  Gonzales.  This  action,  though 
approved  by  a  majority  of  the  officers  and  men  composing  the  army, 
was  regarded  by  others  as  fatal  to  the  campaign,  and  would  result 
in  breaking  up  the  volunteer  force,  which  was  then  the  last  hope  of 
Texas.  It  was  urged  that  an  evacuation  of  the  Texans  and  the  certain 
dissolution  of  the  army  would  open  up  the  whole  country  to  the  mili- 
tary, who  would  not  be  slow  in  following  uji  the  ndv.nntage  thus 
.'ifTorded  them. 

On  the  4th,  marching  orders  were  issued,  and  the  (|uarterniaster 
was  directed  to  have  the  trains  loaded  and  read\  to  move  with  the 
army  on  the  5th.  About  the  middle  of  the  afternoon,  when  most  of 
the  baggage  wagons  were  loaded,  and  everything  in  readiness  for  the 
march  on  the  next  day,  a  lieutenant  of  the  Mexican  army,  a  deserter, 
entered  our  camp,  and  was  taken  to  General  Burleson's  quarters.  He 
reported  the  defences  of  the  town  weak,  and  that  the  place  could  be 
taken  easily.  After  hearing  his  report.  Colonel  Johnson  suggested  to 
Colonel  Milam  to  call  for  volunteers,  that  "now  is  the  time."     Most 


mSTOR^•  OF  TEXAS  235 

of  the  army  had  gathered  at  the  headquarters  of  General  Burleson. 
Milam  called  in  a  clear,  loud  voice  "who  will  go  with  Old  Ben  Milam 
into  San  Antonio?"  Many  answered  "I  will, "  whereupon  they  were 
requested  to  fall  into  line.  After  a  respectable  number  had  formed  in 
line,  they  were  requested  by  Milam  to  assemble  at  the  Old  Mill,  at 
dark,  and  there  organize.  It  was  tirst  intended  to  enter  the  town  in 
three  divisions — one  by  Colonel  Milam,  one  by  Colonel  William  T. 
.•\ustin,  and  one  by  Colonel  Johnson.  However,  on  assembling  at  the 
mill  it  was  found  that  we  had  but  three  hundred  and  one  men.  Hence, 
it  was  decided  that  the  force  should  be  divided  into  two  divisions,  the 
first,  under  Colonel  Milam,  aided  by  Major  Morris;  the  second,  led 
by  Colonel  Johnson,  aided  by  Colonels  Austin  and  Grant. 

The  first  division  was  composed  of  Captains  York.  Patton,  Llewel- 
lyn, Crane,  English  and  Landrum's  companies,  with  two  pieces  and 
fifteen  artillerymen,  commanded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Franks.  The 
second,  composed  of  the  companies  of  Captains  Cook,  Swisher, 
Edwards,  Ally,  Duncan.  Peacock,  Breece,  and  Placido  V'enavides. 
The  first  division  was  to  enter  the  town  by  the  first  street  running 
north  from  the  public  square,  and  occupy  the  De  la  Garza  house, 
within  musket  range  of  the  square ;  the  second  division  was  to  march 
near  the  river  and  take  possession  of  the  \'eramendi  house. 

Thus  organized  and  with  the  place  of  attack  arranged,  the  two 
divisions  took  up  the  line  of  march  just  before  day  on  the  morning 
of  the  5th  of  December.  Erastus,  or  Deaf  Smith  and  Norwich  were 
guides  of  the  second  division,  and  H.  .\rnold  and  John  W.  Smith, 
guides  of  the  first  division. 

It  is  i)roper  to  remark  in  this  connection  that  after  organizing  and 
settling  our  plan  of  attack  I  suggested  to  Colonel  Milam  the  propriety 
and  necessity  of  waiting  upon  General  Burleson,  and  requested  him 
to  hold  his  position  until  the  result  of  the  assailing  party  on  Bexar  was 
known.  This  I  held  to  be  a  measure  of  not  only  prudence  but  of 
safety  and  would  greatly  increase  our  chances  of  success.  Milam  had 
taken  offence  at  Burleson,  supposing  Burleson  had  favored  going  into 
winter  quarters  without  making  an  attempt  to  take  Bexar.  In  this 
opinion.  Milam  was  mistaken.  I'urleson  was  overruled  in  the  council 
of  war.  The  field  officers  comprising  the  council,  almost  to  a  man. 
voted  to  go  into  winter  quarters. 

I  waited  upon  General  Burleson  at  his  (|uarters.  and  requested 
a  private  interview,  which  he  readily  granted.  !  informed  him  of 
the  object  of  my  visit,  and  explained  how  much  both  our  safety  and 
success  de])ended  upon  his  maintaining  his  position.  He  at  once  saw 
the  wisdom  and  importance  of  pursuing  the  course  I  requested,  and 
readily  and  cheerfully  consented  to  do  so,  and  assist  in  every  way  he 
could.  This  settled,  and  satisfied  that  (jencra!  P.urleson  would  per- 
form all  that  he  had  promised,  I  left  and  re])orted  success  to  Milam. 

Before  following  up  the  adwinciiig  columns,  we  will  state  the 
division  of  General  Cos's  force,  and  the  defences  of  the  town.  The 
first  consisted  of  two  divisions,  one  of  which  occui)ied  the  town,  and 
the  other  the  Alamo,  with  headquarters  in  the  Hall  of  Justice,  Con- 
stitutional  Plaza.     Of  the  armament  of  the  .Manio.  it  is  sufficient  to 


2.^6  IIISJ(  )\<\   OF    I  l-.XAS 

say  tliat  it  was  well  supplied  with  artillery,  but  of  small  calibre — four 
and  six  pounders.  Of  the  defences  in  town,  a  breastwork,  and  one 
gun  was  thrown  up  at  the  northeast  angle  of  Constitutional  Plaza,  also 
a  breastwork  and  gun  at  the  entrance  of  the  street  from  the  Alamo, 
in  Constitutional  Plaza.  At  the  southeast  angle  of  the  same  plaza  was 
another  work  and  one  gun.  .\t  the  southwest  angle  of  Military  Plaza 
was  another  breastwork  and  at  the  northwest  angle  was  erected  a 
breastwork  with  one  gun,  and  a  furnace  for  heating  shot,  .\bout  mid- 
way of  this  plaza,  north  boundary,  was  a  redoubt  with  three  guns. 
The  church  is  situated  about  the  center  of  the  two  plazas.  The  priest's 
house  in  the  northern  boundary  is  nearly  opposite  to  the  church.  The 
Navarro  house  on  the  satne  line  further  west.  The  Zambrano  Row 
is  in  the  street  entering  the  ^Military  Plaza  at  its  northwest  angle. 

From  the  foregoing,  an  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  strength  of  the 
town,  and  the  work  the  Texans  had  before  them.  The  Old  Mill,  the 
encampment  of  the  Texas  army,  was  eight  hundred  or  a  thousand 
yards  north  of  the  town  and  Alamo.  We  will  now  return  to  the 
assailing  parties  and  follow  them  into  town. 

While  we  were  engaged  in  town,  Cos  ordered  out  a  squadron  of 
his  cavalry  to  attack  General  Burleson's  camp.  The  attack  was  met 
and  repulsed  by  a  few  rounds  of  canister  and  round  shot  from  a  six 
pounder.  For  full  particulars  and  result,  see  the  subjoined  report  by 
General  Burleson  to  the  government. 

The  first  division  did  not  enter  the  town  quite  as  soon  as  the  sec- 
ond, on  account  of  having  to  march  a  greater  distance ;  however,  there 
was  not  more  than  five  minutes'  difference  of  time  in  their  arrival. 

Colonel  James  C.  Neill  was  ordered,  with  one  gun  and  a  suitable 
force,  to  cross  the  San  Antonio  River  before  da>'  and  take  a  [)osition, 
within  range,  and  open  a  brisk  fire  on  the  Alamo,  and  therein-  create 
a  diversion  in  favor  of  the  assaulting  columns,  and  then  return  to 
camp. 

The  second  division  on  its  march,  near  the  town,  was  fired  on  b.\' 
the  enemy's  picket ;  the  shot  was  returned  by  our  guard.  Smith,  thougli 
contrary  to  orders,  and  wounded  the  guard.  With  this  interrujition 
only  we  entered  and  took  possession  of  the  Wramendi  house,  and 
without  a  shot  from  the  enemy.  This  house  formed  an  L  or  two  sides 
of  a  square,  the  other  two  sides  of  stone  or  adobe,  pickets,  and  earth 
thrown  u]).  The  De  la  Garza  house  is  a  large  building,  hut  without 
an)-  enclosure.  It  is  proper  to  say  that  these,  and  all  the  better  houses 
of  the  town,  have  very  thick  walls — prooi  against  small  arms  and  light 
artillery. 

The  second  division  had  barely  time  to  make  jiroper  disposition  of 
the  several  companies  when  the  town  and  .\lamo  opened  ujion  it  witli 
artillery  and  small  arms  which  were  soon  after  directed  against  th> 
first  division  also.  The  fire  of  the  enemv  was  so  heavv  that  we  could 
do  but  little  more  than  strengthen  our  outer  walls,  secure  the  doors 
and  windows  with  timber  and  sand-bags,  cut  loop-holes  in  the  walls 
of  the  building,  and  use  our  rifles  whenever  a  Mexican  showed  iiim- 
self.  The  Mexican  houses  have  flat  roofs  and,  generally,  a  parai)et  of 
.some  two  or  more  feet  above  the  roof.     Believing  this  house  to  be  no 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  237 

exception,  a  small  detaclimt'iu  of  men  ascended  to  the  roof  b}'  means 
of  a  ladder.  However,  on  getting  up  tliey  found  the  parapet  wall  too 
low  to  afford  any  protection.  Most  of  the  men  were  wounded,  and 
we  had  to  break  a  hole  in  the  roof  and  let  the  men  down  by  means 
of  a  rope,  into  one  of  the  rooms  below.  The  enemy  kept  up  a  pretty 
constant  fire  during  the  day  and  night.  Our  casualties  were  one  man 
killed  and  some  half  dozen  wounded,  among  them  Colonel  James 
(Irant.  In  the  first  division  there  were  but  three  or  four  wounded, 
among  whom  was  Thomas  W^illiam  Ward,  of  the  artillery.  One  of 
the  two  pieces — a  twelve  pounder — was  dismotmted  by  a  shot  of  the 
enemy,  and  the  other  was  but  little  used  for  want  of  cover. 

Night  having  come  on,  we  collected  all  the  mining  tools  we  had — 
one  shovel,  two  crow-bars,  and  one  pick — and  having  prepared  sand- 
hags  during  the  day,  made  details  of  men  to  open  a  communication 
between  the  two  divisions.  This,  however,  was  a  work  of  both  time 
;ind  labor  on  account  of  our  want  of  tools,  and  was  not  completed  until 
the  second  night.  General  Burleson  visited  the  second  division  at 
night  of  the  first  day,  and  brought  with  him  the  first  beef  that  we 
Ii.'kI  had  since  leaving  camp.  Colonel  Johnson  crossed  over  to  the 
first  division  and  reported  success  and  casualties  to  Colonel  Milam. 
The  troops  of  both  divisions  were  not  only  cheerful  but  enthusiastic. 

The  second  day.  we  further  strengthened  our  lines,  and  opened 
a  more  effective  force  against  the  enemy  as  our  lines  were  now  well 
covered.  We  also  took  two  advanced  positions,  one  in  front,  and  the 
nther  in  advance  of  and  on  the  right  flank  of  the  first  division.  The 
first  was  effected  by  Henrj-  Carnes,  who.  crow-bar  in  hand,  broke 
down  the  door,  and  was  soon  followed  by  the  whole  company — 
Captain  York'.s — the  second  was  effected  by  Lieutenant  McDonald, 
of  Captain  Crane's  company,  with  a  few  followers,  who  took  posses- 
sion of  a  strong  house,  and  held  it.  Having  got  our  artillerv  under 
cover,  we  opened  a  well  directed  fire  on  the  town.  Our  casualties 
were  three  privates  severely  wounded,  and  two  slightly.  Fortunately 
for  us.  the  house  occupied  bv  the  second  division  contained  a  con- 
siderable quantity  of  dry  goods,  which  we  found  useful  in  converting 
into  sand-bags. 

On  the  morning  of  the  third  day,  at  daylight,  it  was  discovered 
that  the  enemy  had  thrown  up  an  embankment  on  the  .Alamo  side  of 
the  river,  and  opposite  our  left  flank,  from  which  they  ooened  a  brisk 
fire  of  small  arms,  which  was  seconded  by  the  guns  of  the  Alamo; 
hfiwever.  they  were  soon  silenced  by  our  rifles  and  driven  froni  their 
position.  Tt  was  on  this  dav,  instead  of  the  second,  that  Carnes  found 
the  house  in  front  and  in  advance  of  the  first  division. 

The  enemy  during  the  night  of  the  second  had  strengtli<;!ie(l  a 
house  situated  on  the  street  leading  from  the  town  to  the  Alamo,  and 
in  front  of  the  second  division,  from  which  they  opened  in  the  morning 
a  brisk  fire  of  artillery  and  small  arms.  The  second  division  had  from 
the  first  suffered  most  from  this  house.  However,  our  six  pt)under 
\v;is  brought  o\cr  from  the  first  division,  ])laeed  in  battery,  and  opened 


238  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

lire  on  the  Mexican  house  in  front.  Tliis  tire,  together  with  that  of 
our  rifle  men,  soon  caused  the  enem}  to  withdraw  their  artillery,  and 
the  fire  from  their  small  arms  slackened. 

In  the  morning  the  enemy  opened  a  heavy  fire  from  all  their  posi- 
tions that  would  bear  upon  us,  and  at  half  past  three  o'clock,  as  our 
gallant  commander.  Colonel  Milam,  had  entered  the  yard  of  the  house 
occupied  by  the  second  division,  he  received  a  rifle  shot  in  the  head, 
which  caused  his  instant  death.  The  death  of  this  gallant  leader  cast 
a  gloom  over  the  entire  command.  Our  casualties,  otherwise,  were 
two  privates,  slightly  wounded. 

Benjamin  R.  Milam,  whose  name  will  and  ought  ever  to  be  held 
in  grateful  and  honored  remembrance  by  Texans,  was  born  of  humble 
parents  in  the  state  of  Kentucky,  and  received  but  an  imperfect  educa- 
tion. He  was  six  feet  high,  of  fine  form  and  commanding  appearance. 
■'Endowed  by  nature  with  a  strength  of  mind  and  spirit  of  enterprise 
almost  peculiar  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Western  States,"  fortified 
by  habits  of  independence,  he  associated  with  the  Indian  tribes,  in 
order  to  explore  the  more  southerly  portions  of  Texas.  In  the  war 
with  Great  Britain,  in  1812-15,  he  acquired  a  high  reputation  among 
his  countrymen  ;  but.  dissatisfied  with  the  prospects  there  before  him. 
at  the  close  of  the  war.  he  engaged  in  the  struggle  then  going  on  in 
Mexico  for  independence,  and  soon  distinguished  himself  bv  his  cour- 
age, zeal,  and  love  of  freedom.  Opposed  to  the  usurpation  of  Iturbide. 
he  was  arrested  and  imprisoned ;  but  subsequently  released  in  con- 
sequence of  a  pronunciamiento  for  a  republic.  He  assisted  in  the 
expulsion  of  Iturbide.  He  obtained,  in  1828,  a  colonization  contract. 
Escaping  from  Monterey,  where  he  had  been  imprisoned  with  Gov- 
ernor Viesca  and  others,  in  1835,  he  made  his  way  to  Texas.  He  had 
crossed  the  San  Antonio  river  near  Goliad.  Faint  and  tired,  he  took 
shelter  in  a  bunch  of  bushes.  The  approach  of  Captain  Collinsworth's 
company  attracted  his  attention.  Naturally  supposing  them  to  be  a 
squad  of  Mexican  soldiers,  he  determined  to  defend  himself  to  the 
death.  To  his  astonishment  and  joy,  the  advancing  force  proved  to 
be  his  fellow-colonists  of  Texas,  who  were  marching  against  Goliad. 
He,  at  once,  decided  to  join  the  volunteers  as  a  private,  although 
accustomed  and  well  qualified  to  command.  He  was  among  the  fore- 
most in  the  assault.  He  remained  a  few  days  after  the  capture  of  the 
fort  and  then  joined  the  army  of  General  Austin  near  San  Antonio. 

When  killed,  the  Masonic  fraternity,  then  present,  took  charge  of 
his  body,  and,  with  a  proper  detail  of  troops,  he  was  buried  in  the 
yard — east  side — of  the  Veramendi  house,  with  military  honors.  His 
remains  were  subsequently  disinterred  and  deposited  in  the  old  bury- 
ing ground  west  of  the  town,  with  appropriate  Masonic  and  military 
honor. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  ofificers  of  both  divisions,  at  7  o'clock  P.  M.. 
Colonel  F.  W.  Johnson  was  unanimously  chosen  commander  of  the 
assaulting  force. 

The  fourth  day  was  wet  and  cold,  with  but  little  firing  on  either 
side.      Early    in   the  day.   the   companies   holding  the    Navarro   house, 


HISTOKV  t)l-    IKXAS  239 

aided  by  the  Grays,  advanced  and  look  ])Osition  on  the  Zanibraiio  house, 
which  led  to  the  Military  Scjuare.  f)iir  lirave  hoys  fought  their  way 
from  house  to  house,  cutting  looj)  holes  through  the  walls,  and  thereby 
drove  the  enem\'  from  house  to  house,  disputing  every  inch  of  ground, 
and  seconded  by  a  heavy  fire  of  artillery  and  musket;_\ .  After  suf- 
faring  a  severe  loss  in  officers  and  men  they  evacuated  the  whole  row 
and  their  position  in  the  square.  A  more  daring  or  desperate  fight 
is  not  to  be  found  in  the  history  of  wars.  This  gave  the  detachment 
command  of  the  .Military  S(|uare,  an  important  jjoint  gained.  This 
important  advanced  position  was  reinforced  by  Captains  Swisher, 
Ally.  Edwards,  and  Duncan's  ct)mpanies.  The  casualties  of  the  (la\ 
were  one  cai)tain  severely  wounded  (Cajitain  Peacock,  who  subse- 
(juently  died)  and  two  ])rivates. 

Notwithstanding  the  vigilance  of  the  scouts  kept  out.  we  received 
undoubted  information  of  the  arrival  of  reinforcements  to  the  enemy, 
under  Colonel  Ugartechea.  Near  midnight  the  Captain  oi  the  Gra_\s 
an<l  Ca])tain  Patton,  of  the  Brazoria  volunteers,  were  ordered  to  storm 
and  carry  the  jiriest's  house,  a  strong  position  on  the  north  side,  and 
near  the  northeast  angle,  of  the  civil  square.  They  were  ex])osed  to 
the  fire  of  a  battery  of  three  guns  and  a  large  number  of  musketeers. 
Indeed,  so  near  did  they  pass  under  the  guns  of  the  wall  enclosing  the 
yard  of  the  house,  and  which  had  been  pierced  for  musketry,  that  many 
of  the  men  had  their  whiskers  and  hair  burnt  b\'  the  blaze  of  the  guns. 
l)Ut  they  advanced  steadil\-  and  scjcm  carried  the  position,  which  ga\'e 
us  command  of  both  scjuares. 

Before  ordering  the  assault,  however,  we  had  been  reinforced  from 
the  reserve  by  Ca])tains  Cheshire.  Lewis  and  Sutherland's  companies. 

Iminediately  after  taking  the  priest's  house,  the  enemy  opened  an 
incessant  fire  of  artillery  and  small  arms  against  every  house  in  our 
l)ossession  and  every  part  of  our  lines,  which  they  kept  up  imtil  near 
daylight  of  the  fifth  da\ .  Immediately  after  daylight  it  was  discov- 
ered that  the  enemy  had  hauled  down  his  Hag.  and  hoisted  in  its  stead 
a  white  flag.  Soon  after  a  bearer  of  a  flag  of  truce  was  brought  to 
the  headquarters  of  Colonel  Johnson,  and  declared  the  desire  of 
Cieneral  Cos  to  capitulate.  Commissioners  were  immediately  aj)- 
|)ointed  by  both  commanders.  Colonel  Johnson,  in  the  lueantime,  sent 
a  despatch  to  General  Burleson  informing  him  of  the  agreement  of 
cai)itulation  and  desired  that  he  would  visit  the  town  immediately. 

C)ur  loss  in  this  daring,  hazardous,  midnight  assault,  strange  and 
miraculous  as  it  is,  was  only  one  man — I'eden  of  the  New  Orleans 
Grays,  dangerously  wounded  in  the  eye  in  attempting  to  s|)ike  a  gun. 

Herewith  is  subjoined  the  report  of  General  Burleson: 

"Bexar,  December  14th,  1835. 
"To  His  Excellency  Henry  Smith,  Provisional  Governor  of  Texas: 
"Sir:  I  have  the  satisfaction  to  enclose  a  copy  of  Colonel 
Johnson's  account  of  the  storming  and  surrender  of  San  Antonio 
lie  Bexar,  to  which  I  have  little  to  add  that  can  in  any  way  in- 
crease the  luster  of  this  brilliant  achievement  to  the  Federal  arms 


240  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

of  the  volunteer  army  under  my  command ;  and  which  will.  I 
trust,  prove  the  downfall  of  the  last  position  of  military  despotism 
on  our  soil  of  freedom. 

"At  three  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  5th  instant.  Col.  Xeill. 
with  a  piece  of  artillery,  protected  by  Capt.  Roberts  and  his  com- 
pany, was  sent  across  the  river  to  attack,  at  five  o'clock,  tl»  ■ 
Alamo,  on  the  north  side,  to  draw  the  attention  of  the  enemy 
from  the  advance  of  the  division  which  had  to  attack  the  suburbs 
of  the  town,  under  Colonels  Milam  and  Johnson.  This  service 
was  effected  to  mj'  entire  satisfaction  ;  and  the  ])art}  returned  tn 
camp  at  nine  o'clock  a.  m. 

"On  the  advance  of  the  attacking  division.  1  formed  all  tlir 
reserve,  with  the  exception  of  the  guard  necessary  to  protect  the 
camp,  at  the  Old  Mill  position,  and  held  myself  in  readiness  tn 
advance,  in  case  of  necessity,  to  assist  when  required;  and  shortly 
afterwards  passed  into  the  suburbs  to  reconnoitre,  where  I  found 
all  going  on  prosperously,  and  retired  with  the  reserve  to  the 
camp.  Several  parties  were  sent  out  mounted,  under  Capts. 
Cheshire.  Coleman  and  Roberts,  to  scour  the  country,  and  en- 
deavor to  intercept  Ugartechea.  who  was  expected,  and  ulti- 
mately forced  an  entry,  with  re-inforcements  for  General  Cos. 
Captains  Cheshire,  Sutherland  and  Lewis,  with  their  companies 
were  sent  in  as  re-inforcements  to  Col.  Johnson  during  the  period 
of  attack;  and  Captains  Splane,  Ruth,  and  Lieut.  Borden,  with 
their  companies,  together  with  Lieut. -Cols.  Somervell  and  Sublett 
were  kept  in  readiness  as  further  assistance  if  required.  On  the 
evening  of  the  8th.  a  party  from  the  Alamo,  of  about  fifty  men. 
passed  up  in  front  of  our  camp  and  opened  a  brisk  fire,  but  with- 
out effect.  They  were  soon  obliged  to  retire  precipitately,  by 
opening  a  six-pounder  upon  them,  commanded  bj'  Capt.  Hum- 
mings,  by  sending  a  party  across  the  river,  and  by  the  advance 
of  Capt.  Bradley's  c<jmpany,  who  were  stationed  above.  On  the 
morning  of  the  9th.  in  consequence  of  advice  from  Col.  Johnsoi". 
of  a  flag  of  truce  having  been  sent  in.  to  intimate  a  desire  to 
capitulate,  I  proceeded  to  town  and  by  2  o'clock  A.  M.  of  the 
10th,  a  treaty  was  finally  concluded  by  the  commissioners  ap 
pointed,  to  which  I  acceded  immediately,  deeming  the  term? 
highly  favorable,  considering  the  strong  position  and  large  force 
of  the  enemy,  which  could  not  be  less  than  thirteen  hundred 
effective  men ;  one  thousand  one  hundred  and  five  having  left  this 
morning  with  General  Cos.  besides  three  comjjanies  and  several 
small  parties  which  separated  from  him  in  consequence  of  the 
fourth  article  of  the  treaty. 

"In  addition  to  a  copy  of  the  treaty  I  enclose  a  list  of  all  the 
valuable  property  ceded  to  us  by  virtue  of  this  capitulation. 

"General  Cos  left  this  morning  for  the  mission  of  San  Jose, 
and,  tomorrow,  commences  his  march  to  the  Rio  Grande,  after 
comphing  with  rill  th.it  had  been  stipulated. 


HISTORY  OF  TKXAS  241 

"I  cannot  concludi-  this  elespatcli  without  expressing  in  the 
wannest  terms  my  entire  approbation  of  every  officer  and  soldier 
in  the  army,  and  particularly  those  who  so  gallantly  volunteered 
to  storm  the  town,  which  1  have  the  honor  to  command,  and  to 
say  that  their  bravery  and  zeal  on  the  present  occasion  merit  the 
warmest  eulogies  which  I  can  confer  and,  the  gratitude  of  their 
country.  The  gallant  leader  of  the  storming  party,  Col.  Ben. 
R.  Milam,  fell  gloriously  on  the  third  day  and  his  memory  will 
be  dear  to  Texas  as  long  as  there  exists  a  grateful  heart  to  feel, 
or  a  friend  of  liberty  to  lament  his  loss.  His  place  was  most  ably 
tilled  by  Col.  F.  W.  Johnson,  adjutant-general  of  the  army,  whose 
coolness  and  prudence,  united  to  daring  bravery,  could  alone  have 
brought  matters  to  so  successful  an  issue  with  so  very  small  a 
loss  against  so  superior  a  force  and  such  strong  fortifications. 
To  his  shining  merits  on  this  occasion.  1  bore  ocular  testimony 
during  the  five  days'  action. 

"I  have  also  to  contribute  my  praise  to  Major  Bennett,  quar- 
termaster-general, for  the  diligence  and  success  with  which  he 
supplied  both  armies  during  the  siege  and  storm. 

"These  despatches,  with  a  list  of  killed  and  wounded,  will  be 
handed  to  your  Excellency  by  niy  first  aide-de-camp.  Col.  Wm. 
T.  Austin,  who  was  present  as  a  volunteer  during  the  five  days' 
storm,  and  whose  conduct  on  this  and  every  other  occasion  merits 
my  warmest  praise. 

"Tomorrow  T  leave  the  garrison  and  town  under  command  of 
Colonel  Johnson,  with  sufficient  number  of  men  and  officers  to 
sustain  the  same,  in  case  of  attack,  until  assisted  from  the 
colonies;  so  that  your  Excellencv  mav  consider  our  concpiest  as 
sufficiently  secured  against  every  attemj)!  of  tiie  enemy.  The 
rest  of  the  army  will  retire  to  their  homes. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Your  Excellency's  obedient  servant, 

"Edward  Burleson, 
"Commander  in  Chief  of  the  Volunteer  .\rmy." 

"Capitulation,  Entered  Into  hy  Gen.  Martin  Perfecto  de  Cos. 
OF  THE  Mexican  Troops,  and  Gen.  Edward  Burleson,  of  the 
Colonial  Troops  of  Texas. 

"Being  desirous  of  preventing  the  further  effusion  f)f  blood 
and  the  ravages  of  civil  war,  we  have  agreed  on  the  following 
stipulations : 

"1st.  That  Gen.  Cos  and  his  officers  retire  witii  their  .arms 
and  private  property,  into  the  interior  of  the  republic,  under  parole 
of  honor  that  they  will  not  in  any  way  oppose  the  re-establish- 
ment of  the  Federal  Constitution  of  1824. 

"2nd.  That  the  one  hundred  infantry  lately  arrived  with  the 
convicts,  the  rcnmant  of  the  battalion  of  Morelos.  and  the  cavalry, 
retire  w^ith  the  General:  taking  their  arms  and  ten  rounds  of 
cartridges  for  their  muskets. 


242  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

"3rd.  That  the  General  take  the  convicts  brought  in  by  Gen- 
eral Ugartechea,  beyond  the  Rio  (jrandc. 

"4th.  That  it  is  discretionary  Avith  the  troops  to  follow  their 
General,  remain,  or  go  to  such  point  as  they  may  deem  proper ; 
but  in  case  they  should  all  or  any  of  them  separate  they  are  to 
have  their  arms,  etc. 

"5th.  That  all  the  public  property,  money,  arms,  and  muni- 
tions of  war  be  inventoried  and  delivered  to  General  Burleson. 

"6th.  That  all  private  property  be  restored  to  its  proper 
owners. 

"7th.  That  three  officers  of  each  army  be  appointed  to  make 
out  the  inventor}-  and  see  that  the  turms  of  the  capitulation  be 
carried  into  efifect. 

"8th. :  That  three  officers  on  the  part  of  General  Cos  remain  for 
the  purpose  of  delivering  over  the  said  property,  stores,  etc. 

"9th.  That  General  Cos,  with  his  force,  for  the  present  occupy 
the  .\lamo ;  and  General  Burleson,  with  his  force,  occupy  the  town  of 
Bexar ;  and  that  the  soldiers  of  neither  party  pass  to  the  other  armed. 

"10th.  General  Cos  shall,  within  six  days  of  the  date  hereof, 
remove  his  force  from  the  garrison  he  now  occupies. 

"11th.  In  addition  to  the  arms  before  mentioned.  General  Cos 
shall  be  permitted  to  take  with  his  force  a  four-pounder,  and  ten 
rounds  of  powder  and  ball. 

"12th.  The  officers  appointed  to  make  the  inventory  and  delivery 
of  the  stores,  etc..  shall  enter  upon  the  duties  to  which  thev  have  been 
appointed,  forthwith. 

"13th.  The  citizens  shall  be  protected  in  their  persons  and  prop- 
erty. 

"14th.  General  Burleson  shall  furnish  General  Cos  with  such 
provisions  as  can  be  obtained,  necessary  for  his  troops,  to  the  Rio 
Grande  at  the  ordinary  price  of  the  country. 

"15th.  The  sick  and  wounded  of  General  Cos's  army,  together 
with  a  surgeon,  are  permitted  to  remain. 

"16th.  No  person,  either  citizen  or  soldier,  to  he  molested  on 
account  of  political  opinions  hitherto  expressed. 

"17th.  That  duplicates  of  this  capitulation  be  made  out  in  Cas- 
tilian  and  English  and  signed  by  the  commissioners  appointed,  and 
ratified  by  the  commanders  of  both  armies. 

"18th.  The  prisoners  of  both  armies,  up  to  this  day.  shall  be  put 
at  liberty. 

"The  commissioners,  Jose  Juan  Sanchez,  adjutant  inspector ;  Don 
Ramon  Musquiz  and  Lieut.  Francisco  Rada.  and  Interpreter 
Don  Miguel  Arciniega.  appointed  by  the  Commandant  and  Inspector- 
Gen.  Martin  Perfecto  de  Cos,  in  connection  with  Col.  F.  W. 
Johnson,  Maj.  R.  C.  Morris,  and  Capt.  J.  G.  Swisher,  and  Interpreter 
John  Cameron,  appointed  on  the  part  of  Gen.  Edward  Burleson,  after 
a  long  and  serious  discussion,  adopted  the  eighteen  preceding  articles, 
reserving  their  ratification  by  the  generals  of  both  armies. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  243 

"In  virtue  of  which,  we  have  signed  this  instrument  in  the  city  of 
Bexar  on  the  11th  of  December,  18,55. 

"Jose  Juan  Sanchez. 

"Ramon  Musquiz, 

"J.  Francisco  de  Rada, 

"Miguel  Arciniega.  Interpreter, 

"F.  W.  Johnson, 

"Robert  C.  Morris. 

"James  G.  Swisher, 

"John  Cameron,  Interpreter, 

"I  consent  to  and  will  observe  the  above  articles. 

"Martin  Perfecto  de  Cos, 

"Ratified  and  approved. 

Edward  Burleson, 
"Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Volunteer  Army. 

"A  true  copy. 

"Edward  Burleson,  Commander-in-Chief." 

The  official  reports  of  the  fall  of  Bexar  were  received  and  trans- 
mitted by  Governor  Smith  to  the  council  on  December  14th,  and  the 
next  day  the  council  addressed  to  the  victors  a  hearty  letter  of  thanks. 

.^t  the  same  time  the  commissioners  to  the  United  States  were  notified 
of  the  successful  termination  of  the  campaign,  and  the  hope  was  indulged 
that  this  might  lighten  their  task  of  enlisting  support  in  the  United  States. 

While  these  things  were  transpiring  around  San  Antonio  de  Bexar, 
a  spirited  affair  occurred  on  the  Nueces  river  near  San  Patricio.  The 
Mexicans  had  a  small  garrison  at  Lipantitlan  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Nueces.  To  reduce  this  place,  Capt.  P.  Dimit.  commandant  at  Goliad, 
despatched  Adj.  Ira  Westover  with  thirty  men  against  it.  The  following 
is  a  brief  account  of  the  affair : 

Adjutant  Westover  on  his  march  was  joined  by  twenty  volunteers, 
which  increased  his  force  to  fifty  men.  On  his  arrival  at  San  Patricio 
on  the  3d  of  November,  1835,  he  learned  that  the  enemy  were  out 
in  pur.suit  of  him.  By  a  forced  march  the  Texans  reached  Lipantitlan 
in  the  evening  of  that  day.  The  Mexicans  in  the  fort,  twenty-one, 
surrendered  that  night  on  condition  of  being  set  at  liberty,  on  iiarole 
not  to  take  up  arms  against  Texas  during  the  war.  They  had  in  the 
fort  two  pieces  of  artillery,  a  four  and  two  pounder,  which  thev  had 
forcibly  taken  from  the  citizens  of  San  Patricio.  The  Texans  held  the 
place  until  evening  of  the  next  day,  4th,  when  they  prepared  to  cross 
the  river.  Before  crossing,  however,  they  discovered  a  small  party  of 
Mexicans  watching  their  movements.  About  half  of  the  men  had 
crossed  the  river,  when  Adjutant  Westover  was  informed  thai  the  enemy, 
some  seventy  odd,  were  approaching.  The  Mexicans  advanced  rapidly 
and  an  action  immediately  ensued.  After  a  sharp  contest  of  some  half 
hour,  the  Mexicans  retreated,  leaving  the  Texans  master  of  the  field, 
from  which  they  captured  eight  of  the  enemy's  hor.ses,  and  one  of  their 
wounded — the  alcalde  of  San  Patricio.  The  enemy  lost  in  killed,  wounded 
and   missing,   twenty-eight.     One  Texan.   Braken.    was    wounded   in   the 


244  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

hand.     No  other  casuahy.     Adjutant  W'estover  concluded  his  report  as 
follows : 

"1  had  previously  sent  to  San  Patricio  for  a  team  to  move  the 
artillery  as  a  four  pounder  was  put  across  the  river  previous  to  the 
action)  but  in  consequence  of  a  heavy  shower  of  rain,  and  cold  wind 
from  the  north,  the  men  were  very  much  chilled,  and  night  approach- 
ing, and  no  team  coming,  1,  together  with  Captain  Kerr,  lohn  T.  Linn 
and  James  Hower,  who  rendered  me  signal  service,  advised  the  pro- 
l)rietv  of  throwing  the  artillerv  in  the  river  and  it  was  accordingly 
flone. 

"The  men  all  fought  bravely,  and  those  on  the  opposite  hank  of 
the  river  were  enabled  to  operate  on  the  flanks  of  the  enemy,  above 
and  below  the  crossing,  which  they  did  with  fine  efifect. 

Ira  Westover.  Adjutant." 

\'ov   this   action   Westover   and    his    nien    were    formallv    thanked   by 
Ihe  general  council  in  resolutions. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

THE  MATAMORAS  EXPEDITION  AND  THE  QUARREL 

BETWEEN  THE  GOVERNOR  AND  THE 

GENERAL  COUNCIL 

Before  the  capture  of  San  Antonio  suggestions  were  already  being 
offered  for  carrying  the  war  into  Mexico,  for  the  purpose,  in  tlie  first 
jjlace,  of  diverting  Santa  Anna's  invasion  from  Texas,  and,  in  the 
second  place,  of  uniting  with  the  Liberals  who  were  opposing  the  gov- 
ernment there.  On  November  1.^,  Dr.  James  Grant  made  to  General 
.•\ustin  a  report  on  conditions  in  the  interior  which  furnished  a  basis 
for  this  policy.     \A'riting  from  Goliad,  he  said : 

"Dear  Sir:  In  compliance  with  your  request,  1  give  you  a  few 
bints  on  the  present  state  of  the  interior. 

".Alvarez,  instead  of  agreeing  as  was  reported  to  an  armistice,  has 
commenced  operations  in  the  south,  with  redoubled  vigor,  and  taken 
the  strong  port  of  Acapulco.  The  importance  of  this  point  is  height- 
ened by  the  revenue  of  the  port,  which  the  government  can  ill  spare, 
and  which  will  assist  materially  in  supporting  the  troops  of  Alvarez. 
"Guzman  and  Montenegro  have  an  army  of  2100  liberals  in  the 
state  of  Guadalaxara,  and  must,  by  this  time,  have  driven  the  central 
troops  and  the  centralists  out  of  that  territory. 

"The  state  of  Puebla,  with  the  governor  at  its  head,  has  refused 
10  publish  the  law  of  centralism  ;  and  by  last  accounts,  it  appears  thai 
the  citizens  were  arming  cii  masse  to  defend  their  liberties  and  rights. 
"The  state  of  Morelia.  formerly  Valladolid,  has  protested,  in  the 
strongest  terms  against  a  change  of  system,  were  arming  their  'milicia 
civica,'  and  had  a  respectable  body  of  liberal  troops  in  the  southern 
part  of  the  state,  prepared  for  the  field. 

"The  inhabitants  of  Oajaca  have  made  a  noble  and  vigorous  i)ro- 
test  against  the  usurping  government  and  aristocratic  party  ;  and  it  is 
understood  that  they  were  prepared  to  defend  their  opinions  and 
rights  by  arms,  as  soon  as  the  central  law  had  reached  them. 

"Zacatecas  is  oppressed,  but  ready  to  take  advantage  of  the  first 
opportunity   to   revenge   her   wrongs. 

"Durango  is  also  ready,  as  soon  as  she  can  hope  for  assistance 
Tamaulipas  and  Nuevo  Leon  will  rise  the  moment  an  attack  is  mad< 
on  Matamoras :  and   .San   Luis  Potosi   will   iiistaiuly   follow. 

"The  central  govermiient  is  sadl\-  distressed  for  funds  to  carry 
on  their  despotic  dispositions;  and  if  one  or  two  of  their  ports  are 
taken,  they  will  have  to  yield  without  striking  a  blow.  Their  army 
is  scattered,  and  cannot  be  united  with  safety.  A  number  of  liberals 
and  able  officers  arc  devoted  to  the  cause  of  liberty ;  and  when  the 
principles  on  which  the  freemen  of  Texas  have  taken  up  arms  are 
known,  i.  e.,  the  defense  of  the  constitution  of  1824.  the  whole  re- 
public will  rise  at  once.  ;md  the  final  destruction  of  Santa  Anna, 
centralism  and  the  Spanish  partw  |  will  follow),  as  the  immediate 
result. 

"J.  Grant." 

245 


246  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

On  December  2,  Capt.  Philip  Uimit,  commanding  the  post  at  Goliad 
wrote : 

"If  this  (the  expedition  to  Matamoras)  or  some  other  movement 
like  this,  is  not  adopted,  which  will  enable  us  to  hurl  the  thunder  back 
in  the  very  atmosphere  of  the  enemy,  drag  him,  and  with  him  the 
war  out  of  Texas,  her  resources  and  her  blood  must  continue  to  flow 
from  the  centre  to  the  frontier.  If  this  is  done,  the  paralyzing  effects, 
and  the  immediate  calamities  of  war  will  be  greatly  mitigated.  The 
revenue  of  the  port  of  Matamoras,  now  applied  to  support  an  unpro- 
voked, unnatural  and  unjust  war  against  us,  would  then  be  used  in 
defraying  the  expense  of  the  war  against  him.  This,  even  under  a 
bad  and  corrupt  administration,  is  said  to  amount,  on  an  average,  to 
one  hundred  thousand  dollars  per  month.  Taken  from  the  enemy, 
and  used  by  us,  this  would  be  a  difference  of  two  hundred  thousand 
dollars  per  month,  in  the  relative  means  of  the  belligerents,  in  prose- 
cuting the  war.  It  is  like  taking  a  weight  from  one  scale,  and  putting 
it  in  the  opposite.  Two  of  equal  gravity  with  the  one  removed  are 
then  required  to  restore  the  equilibrium. 

"Again,  the  adoption  and  impetuous  execution  of  the  plan  here 
proposed  might  enable  us  to  barter  the  war  off,  for  a  speedy  and  hon- 
orable peace.  The  enemy,  when  he  found  it  visited  upon  his  own 
head,  and  saw  the  lightning  at  a  distance,  might  adopt  effectual  meas- 
ures to  protect  himself  against  its  consuming  progress  by  offering  a 
compromise,  on  our  own  terms.  And  should  he  not  do  this,  the 
presence  of  a  victorious  force  in  Matamoras,  having  General  Zavala 
for  a  nominal  leader,  and  a  counter-revolutionizing  flag,  the  liberal 
of  all  classes  would  immediately  join  us,  the  neutrals  would  gather 
confidence,  both  in  themselves  and  us,  and  the  parasites  of  centralism, 
in  that  section,  would  be  effectually  panic-struck  and  paralyzed.  In 
this  way,  a  very  respectable  army  might  be  immediately  organized 
there,  principally  of  materials  to  commence  active  operations  on  the 
interior.  This  would  be  putting  the  war  in  the  hands  of  its  lawful 
and  proper  owners ;  for  this  war  is  not  ours,  although  we  have  been 
compelled,  in  self-defense,  to  become  a  party  to  it.  We  have  neither 
provoked,  nor  yet  given  cause  for  extending  it  to  Texas.  It  origi- 
nated in  the  interior  of  the  country,  in  a  contest  for  power,  and  there 
it  belongs ;  and  we  owe  it  both  to  ourselves  and  the  enemv  to  carry 
it  home.  Let  them  have  the  war.  and  let  us  put  them  in  a  way  to 
fight  its  battles.  We  can  then  remain  a  party  to  it.  or  withdraw,  at 
pleasure,  with  honor  enough  and  with  a  well-earned,  enviable  repu- 
tation. 

"You  will  please  urge  this  subject  on  the  consideration  of  the 
governor  and  council,  with  zeal,  force  and  untiring  perseverance." 
Moved  by  this  reasoning.  Governor  Smith  instructed  General  Hous- 
ton to  take  steps  toward  such  a  movement,  and  on  December  17.  Hous- 
ton wrote  Bowie  ordering  him  to  take  charge  of  an  expedition. 

For  some  reason  Bowie  did  not  receive  this  order  until  January 
1,  and  in  the  meantime  the  general  covmcil  had  taken  up  the  matter.  On 
December  25.  the  committee  on  military  affairs  presented  a  report  which 
grew  out  of  a  letter  that  Johnson  wrote  to  Governor  Smith  on  the  18th. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  247 

In  this  Johnson  described  the  movements  of  the  Mexican  troops  march- 
ing agamst  Texas  and  advised  the  strengthening  of  the  frontier.  The 
committee  urged  a  general  westward  movement  of  the  Texan  forces,  and 
particularly  an  attack  on  Matamoras : 

"Inasmuch  as  the  number  of  troops  fit  for  duty  now  in  the  held 
is  very  much  augmented,  there  being  four  hundred  troops  now  at 
Bexar,  seventy  at  Washington,  eighty  at  Goliad,  two  hundred  at  Vel- 
asco,  and  several  companies  on  their  march  to  the  different  military 
posts  and  places  of  rendezvous,  making  in  the  aggregate  seven  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men  now  in  service  and  ready  for  active  operations, 
and  at  least  one  hundred  more,  not  enumerated  in  the  above  aggre- 
gate, who  will  join  the  army  in  a  few  days,  active  operations  should 
be  immediately  commenced ;  for  the  expenses  of  the  above  number 
of  men,  now  in  service,  together  with  the  officers  and  contingent  ex- 
penses, are  too  great  for  Texas  in  the  present  state  of  her  finances. 
Besides,  to  keep  the  troops  idle  who  have  entered  the  service  will  do 
us  great  injury  at  this  time.  It  will  induce  those  who  are  willing  and 
able  to  aid  us,  to  believe  that  we  have  no  use  for  any  more  troops ;  it 
will  give  our  enemies  time  to  fortify  Matamoras  and  Laredo,  so  they 
can  demonstrate  on  us  in  the  spring  or  whenever  they  think  proper, 
knowing  their  fortifications  would  enable  them  to  retreat  safely,  even 
if  they  were  defeated,  and  should  it  become  necessary  to  take  either  of 
the  aforesaid  places,  for  the  security  of  our  frontier,  it  would  be  far 
more  difficult  than  it  would  be  at  this  time,  and  no  man  can  doubt 
the  importance  and  necessity  of  striking  a  decisive  blow  at  once.  By 
taking  Matamoras,  we  have  the  possession  of  the  key ;  yes,  the  com- 
mercial depot  of  the  whole  country  north  and  northwest  for  several 
hundred  miles.  We  can  then  fortify  the  place;  demonstrate,  when 
the  occasion  presents  itself,  or  it  becomes  necessary,  upon  the  towns 
north  and  west.  We  can  also  land  provisions  and  all  the  munitions 
of  war  and  troops,  if  necessary,  at  that  point  (Matamoras),  at  any 
time  with  perfect  safety,  and  without  incurring  half  the  risk  and 
expense  we  must  at  present.  And  we  can  also  command  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  from  that  point  to  the  city  of  New  Orleans,  and  land  our 
troops  and  supplies  wherever  we  please. 

"Therefore  be  it  resolved,  by  the  general  council  of  the  provisional 
government  of  Texas,  That  his  Excellency,  Henry  Smith,  governor, 
be  and  he  is  hereby  earnestly  requested  to  concentrate  all  his  troops 
by  his  proper  officers,  at  Copano  and  San  Patricio,  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  into  efTect  the  objects  expressed  and  contained  in  the  fore- 
going report." 
Concerning  this  report  General  Houston  wrote  Governor  Smith  that 
it  was  necessary  for  the  commander-in-chief  to  remain  near  the  centre 
of  Texas  and  busy  himself  with  the  organization  of  the  regular  army. 
He  suggested  that  a  subaltern  whom  he  could  name  would  be   able  to 
handle  the  expedition  acceptably  ;  but  he  did  not  name  this  officer. 

On  January  3,  18.36.  however,  Johnson  arrived  at  San  Felipe,  and 
notified  the  general  council  that  he  had  already  ordered  an  expedition 
against  Matamoras,  and  that  a  portion  of  the  force  that  was  to  under- 
take the  expedition  was  then  on  the  march  from  San  Antonio  to  Goliad. 


248  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

"In  regard  to  the  expedition  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  it 

is  practicable  and  that  not  one  moment  should  be  lost,  as  the  enemy 

are  concentrating  their  forces  at  many  points  in  the  interior  with  a 

view  to  suppress  the  liberals  of  the  interior  and  also  for  the  purpose 

of  attacking  us  in  Texas.     Therefore  I  submit  the  foregoing  to  your 

consideration    and    ask   your   authority    for    making   the    expedition 

against  Matamoras." 

On   the    same    day    that    this    letter   was    writtenj    the    committee    on 

military  affairs  brought  in  a  favorable  report,  which  the  council  adopted 

un  the  5th : 

"The  communication  of  Gen.  F.  W.  Johnson,  which  was  referred 
to  your  committee,  respecting  an  expedition  against  Matamoras,  ha> 
had  the  same  under  consideration  and  beg  leave  to  report  to  the 
honorable  the  general  council,  that  it  is  an  expedition  of  the  utmost 
importance  at  this  time.  It  will  give  employment  to  the  volunteers 
until  a  regular  army,  sufficient  for  the  protection  of  our  country,  can 
be  raised  and  organized. 

"And  your  committee  take  great  pleasure  in  recommending  F.  \^'. 
Johnson  to  take  the  command  of  all  troops  that  he  can  raise  for 
that  purpose.  His  gallant  and  chivalrous  conduct  at  the  siege  and 
fall  of  Bexar  entitles  him  to  our  confidence  and  support.  Besides, 
delay  at  this  time  on  our  part  would  be  dangerous.  For  if  the  volun- 
teers on  their  march  for  ^latamoras  were  defeated  the  consequences 
resulting  from  it  might  prove  fatal  to  Texas.  But  everyone  must 
foresee  the  benefit  that  would  result  from  occupying  and  keeping  in 
possession  of  that  important  commercial  depot.  It  would  not  onlv 
deprive  our  enemies  of  the  immense  revenue  at  that  place,  but  aid  us 
greatly  in  supporting  our  army.  It  would  also  carry  the  war  into 
the  enemy's  country,  and  with  the  vessels  that  will  be  floating  upon 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  in  the  service  of  Texas,  in  one  month,  will  give 
us  the  entire  command  of  the  gulf  from  Matamoras  to  New  Orleans 
over  our  enemies. 

"Your   committee    would    further    recommend   that    measures   be 
adopted  by  the  honorable  the  general  council  to  support,  sustain,  and 
provide  for  the  volunteer  army  on  their  march  against  Matamoras : 
and    further   that    the    governor   be    requested    to    commission    such 
officers  as  are  reported  to  have  been  elected  by  said  volunteers,  or  as 
may  be  reported  to  him.     Your  committee  further  recommend  that 
the  sum  of  two  thousand  dollars  be  appropriated  for  the  expense  of 
the  expedition  to  Matamoras." 
Governor  Smith,  who  distrusted  all  Mexicans  and  had  no  confidence 
in  co-operation  by  the  Liberals,  opposed  the.se  resolutions,  but  the  coun- 
cil passed  them  over  his  veto.     Johnson,  however,  was  so  affected  by  the 
governor's   opposition   that  he   wrote  to   the  council  on   January   6,   de- 
clining  to    lead    the    expedition ;    and    the    council    thereupon    appointed 
Col.  J.  W.  Fannin  "for  and  in  behalf  of  the  Provisional  Government  of 
Texas,  to  raise,  collect  and  concentrate  at  or  as  near  the  post  of  Copano 
as   convenience   and   safety   will   admit,   all  volunteer   troops,   willing  to 
enter    into    an   expedition    against    Matamoras.    wherever    they    may    be 
found,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos,  citv  of  Bexar,  or  elsewhere,  whether 


HlSroRN'  Ol-"    I  I'lXAS  249 

in  Texas,  or  arriving  in  Texas,  and  when  thus  collected  and  concentrated, 
to  report,  either  to  the  coninianding  general,  or  to  the  governor  or  coun- 
cil, as  he  may  prefer,  agreeahly  to  the  seventh  section  of  an  ordinance 
and  decree  passed  on  the  fifth  day  of  December,  1835,  for  raising  an 
auxiliary  corps  to  the  regular  army,  and  continue  to  report  from  time 
to  time,  as  the  expedition  may  progress."  He  was  authorized  to  call 
on  Thomas  F.  McKinney  or  any  other  public  agent  for  munitions,  pro- 
visions, and  transportation ;  to  negotiate  a  loan  of  three  thousand  dollars 
at  not  more  than  ten  per  cent  interest ;  and  "to  appoint  such  special  agent 
or  agents  under  him  as  he  shall  deem  necessary  to  carry  into  effect  the  ob- 
ject of  these  resolutions,  and  to  delegate  to  such  special  agent  or  agents 
such  powers  in  writing  as  he  may  think  proper  and  not  inconsistent  with 
the  powers  of  his  own  agency."  Section  4  of  the  resolutions  provided 
that  the  volunteers  should,  when  mobilized,  elect  their  own  commander 
and  other  officers;  but  section  5  resolved,  "that  after  the  agent  of  tlu- 
government  aforesaid,  J.  W.  Fannin,  shall  have  so  raised,  collected,  and 
concentrated  the  said  volunteer  troo](s,  that  he  shall  make  a  descent  upon 
Matamoras,  if  he  deems  it  practicable  to  take  said  place,  or  such  other 
))oint  or  place,  as  the   said   agent   may   deem  proper." 

At  this  juncture  Johnson  changed  his  mind  and  decided  to  lead  the 
volunteers  already  on  the  march  from  Bexar  to  Goliad,  and  on  January 
14,  the  council  sanctioned  this  movement: 

"Your  committee  therefore  advise  that  Colonel  Johnson  have  the 
approbation  of  this  government  to  conduct  the  volunteers  who  have 
entered  upon  the  expedition  to   Matamoras     *     *     *     and  that   he 
proceed  to  unite  with  J.  \N'.  I'annin.  the  government  agent,  appointed 
by  resolutions  of  the  House,  duly  passed  and  adopted." 
Before   the   passage   of   these   resolutions   both    Fannin   and   Johnson 
had  begun  operations  to  enlist  volunteers.     On  January  8,  Fannin  issued 
the  proclamation  below,  which  ran  for  several  weeks  in  The  Texas  Re- 
publican : 

.\TTENT10N,    VOI.ITNTKERS 

"To  the  West,  face:     March! 

"An  expedition  to  the  west  has  been  ordered  by  the  general  coun 
cil,  and  the  volunteers  from  Bexar,  Goliad,  Velasco,  and  elsewhere, 
are  ordered  to  rendezvous  at  San  Patricio,  between  the  24th  and  27th 
inst.,  and  report  to  the  officer  in  command.  The  fleet  convoy  will  sail 
from  Velasco  under  mv  charge  on  or  about  the  18th,  and  all  who  feel 
disposed  to  join  it  and  aid  in  keeping  the  war  out  of  Texas,  and  at 
the  same  time  crippling  the  encmv  in  their  resources  at  home,  are  in- 
vited to  enter  the  ranks  forthwith. 

"J.  W.  Fannin,  Jr." 
.\nd  Johnson  issued  the  fnllowing  proclamation  on  January  10: 

"The  Federal  V<ilunte<'r  armv  of  Texas,  the  victors  of  San  An- 
tonio, then  and  now  under  the  command  of  Francis  \V.  John.son. 
through  him  address  themselves  to  the  friends  of  Texas  and  of 
libertv. 

"Under  sanction  of  the  general  council  of  Texas,  they  have  taken 
up  the  line  of  march  for  the  country  west  of  the  Rio  Grande.  The\ 
march  under  the  flag  1.  8.  2.  4.,  as  proclaimed  by  the  government  of 


250  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

Texas,  and  have  for  their  object  the  restoration  of  the  principles  of 
the  constitution,  and  the  extermination  of  the  last  vestige  of  despot- 
ism from  the  Mexican  soil.     Texas  herself,  free  from  military  rule, 
yet  hears  on  her  borders  the  insolent  tone  of  the  tyrant's  myrmidons, 
yet  hears  the  groans  of  her  oppressed  Mexican  friends,  and  their  call 
for  assistance.     *     *     *     Our  first  attack  will  be  upon  the  enemy  at 
Matamoras ;  our  next,  if  Heaven  decrees,  wherever  tryranny  shall 
raise   its  malignant   form.     Between  the  25th  and  30th  inst.,   it  is 
expected  the  whole  of  thu  volunteer  army  of  Texas  will  take  up  the 
line  of  march  from  San  Patricio." 
The  action  of  the  council  in  authorizing  Fannin  and  Johnson  to  lead 
the  Matamoras  expedition  precipitated  the  outbreak  of  a  bitter  quarrel 
with  Governor  Smith,  between  whom  and  the  council  ill-feeling  had  been 
developing   for   several   weeks.     On   January   6,    the   governor   ordered 
General  Houston  to  the  West,  to  direct  the  movement  of  the  troops 
there;  and  several  days  later,  on  receipt  of  a  report  from  Lieut.  Col. 
J.  C.  Neill  of  the  condition  in  which  Johnson  and  Grant  had  left  the  gar- 
rison at  Bexar,  his  wrath  burst  forth.     Neill  wrote : 

"Commandancy  of  Bexar,  January  6,   1836. 
"To  the  Governor  and  Council,  at  San  Felipe  de  Austin: 

"Sirs:  It  will  be  appalling  to  you  to  learn  and  see  herewith 
enclosed  our  alarming  weakness.  But  I  have  one  pleasurable  grati- 
fication which  will  not  be  erased  from  the  tablet  of  my  memory 
during  natural  life,  viz.:  that  those  whose  names  are  herewith  en- 
closed are,  to  a  man,  those  who  acted  so  gallantly  in  the  ten  weeks' 
open-field  campaign,  and  then  won  an  unparalleled  victory  in  the 
five  days'  siege  of  this  place.  Such  men  in  such  a  condition  and 
under  all  the  gloomy  embarrassment  surrounding,  call  aloud  upon 
you  and  their  country  for  aid,  praise,  and  sympathy. 

"We  have  104  men  and  two  distinct  fortresses  to  garrison,  and 
about  twenty-four  pieces  of  artillery.  You,  doubtless,  have  learned 
that  we  have  no  provisions  or  clothing  since  Johnson  and  Grant  left. 
If  there  has  ever  been  a  dollar  here,  I  have  no  knowledge  of  it. 
The  clothing  sent  here  by  the  aid  and  patriotic  exertions  of  the 
honorable  council  was  taken  from  us  by  the  arbitrary  measures  of 
Johnson  and  Grant,  taken  from  men  who  endured  all  the  hardships 
of  winter  and  who  were  not  even  sufficiently  clad  for  summer,  many 
of  them  having  but  one  blanket  and  one  shirt,  and  what  was  in- 
tended for  them  given  away  to  men.  some  of  whom  had  not  been 
in  the  army  more  than  four  days,  and  many  not  exceeding  two 
weeks.  If  a  divide  had  been  made  of  them,  the  most  needy  of  my 
men  could  have  been  made  comfortable  bv  the  stocks  of  clothing 
and  provisions  taken  from  here. 

"About  200  of  the  men  who  had  volunteered  to  garrison  this 
town  for  four  months  left  my  command  contrary  to  my  orders  and 
thereby  vitiated  the  policy  of  their  enlistment. 

"I  want  here,  for  this  garrison,  at  all  times  200  men,  and  I  think 
300  men,  until  the  repairs  and  improvement  of  fortifications  are  com- 
pleted.    *     *     *       „Y^^j^  obedient  servant.        ..j    q   ^^^^^ 

"Lieutenant-Colonel  Commanding." 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  251 

This  letter  reached  the  jjuvernor  on  Saturday,  January  9,  and  he  re- 
quested the  president  of  the  council,  Lieutenant-Governor  Robinson,  to 
call  a  secret  session  of  the  council  on  Sunday  to  consider  it.  To  this 
session  the  governor  presented  the  report  with  the  following  violent 
message : 

"San  Felipe,  January  9,  1836. 
"Gentlemen  of  the  Council: 

"I  herewith  transmit  to  yuur  body  the  returns  and  correspond- 
ence of  Colonel  Neill,  lieutenant-colonel-commandant  of  the  post  of 
Bexar.  You  will  in  that  correspondence  find  the  situation  of  that 
garrison.  You  will  there  find  a  detail  of  facts  calculated  to  call 
forth  the  indignant  feelings  of  every  honest  man.  Can  your  body 
say  that  they  have  not  t)een  cognizant  of,  and  connived  at,  this  pred- 
atory expedition?  Are  you  not  daily  holding  conference,  and 
planning  co-operation,  both  by  sea  and  land?  Acts  speak  louder 
than  words.  They  are  now  before  me,  authorizing  the  appointment 
of  a  generalissimo  with  plenary  powers  to  plan  expeditions  on  the 
faith,  the  credit,  and,  I  may  justly  say,  to  the  ruin  of  the  country. 
You  urge  me  by  resolutions  to  make  appointments  to  fit  out  vessels 
as  government  vessels — registering  them  as  such,  appointing  lands- 
men to  command  a  naval  expedition,  by  making  representations 
urgent  in  their  nature,  and  for  what?  I  see  no  reason  but  to  carry 
into  elTect,  by  the  hurried  and  improvident  acts  of  my  department 
your  favorite  object,  by  getting  my  sanction  to  an  act  disorganizing 
in  its  nature  and  ruinous  in  its  efTects.  Instead  of  acting  as  becomes 
the  councillors  and  guardians  of  a  free  people,  you  resolve  your- 
selves into  intriguing,  caucussing  parties ;  pass  resolutions  without  a 
quorum,  predicated  on  false  premises ;  and  endeavor  to  ruin  the 
country  by  countenancing,  aiding  and  abetting  parties ;  and,  if  you 
could  only  deceive  me  enough,  you  would  join  with  it  a  piratical 
co-operation.  You  have  acted  in  bad  faith,  and  seem  determined  by 
your  acts  to  destroy  the  very  institutions  which  you  are  pledged  and 
sworn  to  support.  1  have  been  placed  on  the  political  watch  tower. 
I  feel  the  weight  of  responsibility  devolving  upon  me,  and  confidently 
hope  I  will  be  able  to  prove  a  faithful  sentinel.  You  have  also  been 
posted  as  sentinels,  but  you  have  permitted  the  enemy  to  cross 
your  lines ;  and,  Mexican-like,  are  ready  to  sacrifice  your  country 
at  the  shrine  of  plunder.  Mr.  President,  I  speak  collectively,  as 
you  all  form  one  whole,  though,  at  the  same  time,  I  do  not  mean 
all.  I  know  you  have  honest  men  there,  and  of  sterling  worth  and 
integrity  ;  but,  you  have  Judases  in  the  camp — corruption,  base  cor- 
ruption, has  crept  into  your  councils — men  who,  if  possible,  would 
deceive  their  God.  Notwithstanding  their  deep  laid  plans  and  in- 
trigues, I  have  not  been  asleep.  They  have  long  since  been  an- 
ticipated, forestalled,  and  counteracted.  They  will  find  themselves 
circumvented  on  every  tack.  I  am  now  tired  of  watching  scoundrels 
abroad  and  scoundrels  at  home,  and  on  such  T  am  now  prepared  to 
drop  the  curtain.     *     *     * 

"Look  around  upon  your  flock.  Your  discernment  will  easily 
detect  the  scoundrels.     The  complaints,  contraction  of  the  eyes,  the 


252  IIISTORV  OF    JJ'IXAS 

gape  of  the  niuuth.  ihc  vacant  start,  the  hung  liead,  the  restless, 
fidgety  disposition ;  the  sneaking  sycophantic  look,  a  natural  mean- 
ness of  countenance,  an  unguarded  shrug  of  the  shoulders,  a  sym- 
pathetic tickling  and  contraction  of  the  muscles  of  the  neck,  anti- 
cipating the  rope,  a  restless  uneasiness  to  adjourn,  dreading  to  face 
the  storm  themselves  have  raised. 

"Let  the  honest  and  indignant  part  of  your  council  drive  the 
wolves  out  of  the  fold,  for  by  low  intrigues  and  management  they 
have  been  imposed  upon  and  duped  into  gross  errors  and  palpable 
absurdities.  Some  of  them  have  been  thrown  out  of  folds,  equally 
sacred  and  should  be  denied  the  society  of  civilized  man. 

"They  are  parricides,  piercing  their  devoted  country,  already 
bleeding  at  every  pore.  But,  thanks  be  to  my  God,  there  is  balm  in 
Texas  and  a  physician  near.  Our  agents  have  gone  abroad.  Our 
army  has  been  organized.  Our  general  is  in  the  field.  A  conven- 
tion has  been  called  which  will  afford  a  sovereign  remedy  to  the 
vile  machinations  of  a  caucussing,  intriguing,  and  corrupt  council. 
1  now  tell  you  that  the  course  here  pointed  out  shall  be  rigidly  and 
strictly  pursued,  and  that  unless  your  body  will  make  the  necessary 
acknowledgment  to  the  world  of  your  error,  and  forthwith  proceed, 
and  with  the  same  facility  and  publicity  (by  issuing  a  circular,  and 
furnishing  expenses  to  give  circulation  and  publicity  in  a  manner 
calculated  to  counteract  its  baleful  effects),  that  after  12  o'clock  on 
tomorrow  all  communications  between  the  two  departments  shall 
cease ;  and  your  body  will  stand  adjourned  until  the  first  of  March 
next,  unless,  from  the  emergencies  of  the  country,  you  should  be 
convened  by  proclamation  at  an  earlier  period. 

"I  consider,  as  the  devisers  of  ways  and  means,  you  have  done 
all  contem])lated  bv  the  organic  law  ;  that  your  services  are  no  longer 
needed,  and  until  the  convention  meets  1  will  continue  to  discharge 
my  duties  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navv.  and  see  that 
the  laws  are  executed. 

"The  foregoing  you  will  receive  as  notice  from  my  department, 
which  will  be  rigidly  carried  into  eflfect.  You  are  further  notified 
that  audience  will  not  be  given  to  anv  member  or  special  committee 
other  than  in  writing.  I  will  immediately  proceed  to  publish  all  the 
corresfKjndence  between  the  two  departments,  bv  jiroclamation  to  the 
world,  and  assign  the  reasons  why  I  have  pursued  this  course,  and 
the  causes  which  have  compelled  me  to  do  it. 
"Your  obedient  .servant. 

"Henry  Smith." 

This  message  was  referred  to  a  committee  consisting  of  R.  R.  Royall. 
Alexander  Thompson,  Claiborne  West,  J.  D.  Clements,  and  John  Mc- 
Mullen,  which  the  next  day  characterized  it  as  "low,  blackguardly  and 
vindictive,  and  every  way  unworthy  of.  and  disgraceful  to  the  office 
whence  it  emanated,  and  as  an  outrageous  libel  on  the  body  to  whom  it 
is  addressed."  The  council  then  adopted  a  series  of  resolutions  pre- 
sented by  the  committee,  the  third  of  which  "Re.solved  that  Henry  Smith, 
Governor  of  the  Provisional  Government  of  Texas,  be  ordered  forthwith 


11  IS  TORY  OF  TEXAS  253 

to  cease  the  funclion.s  of  his  olike,  and  he  held  to  answer  to  the  (ieneral 
Council  upon  certain  charges  and  specifications  preferred  against  him, 
agreeably  to  the  provisions  of  the  fourth  section  of  the  Federal  Consti- 
tution of  Mexico  of  1824;  and  the  eleventh  section  of  the  organic  law 
of  the  Provisional  Covernment  of  Texas,  as  adopted  in  convention  on 
the  thirteenth  day  of  November,  A.  D.,  1835,  and  that  a  copy  of  said 
charges  and  specifications  be  furnished  to  the  governor,  Henry  Smith. 
within  twenty-four  hours  from  this  time."  Lieutenant-Governor  Rob- 
inson was  recognized  as  acting  governor,  and  a  committee  was  appointed 
to  draft  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  state  explaining  the  causes  of 
the  unfortunate  rupture.  This  was  issued  and  spread  on  the  journal  on 
January  12,  together  with  a  long  indictment  to  which  Smith  was  invited 
to  respond. 

Ry  this  time  Smith's  anger  had  somewhat  calmed  and  he  presented 
an  apologetic  message  on  the  twelfth  offering  to  "let  hy-gones  be  by- 
gones," if  the  council  would  correct  its  errors. 

"Executive  Department  of  Texas. 
"To  the  Huiioniblc.  the  Fnsidoit.  and  Members  of  the  Legislative 
Council: 

"Gentlemen  :  liie  cummunication  sent  to  your  body  on  the  tenth 
inst.  in  which  I  used  much  asperity  of  language,  which  1  considered 
at  the  time  was  called  for  from  me ;  owing  to  what  I  deemed  im- 
jirovident  acts  of  your  body,  in  which  1  considered  much  intrigue 
and  duplicity  had  been  used  which  was  in  their  nature  and  tendencv 
calculated  to  breed  confusion  and  greatly  injure  the  public  good. 
Among  other  things  the  appointment  of  Colonel  Fannin,  was  one 
which  deemed  unwarranted  by  law  and  of  injurious  tendency.  If 
the  act  of  your  body  was  ratified  by  me,  it  is  plain  and  evident. 
that  neither  the  commander-in-chief,  the  council,  nor  the  executive, 
could  have  any  control  over  him.  I  therefore  deetned  it  a  gross 
insult  offered  by  the  council  to  my  department,  and  one  which  I  was 
not  willing  to  overlook.  1  admit  that  I  repelled  it  with  a  keenness 
and  asperity  of  language  beyond  the  rules  of  decorum  ;  because  1 
believed  it  was  certainly  intended  as  an  insult  direct.  If,  therefore, 
vour  body  should  think  projjcr  In  acknowledge  their  error  by  an 
immediate  correction  of  it,  which  1  consider  would  only  be  their 
reasonable  duty,  all  differences  between  the  two  departments  should 
cease;  and  so  far  as  I  am  coticerned  be  forever  buried  in  oblivion. 
and  that  friendly  and  harmonious  intercourse  resumed  which  should 
ever  exist  between  the  different  branches  of  the  government.  I 
suggest  and  solicit  this  from  the  jnirest  motives,  believing  the  pulilic 
good  would  thereby  be  advanced.  Relieving  that  the  rules  of  (Tiris- 
tian  charity  require  of  us  to  bear  and  forbear,  and  as  far  as  jios- 
^ible  to  overlook  the  errors  and  foibles  of  each  other.  In  this  case 
I  may  not  have  exercised  towards  your  body  that  degree  of  for- 
bearance which  was  probably  your  due.  If  so,  I  have  been  labor- 
ing under  error,  and.  as  such,  hope  you  will  have  the  magnanimity 
to  extend  it  to  me.  .\nd  the  two  branches  again  harmonize  to  the 
promotion  of  the  true  interests  of  the  country. 
"I    am  respect  fulK    gentlemen,  yours,  etc.. 

"iri:XRV  .Smith,  Guj'ernor." 


254  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

To  this  overture  the  council  repHed : 

"That  this  council  has  received  the  communication  in  the  spirit 
of  compromise,  at  too  late  a  period  to  be  met  by  that  spirit  of 
accommodation  offered  and  urged  a  short  time  since. 

"Resolved,  that  as  the  slanderous  communication  of  Henry 
Smith,  late  governor  of  Texas,  has  been  acted  upon  and  is  now 
before  the  public,  this  council  cannot,  in  justice  to  their  constituents 
and  themselves,  do  otherwise  than  lay  before  the  people  all  the  facts 
connected  with  that  unfortunate  transaction,  and  the  motive  by 
which  this  council  was  actuated,  and  the  circumstances  which  com- 
pel them  to  adopt  this  course. 

"Resolved,  that  the  communication  alluded  to,  be  returned,  to- 
gether with  a  copy  of  the  charges  and  specifications  preferred  against 
the  said  Henry  Smith,  late  governor  aforesaid,  for  malfeasance  and 
misconduct  in  office,  and  that  he  be  notified  to  reply  within  three 
days,  or  that  the  trial  will  proceed  thereon,  before  the  general  coun- 
cil ex  parte. 

"J,  D.  Clements,  Chairman. 

"R.    R.    ROYALL." 

The  governor  declared  that  he  felt  able  to  defend  his  action  before 
the  convention  which  would  meet  on  March  1,  and  in  conclusion  said: 
"What  I  have  done,  however  bad  you  may  view  it,  has  been  done 
for  the  best  of  reasons,  and   from  the  purest  motives.     I  care  not 
for  popularity,  and  seek  alone  the  public  good.     And  if  the  course 
I  have  pursued,  so  condemned  by  you,  should  bring  down  the  odium 
and  contempt  of  the  whole  community,  and  at  the  same  time  be  the 
means  of  saving  the   character,  the  credit,  and  finally,  redeem  the 
country,  I  say  to  you,  in  the  sincerity  of  truth,  that  it  is  a  sacrifice 
I  willingly  make  at  the  shrine  of  the  public  good." 
On  January  18,  five  days  after  the  receipt  of  this  last  communication 
from  Governor  Smith,  the   journal  reveals  the  lack  of  a  quorum  in  the 
council,  and  from  then  until  the  council  was  superseded  by  the  conven- 
tion of  March  1  this  condition  continued  unchanged.     The  effect  of  the 
quarrel,  therefore,  was  to  dissolve  the  provisional  government. 

At  the  same  time  the  expedition  to  Matamoras  had  come  to  naught. 
General  Houston  told  the  volunteers  at  Goliad  and  Refugio  that  the 
expedition  was  unauthorized,  and  several  companies  thereupon  withdrew 
from  Johnson  and  Grant,  who.  with  about  100  men,  marched  to  San 
Patricio  to  await  Fannin.  Before  Fannin  could  complete  his  prepara- 
tions Santa  Anna's  forces  were  advancing  into  Texas,  and  it  was  realized 
that  the  time  for  a  descent  on  Matamoras  had  passed.  The  further 
movements  of  these  leaders  will  be  described  later. 

In  a  long  letter  of  January  30,  General  Houston  made  to  Governor 
Smith  an  official  report  of  his  actions  in  connection  with  the  expedition. 

"Washington,  January  30,  1836. 
"To  His  Excellency,  Henry  Smith,  Governor  of  Texas: 

"Sir :  I  have  the  honor  to  report  to  you  that  in  obedience  to 
your  order  under  date  of  the  6th  instant,  I  left  Washington  on  the 
8th.  and  reached  Goliad  on  the  night  of  the  14th.     On  the  morn- 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  255 

ing  of  that  day  I  met  Captain  Dimmitt,  on  his  return  home  with 
his  command,  who  reported  to  me  the  fact  that  his  caballada  of 
horses,  the  most  of  them  private  property,  had  been  pressed  by 
Doctor  Grant,  who  styled  himself  acting  commander-in-chief  of 
the  Federal  army,  and  that  he  had  under  his  command  about  200 
men.  Captain  Dimmitt  had  been  relieved  by  Capt.  P.  S.  Wyatt, 
of  the  volnteers  from  Huntsville.  Alabama.  I  was  also  informed 
bv  Maj.  Robert  C.  Morris  that  breadstuff  was  wanted  in  camp, 
and  he  suggested  his  wish  to  move  the  volunteers  further  west. 
By  express  I  had  advised  the  stay  of  the  troops  at  Goliad  until  T 
could  reach  that  point. 

"On  my  arrival  at  that  post  I  found  them  destitute  of  many 
supplies  necessary  to  their  comfort  on  a  campaign.  An  express 
reached  me  from  T.ieutenant-Colonel  Neill,  of  Bexar,  of  an 
expected  attack  from  the  enemy  in  force.  I  immediately 
requested  Col.  James  Bowie  to  march  with  a  detachment  of  vol- 
unteers to  his  relief.  He  met  the  request  with  his  usual  prompti- 
tude and  manliness.  This  intelligence  I  forwarded  to  your  Excel- 
lency for  the  action  of  the  government.  With  a  hope  that  sup- 
plies had  or  would  immediately  reach  the  port  of  Copano,  I 
ordered  the  troops,  through  Maj.  R.  C.  Morris,  to  proceed  to 
Refugio  ]\Iission,  where  it  was  reported  there  would  be  an  abun- 
dance of  beef — leaving  Captain  Wyatt  and  his  command,  for  the 
present,  in  possession  of  Goliad,  or  until  he  could  be  relieved  by  a 
detachment  of  regulars  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Thorn- 
ton, and  some  recruits  that  had  been  enlisted  by  Capt.  Ira  West- 
over.  On  the  arrival  of  the  troops  at  Refugio,  I  ascertained  that 
no  breadstuflfs  could  be  obtained,  nor  was  there  any  intelligence 
of  supplies  reaching  Copano,  agreeably  to  mv  expectations,  and  in 
accordance  with  my  orders  of  the  36th  of  December  and  6th  of 
January,  inst.,  directing  the  landing  and  concentrating  all  the 
volunteers  at  Cojiano.  I  had  already  advised  Col.  .'\lmanzon 
Houston,  the  (|nartermaster-general,  to  forward  the  supplies  he 
might  obtain  at  New  Orleans  to  the  same  point.  Not  meeting 
the  command  of  Major  Ward,  as  I  had  hoped  from  the  early 
advice  I  had  sent  him,  by  Maj.  Geo.  W.  Poe,  I  determined  to 
await  his  arrival  and  the  command  of  Captain  Wyatt.  With  a 
view  to  be  in  a  state  of  readiness  to  march  to  the  scene  of  active 
operations  the  first  moment  that  my  force  and  the  supplies  neces- 
sary should  reach  me.  I  ordered  Lieutenant  Thornton,  with  his 
command  (total  twenty-nine)  to  Goliad  to  relieve  Captain  Wyatt : 
at  the  same  time  ordering  the  latter  to  join  the  volunteers  at 
Refugio.  T  found  much  difficulty  in  prevailing  ><n  the  regulars  to 
march  until  they  had  received  either  money  or  clothing:  and  their 
situation  was  trulv  destitute.  Had  I  not  succeeded,  the  station 
at  Goliad  must  have  been  left  without  any  defense,  and  abandoned 
to  the  enemy,  whatever  importance  its  occupation  mav  be  to  the 
security  of  the  frontier.  Should  Bexar  remain  a  military  post, 
Goliad  must  be  maintained,  or  the  former  will  be  cut  off  from  all 
supplies  arriving  b\-  sea  at  the  port  of  Copano. 


256  HISTORY'  OF  TEXAS 

"On  the  evening  of  the  20th,  F.  W.  Johnson,  Esq.,  arrived 
at  Refugio,  and  it  was  understood  that  he  was  empowered  by  the 
general  council  of  Texas  to  interfere  in  my  command.  On  the 
21st  and  previous  to  receiving  notice  of  his  arrival,  I  issued  an 
order  to  organize  the  troops  so  soon  as  they  might  arrive  at  that 
place,  agreeably  to  the  'ordinance  for  raising  an  auxiliary  corps' 
to  the  army.  A  copy  of  the  order  I  have  the  honor  to  inclose 
herewith.  Mr.  Johnson  then  called  on  me,  previous  to  the  circu- 
lation of  the  order,  and  showed  me  the  resolutions  of  the  general 
council,  dated  14th  of  January,  a  copy  of  which  I  forwarded  for 
the  perusal  of  your  Excellency. 

"So  soon  as  I  was  made  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  his 
mission,  and  the  powers  granted  to  J.  \\".  Fannin,  Jr.,  I  could  not 
remain  mistaken  as  to  the  object  of  the  council,  or  the  wishes  of 
the  individuals.  I  had  but  one  course  left  for  me  to  pursue  (the 
report  of  your  being  deposed  had  also  reached  me),  which  was 
to  return  and  report  myself  to  you  in  person — inasmuch  as  the 
objects  intended  by  your  order  were,  b\'  the  extraordinary  con- 
duct of  the  council,  rendered  useless  to  the  country ;  and.  by 
remaining  with  the  army,  the  council  would  have  had  the  pleasure 
of  ascribing  to  me  the  e\'ils  which  their  own  conduct  and  acts 
will,  in  all  probability,  produce.  I  consider  the  acts  of  the  council 
calculated  to  protract  the  war  for  years  to  come ;  and  the  field 
which  they  have  opened  to  insubordination  and  to  agencies  with- 
out limit  (unknown  to  military  usage)  will  cost  the  country  more 
useless  expenditure  than  the  necessary  expense  of  the  whole  war 
wi)uld  have  been,  had  they  not  transcended  their  jiroper  duties. 
Without  integrity  of  purpose  and  well  devised  measures,  our 
whole  frontier  must  be  exposed  to  the  enemy.  All  the  available 
resources  of  Texas  are  directed,  through  special  as  well  as  general 
agencies,  against  Matamoras ;  and  must  in  all  probability,  prove 
as  unavailing  to  the  interests  as  they  will  to  the  honor  of  Texas. 
The  regulars  at  Goliad  cannot  long  be  detained  at  that  station 
unless  they  should  get  supplies,  and  now  all  the  resources  of 
Texas  are  placed  in  the  hands  of  agents  unknown  to  the  govern- 
ment in  its  formation,  and  existing  by  the  mere  will  of  the 
council :  and  will  leave  all  other  objects  necessarv  for  the  defense 
of  the  country,  neglected  for  the  want  of  means,  until  the  meeting  of 
the  convention  in  March  next. 

"It  was  my  wish,  if  it  had  been  possible,  to  avoid  for  the 
present  the  expression  of  any  opinion  which  might  In-  suppressed 
in  the  present  crisis.  Rut  since  1  reported  to  your  F'xcellency. 
1ia\ing  the  leisure  to  peruse  all  the  documents  of  ;i  controversial 
nature  growing  out  of  the  relative  duties  of  yourself  and  the 
general  council  to  the  jieople  of  Texas,  a  resolution  of  the  council 
requiring  of  me  an  act  of  insubordination  and  disobedience  to 
your  orders,  demands  of  me  that  I  should  inquire  into  the  nature 
of  that  authority  which  would  stimulate  me  to  an  act  of  treason 
or  an  attempt  to  subvert  the  government  which  I  have  sworn  to 
sni)]iort.     The  only  constitution   which  Tex.is  has  is  the  organic 


HISTURV  UF  TEXAS  257 

law.  Then  any  violation  of  that  law,  which  would  destroy  the 
basis  of  government,  must  he  treason.  Has  treason  been  com- 
mitted? If  so,  by  whom  and  for  what  purpose?  The  history  of 
the  last  few  weeks  will  be  the  best  answer  that  can  be  rendered. 

"After  the  capitulation  of  Bexar,  it  was  understood  at  head- 
(|uarters  that  there  was  much  discontent  among  the  troops  then 
at  that  point,  and  that  it  might  be  necessary  to  employ  them  in 
some  acive  enterprise,  or  the  force  would  dissolve.  With  this 
information  was  suggested  the  expediency  of  an  attack  on  Mata- 
moras.  For  the  purpose  of  im])roving  whatever  advantages  might 
have  been  gained  at  Bexar,  I  applied  to  your  Excellency  for 
orders,  which  I  obtained,  directing  the  adoption  of  such  measures 
as  might  be  deemed  best  for  the  protection  of  the  frontier  and 
the  reduction  of  Matamoras.  This  order  was  dated  17th  of 
December,  and  on  the  same  day  I  wrote  to  Col.  James  Bowie, 
directing  him,  in  the  event  that  he  could  obtain  a  sufficient  num- 
ber of  volunteers  for  the  purpose,  to  make  a  descent  on  Mata- 
moras ;  and,  if  his  force  would  not  justify  that  measure,  he  was 
directed  to  occupy  the  most  advanced  post,  so  as  to  check  the 
enemy,  and  by  all  means  to  place  himself  in  a  position  to  com- 
mand Copano.  Colonel  Bowie  did  not  receive  the  order.  Having 
left  Goliad  for  Bexar,  he  was  not  apprised  of  it  until  his  arrival 
at  San  Felipe,  about  the  1st  of  January,  inst.  My  reason  for 
ordering  Colonel  Bowie  on  the  service  was  his  familiar  acquain- 
tance with  the  country,  as  well  as  the  nature  of  the  population 
through  which  he  must  pass,  as  also  their  resources;  and  to  this  I 
freely  add  there  is  no  man  on  whose  forecast,  prudence  and  valor 
I  place  a  higher  estimate  than  Colonel  Bowie. 

"Previous  to  this  time  the  general  council  had  adopted  a  reso- 
lution requiring  the  governor  to  direct  the  removal  of  the  head- 
quarters of  the  army,  and  1  had  been  ordered  to  Washington  for 
their  establishment  until  further  orders.  I  had  been  detained 
awaiting  copies  of  the  ordinances  relative  to  the  army.  Their 
design  was  manifest,  nor  could  their  objects  be  misapprehended, 
though  the  extent  to  which  they  were  carrying  them  was  not 
then  known.  Messrs.  Hanks  and  Clements  (members  of  the 
council)  were  engaged  in  writing  letters  to  individuals  in  Bexar, 
urging  and  authorizing  a  campaign  against  Matamoras,  and. 
that  their  recommendations  might  bear  the  stamp  of  authority 
and  mislead  those  who  are  unwilling  to  embark  in  an  expedition 
not  sanctioned  by  government  and  led  Iiy  ijri\atc  individuals,  thev 
took  the  liberty  of  signing  themselves  members  of  the  military 
committee ;  thereby  deceiving  the  volunteers,  and  assuming  a 
character  which  they  could  only  use  or  employ  in  the  general 
council  in  proposing  business  for  the  action  of  that  body.  They 
could  not  be  altogether  ignorant  of  the  improprietv  of  such  con- 
duct, but  doubtless  could  erisilv  find  a  solid  justification  in  the 
bullion  of  their  patriotism  and  the  ore  of  their  intcgritv.  Be  their 
motive  whatever  it  might,  manv  brave  and  honorable  men  were 
deluded   by   it.   and   the   campaign   was   commenced   ujion    Mata- 

VOt-.  1—17 


258  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS, 

niuras  under  Ductur  Grant  as  acting  coniniander-in-chiel  of  tin- 
volunteer  arm}' — a  title  and  designation  unknown  to  the  world. 
But  the  general  council,  in  their  address  of  the  people  of  Texas, 
dated  January  11th.  state  that  'they  never  recognized  in  Doctor 
Grant  any  authority  whatever  as  an  officer  of  the  government  or 
army,  at  the  time."  Tliey  will  not.  T  presume,  deny  that  thev  did 
acknowledge  a  draft  or  order  drawn  h\'  him  as  acting  conimander- 
in-chief.  amounting  to  $750.  But  this  the_\-  will  doubtless  justify 
on  the  ground  that  your  Excellency  commissioned  General  Burle- 
son, and,  of  course,  the  appointment  of  Doctor  Grant  as  his  aide- 
de-camp,  would  authorize  him  to  act  in  the  absence  of  General 
Burleson.  It  is  an  established  principle  in  all  armies  that  a  staff 
officer  can  claim  no  command  in  the  line  of  the  army,  nor  exercise 
any  command  in  the  absence  of  the  general,  unless  he  holds  a 
commission  in  the  line.  In  the  absence  of  General  Burleson,  tin- 
senior  colonel,  in  the  absence  of  the  colonel,  the  major,  or  in  his 
absence  the  senior  captain,  would  have  the  command;  hut  in  no 
event  can  the  aide  or  staff  officer,  unless  he  holds  a  commission 
in  the  line  of  the  ariuy.  have  anv  command  :  and  his  existence 
must  cease,  imless  he  should  be  continued  or  reappointed  by  the 
officer  of  the  line  who  succeeds  to  the  command  in  the  absence 
of  his  superior.  When  General  Burleson  left  the  arm\-  his  aide 
had  no  command  but  the  field  officer  next  in  rank  to  himself. 

"Then  who  is  Doctor  Grant?  Is  he  not  a  Scotchman  who  has 
resided  in  Mexico  for  the  last  ten  years?  Does  he  not  own  large 
possessions  in  the  interior?  Has  he  ever  taken  the  oath  to  sup- 
port the  organic  law?  Is  he  not  deeply  interested  in  the  hundred 
league  claims  of  land  which  hang  like  a  murk\-  cloud  over  the 
people  of  Texas?  Is  he  not  the  man  who  impressed  the  projjerty 
of  the  people  of  Bexar?  Is  he  not  the  man  who  took  from  Bexar 
without  authority  or  knowledge  of  the  government  cannon  and 
other  munitions  of  wai".  together  with  supplies  necessary  for  the 
troops  at  that  station,  leaving  the  wounded  and  sick  destitute  of 
needed  comforts?  Vet  this  is  the  man  whose  outrages  and 
oppressions  upon  the  rights  of  the  people  of  Texas  are  sustained 
and  justified  by  the  acts  and  conduct  of  the  general  council. 

"Several  members  of  that. body  are  aware  that  the  interests 
and  feelings  of  Doctor  Grant  are  opposed  to  the  independence 
and  true  interests  of  the  people  of  Texas.  While  every  facility 
has  been  offered  to  the  meditated  campaign  against  Matamoras. 
no  aid  has  been  rendered  for  raising  a  regular  force  for  the 
defense  of  the  country,  nor  one  cent  advanced  to  an  officer  or 
soldier  of  the  regular  army,  but  everv  hindrance  thrown  in  the 
way.  The  council  had  no  right  to  project  a  campaign  against 
;iny  point  or  jjlace.  It  was  the  province  of  the  governor,  by  his 
proper  officers,  to  do  so.  The  council  has  the  right  of  consenting 
or  objecting,  but  not  of  projecting.  The  means  ought  to  be 
placed  at  the  disposition  of  the  governor,  and  if  he.  by  himself 
or  his  officers,  failed  in  their  application,  he  would  be  responsible 
for  the  success  of  the  armies  of  Texas,  and  could  be  held  respon- 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  259 

sible  to  the  government  and  punished  ;  hut  what  recourse  has  the 
country  upon  agents  who  have  taken  no  oath  and  given  no  bond  to 
comply  with  the  powers  granted  by  the  council? 

"The  organic  law  declares,  in  article  third,  'that  the  governor 
and  general  council  shall  have  power  to  organize,  reduce  or 
increase  the  regular  forces,'  but  it  delegates  no  power  to  create 
army  agents  to  supersede  the  commander-in-chief,  as  will  be  seen 
bv  reference  to  the  second  article  of  'military'  basis  of  that  law. 
After  declaring  that  there  shall  be  a  regular  army  for  the  pro- 
tection of  Texas  during  the  present  war,  in  the  first  article,  it 
proceeds  in  the  second  to  state  the  constituence  of  the  army : 
■The  regular  army  of  Texas  shall  consist  of  one  major-general, 
who  shall  be  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  called  into 
l)ublic  service  during  the  war.'  This,  it  will  be  remembered,  is  a 
law  from  which  the  council  derived  their  power;  and,  of  course 
all  troo])s  in  service,  since  the  adoption  of  this  law,  and  all  that 
bn\e  been  accepted,  or  to  be  accepted,  during  my  continuance 
in  office,  are  under  my  command.  Consequently  the  council 
could  not  create  an  agency  that  could  assume  any  command  of 
troops,  so  as  to  supersede  my  powers,  without  a  plain  and  jKilpa- 
ble  violation  of  their  oaths.  New  names  given  could  not  change 
the  nature  of  their  obligations;  they  had  violated  the  organic  law. 

"I  will  now  advert  to  an  ordinance  of  their  own  body,  entitled. 
'.\n  Ordinance  and  Decree  to  Organize  and  Establish  an  .Auxil- 
iary \'olunteer  Corps  of  the  .\rmy  of  Texas,'  etc.,  passed  Decem- 
ber 5th,  1835.  The  ordinance  throughout  recognizes  the  compe- 
tency of  the  governor  and  commander-in-chief  as  the  only  person> 
authorized  to  accept  the  services  of  volunteers  and  makes  it  their 
especial  dutv  lo  do  so.  It  also  gives  the  discretion  to  the  com- 
mander-in-chief to  accept  the  services  of  volunteers  for  such  term 
as  'he  shall  think  the  defense  of  the  country  and  the  good  of 
service  require."  It  is  specified  that  muster-rolls  shall  accomi>any 
the  rei)orts  of  the  volunteers,  and,  when  reported  b\  the  com 
mander-in-chief  to  the  governor,  that  commissions  shall  issue 
accordingl}  . 

"Where  elections  take  jilace  in  the  volunteer  corps,  the  ordi- 
nance declares  that  they  shall  be  certified  to  the  commander-in- 
chief,  and  by  him  forwarded  to  the  governor.  The  third  section 
of  the  law  declares  that  when  controversies  arise  in  relation  to 
the  rank  of  officers  of  the  same  grade,  they  shall  be  determined 
I)y  drawing  numbers,  which  shall  be  done  by  order  of  the  com 
mander-in  chief  of  the  army.  This  law  was  enacted  by  the  gen- 
eral council,  and  they  cannot  allege  that  any  misconstruction 
could  arise  out  of  it,  for  it  plainly  ])oints  out  the  duties  of  the 
governor  and  commander-in-chief  as  defined  by  themselves.  Yet, 
without  the  repeal  of  this  law.  they  have  proceeded  to  appoint 
agents  to  exercise  the  very  powers  declared  by  them  to  belong 
to  the  governor  and  commander-in-chief.  This  they  have  done 
under  the  impression  that  a  change  of  name  would  enable  them 
to   j)ut    down    the    goxernor   ;iti(l    commander-in-chief,    not    subject 


260  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

U)  them  tor  their  places,  but  created  by  the  consultation,  and  botli 
of  whom  are  as  independent  of  the  council  as  the  council  is  of 
them — the  commander-in-chief  being  subject  to  the  organic  law, 
and  all  laws  conformable  thereto,  under  the  orders  of  the  gov- 
ernor. I  have  obeyed  the  orders  of  your  Excellency  as  promptly 
as  they  have  met  my  knowledge ;  and  had  not  the  council,  by  acts 
as  outrageous  to  my  feelings  as  they  are  manifestly  against  law, 
adopted  a  course  that  must  destroy  all  hopes  of  an  army,  I  should 
yet  have  been  on  the  frontier,  and  by  all  possible  means  would 
at  least  have  sought  to  place  it  in  a  state  of  defense. 

"It  now  becomes  my  duty  to  advert  to  the  powers  granted  by 
the  general  council  to  J.  W.  Fannin,  Jr.,  on  the  7th  of  January. 
1836,  and  at  a  time  when  two  members  of  the  military  committee, 
and  other  members  of  the  council  were  advised  that  I  had  received 
orders  from  your  Excellency  to  repair  forthwith  to  the  frontier  of 
Texas,  and  to  concentrate  the  troops  for  the  very  purpose  avowed 
in  the  resolutions  referred  to.  The  powers  are  as  clearly  illegal 
as  they  were  unnecessary.  By  reference  to  the  resolution  it  will 
be  perceived  that  the  powers  given  to  J.  W.  Fannin,  Jr.,  are  as 
comprehensive  in  their  nature,  and  as  much  at  variance  with  the 
organic  law  and  tlie  decrees  of  the  general  council,  as  the  decrees 
of  the  general  congress  of  Mexico  are  at  variance  with  the  Federal 
constitution  of  1824,  and  really  delegate  to  J.  W.  Fannin,  Jr.,  as 
extensive  powers  as  those  conferred  by  that  congress  upon  General 
Santa  .\nna  ;  },et  the  cant  is  kept  up,  even  bv  J.  W.  Fannin.  Jr.. 
against  the  danger  of  a  regular  army,  while  he  is  exercising 
]>owers  which  he  must  be  satisfied  are  in  open  violation  of  the 
organic  law.  J.  ^^■.  Fannin,  Jr.,  is  a  colonel  in  the  regular  army, 
and  was  sworn  in  and  received  his  commission  on  the  very  da\ 
that  the  resolutions  were  adopted  by  the  council.  H\-  his  oath 
he  was  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  commander-in-chief,  and  as  a 
subaltern  could  not.  without  an  act  of  mutiny,  interfere  with  the 
general  command  of  the  forces  of  Texas ;  yet  I  find  in  the  Tele- 
graph of  the  9th  inst.  a  proclamation  of  his,  dated  on  the  8th. 
addressed,  "Attention,  V'olunteers !'  and  rec|uiring  them  to  ven 
dezvous  at  San  Patricio.  No  official  character  is  pretended  b\ 
him.  as  his  signature  is  private.  This  he  did  with  the  knowledge 
that  I  had  ordered  the  troops  from  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos  to 
Copano,  and  had  repaired  to  that  point  to  concentrate  them.  On 
the  10th  inst.  F.  W.  Johnson  issued  a  similar  proclamation, 
announcing  Matamoras  as  the  point  of  attack.  The  powers  of 
these  gentlemen  were  derived,  if  derived  at  all,  from  the  general 
council  in  opposition  to  the  will  of  the  governor,  because  certain 
purposes  were  to  be  answered,  or  the  safety  and  harmony  of 
Texas  should  be  destroyed. 

"Colonel  Fannin,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  general  council 
dated  on  the  21st  of  January,  at  Velasco,  and  to  which  he  sub- 
scribes himself,  'J-   W.    Fannin.   Jr.,   Agent    Provisional   Govern 
ment,'  when   speaking  of  anticipating  difficulties   with   the  coni- 
mander-in  chief,  ;illays  the  fears  of  the  council  by  assuring  them. 


HISTORY  OF  '1"I':XAS  261 

'1  shall  never  make  any  myself,'  and  then  adds:  The  object  in 
view  will  be  the  governing  principle,  and  should  General  Houston 
be  ready  and  willing  to  take  command,  and  march  direct  ahead, 
and  execute  your  orders,  and  the  volunteers  to  submit  to  it,  or  a 
reasonable  part  of  them,  I  shall  not  say  nay,  but  will  do  all  in  my 
power  to  produce  harmony.' 

"How  was  I  to  become  acquainted  with  the  orders  of  the 
council?  Was  it  through  mv  subaltern?  It  must  have  been  so 
designed,  as  the  council  have  not,  up  to  the  present  moment,  given 
me  ofificial  notice  of  the  orders  to  which  Colonel  Fannin  refers. 
This  modesty  and  subordination  on  his  part  is  truly  commenda- 
ble in  a  subaltern,  and  would  imply  that  he  had  a  right  to  say 
'nay.'  If  he  has  this  power,  whence  is  it  derived?  Not  from  any 
law,  and  contrary  to  his  sworn  duty  as  my  subaltern,  whose  duty 
is  obedience  to  my  lawful  commands,  agreeably  to  the  rules  and 
regulations  of  the  United  States  army,  adopted  by  the  consulta- 
tion of  all  Texas.  If  he  accepted  any  appointment  incompatible 
with  his  obligation  as  a  colonel  in  the  regular  army,  it  certainly 
increases  his  moral  responsibilities  to  an  extent  which  is  trul\' 
to  be  regretted. 

"In  another  paragraph  of  his  letter  he  states:  '^'ou  will  allow 
that  we  have  too  much  division,  and  one  cause  of  complaint  is  this 
very  expedition,  and  that  it  is  intended  to  remove  (leneral  Hous- 
ton.' 

"He  then  assures  the  council  that  no  blame  shall  attach  to 
him,  but  most  dutifully  says:  1  will  go  where  you  have  sent 
me,  and  will  do  what  you  have  ordered  me.  if  possible.'  The 
order  of  the  council,  as  set  forth  in  the  resolutions  appointing 
Colonel  Fannin  agent,  and  authorizing  him  to  appoint  as  many 
agents  as  he  might  think  projier,  did  most  certainlj-  place  him 
above  the  governor  and  commander-in-chief  of  the  army.  Nor  is 
he  responsible  to  the  council  or  the  people  of  Texas.  He  is 
required  to  report  but  he  is  not  required  to  obey  the  council. 
His  powers  are  as  unlimited  and  absolute  as  Cromwell's  ever 
were.  I  regard  the  expedition,  as  now  ordered,  as  an  individual 
and  not  a  national  measure.  The  resolutions  ])asscd  in  favor  of 
J.  W.  Fannin,  Jr..  and  F".  W.  Johnson,  and  their  ])roclaniations, 
with  its  original  start — Doctor  Grant— absolve  the  country  from 
all  responsibility  for  its  consequences.  If  I  had  any  doubt  on 
the  subject  previous  to  having  seen  at  Goliad  a  proclamation  of 
J.  W.  Fannin,  Jr.,  sent  by  him  to  the  volunteers,  1  could  no  longer 
entertain  one  as  to  the  cam])aign  so  far  as  certain  ])erst)ns  are 
interested  in  forwarding  it.  After  appealing  to  the  volunteers, 
he  concluded  with  the  assurance  'that  the  troops  should  l)e  paid 
out  of  the  first  spoils  taken  from  the  enemy.'  This,  in  my  o])in- 
ion,  connected  with  the  extraordinary  powers  granted  him  bv  the 
council,  divests  the  campaign  of  any  character  save  that  of  a 
piratical  or  predatory  war. 

"The  people  of  Texas  have  declared  to  the  wurld  that  tlic  wai- 
in  which  they  are  now  engaged  is  a  war  of  principle,  in  defense 
of  their  civil  and  political  rights.     What  effect  will  the  declara- 


262  lllSrORV  (.)[•■  TKXAS 

tion,  above  referred  to.  have  uii  the  civilized  world — when  they 
learn  that  the  individual  who  made  it  has  since  been  clothed 
with  absolute  powers  by  the  general  council  of  Texas,  and  that, 
because  you  (as  governor  and  commander-in-chief)  refuse  to 
ratifv  their  acts,  thev  have  declared  you  no  longer  governor  of 
Texas.  It  was  stated  by  way  of  inducement  to  the  advance  on 
.Matamoras,  that  the  citizens  of  that  place  were  friendly  to  the 
advance  of  the  troops  of  Texas  upon  that  city .  They,  no  doubt, 
ere  this,  ha\e  J.  \\'.  Fannin's  proclamation  (though  it  was  in 
manuscript),  and.  if  originally  true,  what  will  now  be  their  feel- 
ings towards  men.  who  'are  to  be  paid  out  of  the  first  spoils  taken 
from  the  enemy.'  The  idea  which  must  present  itself  to  the 
enemy,  will  be  if  the  city  is  taken  it  will  be  given  up  to  pillage, 
and  when  the  spoils  are  collected,  a  division  will  take  place.  In 
war.  when  spoil  is  the  object,  friends  and  enemies  share  one 
common  destiny.  This  rule  will  govern  the  citizens  of  Mata- 
moras in  their  conclusions  and  render  their  resistance  desperate. 
.\  city  containing  12.000  inhabitants  will  not  be  taken  by  a  hand- 
ful of  men  who  have  marched  twentv  days  without  breadstuff's 
or  necessary  supplies  for  an  army. 

"If  there  ever  was  a  time  when  Matamoras  could  have  been 
taken  by  a  few  men,  that  time  has  passed  by.  The  people  of  that 
place  are  not  aware  of  the  honorable,  high-minded  men  who  fill 
the  ranks  of  the  Texan  army.  They  will  look  upon  them  as  they 
would  upon  Mexican  mercenaries,  and  resist  them  as  such.  They 
too  will  hear  of  the  impressment  of  the  property  of  the  citizens  of 
Hexar,  as  reported  to  your  Kxcellency  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Xeill. 
when  Doctor  Grant  left  that  place  for  Matamoras  in  command  of 
the  volunteer  army. 

"If  the  troops  advance  on  ^Matamoras  there  ought  to  be  co-op- 
eration by  sea  with  the  land  forces,  or  all  will  be  lost,  and  tlie 
brave  men  who  have  come  to  toil  with  tis  in  our  marches  .iiid 
mingle  in  our  battles  for  liberty,  will  fall  a  sacrifice  to  the  sellish- 
ness  of  some  who  have  individual  purposes  to  answer,  and  whose 
influence  with  the  council  has  been  such  as  to  impose  upon  the 
honest  ])art  of  its  members;  while  others,  who  were  otherwise, 
availed  themselves  of  every  artifice  whicli  thev  could  dexisc  to 
shield  themselves  from  detection. 

"The  evil  is  now  done,  and  I  trust  sincerely  that  the  first  of 
March  may  establish  a  government  ou  some  permanent  founda- 
tion, where  honest  functionaries  will  regard  and  execute  the 
kntjwn  and  established  laws  of  the  cotuitry ,  agreeably  to  theii 
oaths.  If  this  state  of  things  cannot  be  achieved,  the  country 
must  be  lost.  I  feel,  in  the  state  which  I  hold,  that  every  effort 
of  the  coiuicil  has  been  to  mortify  me  individually,  and.  if  possi- 
ble, to  compel  me  to  do  some  act  which  would  enable  them  to 
pursue  the  same  measures  towards  me  which  they  have  illegally 
done  towards  your  Excellency,  and  thereby  remove  another  olista 
de  to  the  accomplishments  of  their  plans.  In  their  attemi)ts  to 
embarrass  mc  they  were  reckless  of  all  prejudice  which  might 
result  to  the  public  service  from  their  lawless  course. 


HISTORY  Ol-    ll-.XAS  263 

"While  tlu'  CDUiicil  \\;is  passing  her  resuhitions  affecling  tiie 
arm)'  of  Texas,  and  transferring  to  J.  W.  Fannin,  Jr.,  and  F.  VV. 
Johnson  the  whole  control  of  the  army  and  resources  of  Texas, 
they  could  order  them  to  be  furnished  with  copies  of  the  several 
rescjlutions  passed  by  that  body,  but  did  not  think  pro])er  to  notify 
the  major-general  of  the  army  of  their  adoption  :  nor  have  the\ 
yet  caused  him  to  be  fiifnished  with  the  acts  of  the  council,  rela- 
tive to  the  army.  True  it  is  they  jiassed  a  resolution  to  that 
effect,  but  it  never  was  complied  with.  Their  object  must  have 
been  to  conceal,  not  to  promulgate  their  acts.  'They  have  loved 
the  darkness  rather  than  light  because  their  deeds  are  evil.' 

"I  do  not  consider  the  council  as  a  constitutional  body  nor 
their  acts  lawful.  They  ha\"e  no  (|Uf>rum  agreeably  to  the  organic 
law,  and  1  am  therefore  compelled  to  regard  all  their  acts  as  void. 
The  body  has  been  composed  of  seventeen  members,  and  I  per- 
ceive the  act  of  'suspension'  passed  against  your  Excellenc)'  was 
by  only  ten  members  present:  the  president  pro  tern,  having  no 
vote,  only  ten  members  remain  when  less  than  twelve  could  not 
form  a  quorum  agreeal)ly  to  the  organic  law.  which  required  two- 
thirds  of  the  whole  body.  I  am  not  prejjared  either  to  violate 
my  duty  or  my  oath,  by  yielding  obedience  to  an  act  manifestly 
unlawful,  as  it  is  in  mv  ii])inioii,  |)rejudicial  to  the  welfare  of  Texas. 

"S.\.M  Houston, 
"Coinmaiider-in-Chicf  of  the  Army." 
The  following  remarks  are  offered  both  in  explanation  and  vindica- 
tion of  the  character  of  Dr.  James  Grant  and  Col.  James  \V.  Fannin, 
Jr..  who  were  arraigned  hv  the  above  most  extraordinary  official  docu- 
ment for  offences  and  crimes  which,  were  they  guilty,  would,  and  should 
stamp  their  names  with  infamy  for  all  time. 

F'irst.   (ieneral    Houston    makes   the   enquiry.    "Then,    who    is    Doctor 
( 'irant  ?"     We  answer,  a  gentleman,  scholar,  patriot,  and  gallant  soldier. 
Second,  "Is  he  not  a  .Scotchman,  who  has  resided  in  Mexico  for  the 
last  ten  years?"     To  this,  we  answer,  if  so,  what  then? 

Third.  "Does  he  not  hold  large  possessions  in  the  interior?"  He, 
with  others,  holds,  as  we  are  informed  and  believe,  a  large  estate  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Parras. 

h'ourth.  "Has  he  ever  taken  the  oath  to  support  the  organic  law?" 
No,  he  with  hundreds  of  others,  who  have  served  Texas  faithfully,  ably. 
have  never  been  required  to  do  so. 

Fifth,  "Is  he  not  deeply  interested  in  the  hundred  league  claims  of 
land  which  hang  like  a  murky  cloud  over  the  people  of  Texas?"  That 
he  w-as  one.  of  many  others,  who  bought  land  of  the  state  of  Coahuila 
and  Texas,  is  matter  of  fact  ;nul  bn^  not.  so  far  as  we  know,  ever  been 
denied  by  him  or  others. 

Sixth,  "Is  he  not  the  man  who  im])ressed  the  ijrojjerty  of  the  ])eople 
of  Bexar?"  To  this,  we  answer,  no.  There  was  neither  the  necessity 
nor  occasion  for  .so  doing.  Whatever  was  taken  for  the  use  of  the 
army  was  authorized,  and  the  proj^ertv  receipted  for. 

Seventh,  "Is  he  not  the  man  that  took  from  Bexar,  without  author- 
ilv,   or   knowled£;e   of   the   "•ovcrnnieiu.   cannon    .-ind   other   nuniitions   of 


264  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

war,  together  with  suppHes  necessary  for  the  troops  at  that  station,  leav- 
ing the  wounded  and  the  sick  destitute  of  needful  comforts?"  To  this 
we  have  only  to  say  that  he  took,  by  authority  of  the  proper  officer,  one 
six-pounder-gun,  and  one  six  or  eight-inch  mortar,  with  suitable  am- 
munition for  the  same.  As  to  supplies  and  comforts,  there  were  none 
to  take,  the  quartermaster's  department  being  as  empty  as  the  treasury 
of  Texas.  The  government  did  the  besf  it  could  under  the  circum- 
stances, and  would  no  doubt  have  furnished  both  necessaries  and  sent 
comforts  as  the  sick  and  wounded  required,  had  it  been  able  to  do  so. 
Hence  the  necessity  of  drawing  on  the  citizens  for  such  supplies  as  were 
absolutely  necessary  and  indispensable,  and  receipt  for  the  same.  Not 
a  thing  was  taken  from  Colonel  Neill  in  the  shape  of  supplies.  He  was 
left  in  possession  of  a  full  proportion  of  what  had  been  surrendered  bv 
the  enemy. 

Eighth,  "Yet  this  is  the  man  whose  outrages  and  oppressions  upon 
the  rights  of  the  people  of  Texas  are  sustained  and  justified  by  the  acts 
and  conduct  of  the  general  council."  In  the  above  answers  and  explana- 
tions, to  the  charges  preferred,  will  be  found  the  sum  and  substance  of 
Doctor  Grant's  oiTending. 

No  man  entered  the  service  of  Texas  more  heartily,  zealously,  or 
from  purer  motives  than  did  Doctor  Grant.  He  not  only  risked  his  life, 
but  offered  it  a  sacrifice  on  the  altar  of  his  country.  To  say  that  he  was 
actuated  in  what  he  did  by  any  other  than  the  purest  motives,  and  for 
the  best  interests  of  his  country,  is  to  falsify  his  record.  Such  charges 
find  no  place,  except  in  the  minds  of  such  as  are  lost  to  all  the  finer 
feeling.s — to  every  sense  of  truth,  right,  and  justice.  To  say  that  "Sev- 
eral members  of  that  body"  (the  council)  "were  aware  that  the  interests 
and  feelings  of  Doctor  Grant  were  opposed  to  the  independence  and  true 
interests  of  the  people  of  Texas,"  is  simply  absurd,  a  distortion  of  truth. 

It  is  painful,  in  thus  vindicating  the  character  and  public  services  of 
a  distinguished  citizen,  to  have  to  call  in  question  that  of  another  who 
has  rendered  his  country  important  service ;  yet,  justice  as  well  as  the 
truth  of  history  requires  it.  While  we  would  be  the  last  to  pluck  a 
single  leaf  from  the  laurels  that  encircle  the  brow  of  General  Houston, 
neither  will  we  allow  to  pass,  unchallenged,  his  imputations  on  the  char- 
acter and  memory  of  Doctor  Grant,  whom  we  knew  well  and  intimately, 
and  who  possessed  in  a  high  degree  all  the  qualities  that  ennoble  the  char- 
acter of  man. 

Without  intending  to  argue,  still  less  defend,  the  scandalous  conduct 
of  the  council  and  of  the  governor ;  yet,  in  defence  of  the  character  of 
another  distinguished  citizen,  patriot,  and  gallant  soldier,  who  sacrificed 
his  life  in  the  cause  of  his  country — Col.  James  W.  Fannin,  Jr.,  we  offer 
the  following  remarks.  This  distinguished  patriot  and  soldier  is  charged 
with  conspiring  to  rob  the  commander-in-chief  of  his  office ;  of  wanting 
to  command  the  army;  of  mutiny,  and  treason.  Sir!  Col.  James  W. 
Fannin,  Jr. — the  gentleman,  patriot,  and  soldier — is  charged  with  these 
high  offenses  and  crimes  bv  Gen.  .Sam  Houston,  in  an  official  report  to 
the  governor. 

Let  us  examine,  calmlv.  dispassionately,  these  grave  charges  and  see 
what  they  rest  upon.     Without  going  into  detail,  it  will  be  sufficient  to 


liisrukv  U1-"  riiXAS  265 

show  that.  Colonel  Fannin,  unlike  (jenerat  Houston,  who  assumes  and 
constitutes  himself  a  court  of  last  resort,  is  willing;,  and  does  recognize 
the  council  and  governor  as  the  government,  and  as  such,  feels  bound 
by  their  orders  and  decrees.  By  virtue  of  an  ordinance,  he  is  consti- 
tuted an  agent  of  the  government  to  do  and  perform  certain  duties.  He 
accepts,  and  fulfills  his  mission  to  the  letter.  If  this  constitutes  mutiny 
or  treason,  is  Colonel  Fannin  guilty.  This  is  the  head  and  front  of  his 
offending,  according  to  General  Houston's  own  showing.  Colonel  Fan- 
nin did  not.  like  General  Houston,  make  himself  a  party  to  the  shameful 
quarrel  between  the  coimcil  and  governor.  He  was  content  to  do  his 
duty,  which  contrasts  strangely  as  well  as  favorably  with  that  of  General 
Houston.  General  Houston  throws  the  whole  weight  of  his  character 
and  position  in  favor  of  Governor  Smith,  and  charges  the  council,  in 
terms  stronger  than  elegant,  with  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors.  His 
argument  is  labored,  and  intended  to  show  that  both  Governor  Smith 
and  himself  derived  their  powers  from  a  higher  source  than  the  council. 
The  sophistry  of  this  argument  is  too  transparent  to  require  any  other 
notice  or  argument. 

The  council,  as  the  law-making  branch  of  the  government,  would 
seem,  from  all  the  admitted  maxims  of  law,  as  well  as  the  maxims  of 
civil  polity,  to  possess  a  power  that  neither  the  governor  nor  commander- 
in-chief  may  rightfully  disregard. 

A  word,  now,  as  to  the  much  talked  of  and  abused  expedition  against 
Matamoras,  which  Houston  has  made  his  text  as  the  prime  cause  of  all 
the  disasters  that  befell  the  country  in  its  struggle  for  independence.  If 
this  be  true,  is  General  Houston  free  from  blame?     We  shall  see. 

In  the  month  of  December,  1835,  by  authority  of  the  governor.  Gen- 
eral Houston  issued  an  order  to  Col.  James  Bowie,  directing  him  to  raise 
a  force  for  the  purpose  of  reducing  Matamoras.  True,  it  was  qualified 
with  buts,  and  ifs,  yet,  it  is  undeniable  that  both  he,  Houston  and  Gov- 
ernor Smith,  favored  such  as  expedition.  Were  it  necessary,  proofs 
could  be  adduced  to  show  that,  even  under  the  direction  of  the  mutinous 
and  traitorous  Fannin,  he  promised  it  his  support. 

As  to  the  charges  against  F.  \\'.  Johnson,  if  any  doubt  still  remains 
in  the  mind  of  any  one,  it  is  only  necessary  for  them  to  turn  to  the 
journals  of  the  council  to  be  convinced  that  they  have  no  foundation  in 
truth. 

In  conclusion  we  have  onlv  td  remark  that,  so  far  as  the  failure  of 
the  expedition  against  Matamoras.  and  the  disasters  that  befell  the  Texan 
army  subsequently,  no  man  contribu'cd  more  to  that  end  than  did  Gen- 
eral Houston.  Not  by  public  orders,  but,  by  misrepresentations  at 
Goliad  and  Refugio  to  the  Bexar  vohmlecrs,  by  which  means  he  divided 
the  volunteers  then  collected  and  collecting  at  Mission  Refugio,  by  stat- 
ing that  the  expedition  was  unauthorized.  In  this  way  he  succeeded  in 
drawing  off  at  least  half  of  the  volunteers  from  Bexar. 

Under  these  circumstances,  after  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Fannin  at  the 
Mission,  it  was  found  that  there  was  not  a  sufficient  force  to  attempt 
the  invasion  of  Mexico.  Hence,  the  expedition  was  abandoned  for  the 
time.  What  was  done  subsequently,  the  reason  for.  and  the  results,  are 
part  and  parcel  of  the  history  of  the  times. 


CHAPTER  XVII I 

THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AND  THE  ESTAB- 
LISHMENT OF  THE  REPUBLIC 

l-'orlunatflv  ihe  council  had  passed  over  the  governor's  veto  on 
December  1.^,  before  the  quarrel  developed,  a  resolution  for  calling  a 
convention.  This  was  to  meet  at  Washington  on  March  1.  and  the  del- 
egates were  to  be  "clothed  with  ample,  unlimited,  or  plenary  powers  as 
to  the  form  of  government  to  be  adopted :  provided,  that  no  constitution 
formed  shall  go  into  efTect  until  the  same  be  submitted  to  the  people  and 
confirmed  by  a  majority  thereof."  Delegates  were  to  be  elected  on 
I'Vbruary  1,  and  representation  was  lo  be  proportioned  roughly  to  popu- 
lation :  the  ordinance  prescribed  four  delegates  each  for  the  municipal- 
ities of  Brazoria,  Washington.  Nacogdoches,  San  Augustine,  and  Bexar ; 
three  each  for  those  of  San  Felipe,  Mina,  and  Liberty  ;  two  eacli  for 
those  of  Gonzales,  Viesca,  Harrisburg,  Jasper,  Matagorda,  Jackson, 
Tenaha.  Jefferson.  Refugio.  Goliad.  San  Patricio.  \'ictoria  and  Pecan 
Point. 

A  sentiment  in  favor  of  independence  rapidly  developed,  and  before 
the  convention  met  it  was  a  foregone  conclusion  that  independence  would 
be  declared.  A  public  meeting  at  San  Augustine  on  December  22 
adopted  a  series  of  well  reasoned  resolutions,  offered  by  Jonas  Harrison, 
urging  such  a  declaration.  On  December  20  ninety-one  volunteers  at 
Goliad  ado])ted  what  is  called  "the  Goliad  declaration  of  independence," 
and  by  January  7,  1836,  Stephen  F.  .\ustin  was  won  to  independence, 
and  was  urging  it  in  letters  from  New  Orleans.  On  Decemtjer  22  he 
had  written  from  Velasco.  on  the  eve  of  his  embarking  for  the  United 
States,  that  he  thought  the  time  was  not  yet  ripe  for  a  declaration  of 
independence : 

"As  to  independence — I  think  it  will  strengthen  the  cause  of 
Texas  to  show  that  we  have  legal  and  equitable  and  just  grounds  to 
declare  independence,  and  under  this  view  I  touched  upon  this  sub- 
ject in  my  communication  to  the  provisional  government  of  the 
thirtieth  ultimo.  But  I  also  think  that  it  will  weaken  Texas,  and 
expose  the  old  settlers  and  men  of  property  in  this  country  to  much 
risk  to  make  such  a  declaration  at  this  time,  and  under  the  present 
circumstances,  for  the  reason  that  it  will  turn  all  parties  in  Mexico 
against  us — bring  back  the  war  to  our  own  doors,  which  is  now 
removed  froni  Texas  by  the  fall  of  Hexar.  and  compel  the  [)eople 
to  seek  aid  at  any  sacrifice — I  do  not  think  it  necessarv  to  run  any 
such  risk,  for  the  natural  current  of  events  will  soon  regulate  every- 
thing. A  large  portion  of  the  Mexicans  are  determined  to  be  free. 
If  they  succeed.  Texas  will  participate  as  a  state  in  conformity  with 
its  declaration  of  seventh  November — if  tliev  fail.  Texas  can  at  any 
time  resort  to  her  natural  rights." 

Hut  in  New  Orleans  Austin  found  public  opinion  strongly  favorable 
to  independence,  and  his  doubts  concerning  the  expediencv  of  a  declara- 
tion disappeared.     To  General  Houston  he  wrote  on  Januarv  7: 

266 


HISTORY  OK  TEXAS  267 

"In  all  our  Texas  affairs,  as  you  are  well  apprised,  1  have  fell 
it  to  be  my  duty  to  be  very  cautious  in  involving  the  pioneers  and 
actual  settlers  of  that  country,  by  any  act  of  mine,  until  I  was  fully 
and  clearly  convinced  of  its  necessity,  and  of  the  capabilities  of  our 
resources  to  sustain  it.  Hence  it  is  that  I  have  been  censured  by 
some  for  being  over  cautious.  Where  the  fate  of  a  whole  petiple 
is  in  question,  it  is  difficult  to  be  over  cautious,  or  to  be  too  prudent. 

"Besides  these  general  considerations,  there  are  others  which 
ought  to  have  weight  with  me  individually.  I  have  been,  either 
directly  or  indirectly,  the  cause  of  drawing  many  families  to  Texas, 
also  the  situation  and  circumstances  in  which  I  have  been  placed 
have  given  considerable  weight  to  my  opinions.  This  has  thrown 
a  iieavy  responsibility  upon  me — so  much  so,  that  1  have  cimsidercd 
it  to  be  my  duty  to  be  prudent,  and  even  to  control  niy  own  impulses 
and  feelings:  these  have  long  been  impatient  under  the  state  of 
things  which  has  existed  in  Texas,  and  in  favour  of  a  speedy  and 
radical  change.  But  I  have  never  approved  of  the  course  of  fore- 
stalling i)ublic  opinion,  by  party  or  partial  meetings  or  by  manage- 
ment of  any  kind.  The  true  cour.se  is  to  lay  facts  before  the  people 
and  let  them  judge  for  themselves.  I  have  endeavoured  to  pursue 
this  course.  A  question  of  vital  importance  is  yet  tn  be  decided  by 
Texas,  which  is  a  declaration  of  Independence. 

"When  I  left  there,  I  was  of  opinion  that  it  was  premature  to  stir 
this  question,  and  that  we  ought  to  be  very  cautious  of  taking  am- 
step  that  would  make  the  Texas  war  purely  a  national  war,  whicii 
would  unite  all  parties  against  us,  instead  of  its  being  a  party  war, 
which  would  secure  to  us  the  aid  of  the  federal  party.  In  this  I 
acted  contrary  to  my  own  impulses :  for  1  wish  to  see  Texas  free 
from  the  trammels  of  religious  intolerance,  and  other  anti-republican 
restrictions ;  and  independent  at  once  ;  and  as  an  individual,  have 
always  been  ready  to  risk  my  all  to  obtain  it ;  but  I  could  not  feel 
justifiable  in  precipitating  and  involving  others  until  I  was  fully 
satisfied  that  they  would  be  sustained. 

".Since  mv  arrival  here,  1  have  received  information  which  has 
satisfied  me  on  this  subject.  I  have  no  doubt  we  can  obtain  all,  and 
even  nuich  more  aid  than  we  need.  T  now  think  the  time  has  come 
for  Texas  to  assert  her  natural  rights ;  and  were  I  in  the  convention 
1  would  urge  an  immediate  Declaration  of  Independence.  I  form 
this  o]iinion  from  the  information  now  before  me.  I  have  not  heard 
of  any  movement  in  the  interior,  by  the  federal  party,  in  favour  of 
Texas,  or  of  the  constitution  ;  on  the  contrarv,  the  information  from 
Mexico  is  that  all  jiarties  are  against  us,  owing  to  what  has  alread\- 
been  said  and  done  in  Texas,  in  favour  of  Independence:  and  tliat 
we  have  nothing  to  expect  from  that  quarter  but  hostility.  I  am 
acting  on  this  information,  if  it  be  true;  and  I  have  no  reason  \n 
doubt  it.  Our  present  position  in  favour  of  the  republican  prin- 
ciples of  the  Constitution  of  1824  can  do  us  no  good;  and  it  is  doing 
us  harm  bv  deterring  those  kinds  of  men  from  joining  us  who  are 
most  useful.  I  know  not  what  information  vou  mav  have  in  Texas 
as  to  movements  of  the  federal  iiartv  in  our  favotu".  nor  what  influ- 


268  HISTORY  OF   JEXAS 

ence  they  ought  to  have  on  the  decision  of  this  question,  this  being 
a  matter  which  the  convention  alone  can  determine.  I  can  only  say, 
that  with  the  information  now  before  me  I  am  in  favour  of  an 
immediate  Declaration  of  Independence. 

"Santa   Anna    was    at    San    Luis    Potosi,    according   to    the    last 
account,  marching  on  rapidly,  with  a  large  force  against  Texas.     We 
must  be  united  and  firm  and  look  well  to  the  month  of  March,  and 
be  ready.     I  shall  try  to  be  at  home  by  that  time." 
This  advice  Austin  continued  to  give  until  the  meeting  of  the  con- 
vention, and  before  it  opposition  to  a  declaration  of  independence  dis- 
appeared. 

On  March  1  the  convention  assembled,  and  organized  by  electing 
Richard  Ellis  president  and  H.  S.  Kimball  secretary.  George  C.  Chil- 
dress moved  the  appointment  of  a  committee  of  five  to  draft  a  declara- 
tion of  independence,  and,  after  an  attempt  by  Martin  Parmer  to  enlarge 
the  committee  by  the  appointment  of  one  member  from  each  munici- 
pality represented  in  the  convention,  the  president  appointed  Childress. 
James  Gaines,  Bailey  Hardeman,  Edward  Conrad,  and  Collin  McKinney. 
This  committee  reported  a  declaration  the  next  day,  March  2,  which 
was  unanimously  adopted.  Five  copies  of  the  declaration  were  ordered 
prepared  for  distribution,  at  Bexar,  Goliad,  Nacogdoches,  Brazoria,  and 
San  Felipe;  and  as  soon  as  possible  1.000  copies  were  to  be  printed  at 
San  Felipe  and  distributed  in  handbill  form.  In  style  the  declaration 
was  modeled  after  the  American  declaration  of  1776,  beginning  with  a 
philo.sophical  statement  of  the  nature  of  government,  then  passing  to  an 
enumeration  of  the  causes  of  the  declaration,  and  closing  with  the  solemn 
declaration  of  the  severance  of  all  connection  with  Mexico. 

The  Unanimous  Declaration  of  Independence  Made  by  the  Dele- 
gates OF  THE  People  of  Texas  in  General  Convention  .\t  the 
Town  of  Washington  on  the  2d  Day  of  March.  1836. 

When  a  government  has  ceased  to  protect  the  lives,  liberty  and  prop- 
erty of  the  people,  from  whom  its  legitimate  powers  are  derived,  and 
for  the  advancement  of  whose  happiness  it  was  instituted,  and.  so  far 
from  being  a  guarantee  for  the  enjoyment  of  those  inestimable  and  in- 
alienable rights,  becomes  an  instrument  in  the  hands  of  evil  rulers  for 
their  oppression :  When  the  Federal  Re]niblican  Constitution  of  their 
country,  which  they  have  sworn  to  support,  no  longer  has  a  substantial 
existence,  and  the  whole  nature  of  their  government  has  been  forcibly 
changed,  without  their  consent,  from  a  restricted  federated  republic,  com- 
posed of  sovereign  .states,  to  a  consolidated,  central,  military  despotism, 
in  which  every  interest  is  disregarded  but  that  of  the  army  and  the 
priesthood — both  the  eternal  enemies  of  civil  liberty,  the  ever-ready 
minions  of  j)ower,  and  the  usual  instruments  of  tyrants:  When  long  after 
the  spirit  of  the  constitution  has  departed,  moderation  is,  at  length,  so  far 
lost  by  those  in  power  that  even  the  semblance  of  freedom  is  removed,  and 
the  forms,  themselves,  of  the  constitution  discontinued;  and  so  far  from 
their  petitions  and  remonstrances  being  regarded  the  agents  who  bear 
them  are  thrown  into  dungeons ;  and  mercenary  armies  sent  forth  to  force 
a  new  government  ujion  them   at  the  point  of  the  bayonet :     \\'hen   in 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  269 

consequence  of  such  acts  of  malfeasance  and  abdication,  on  the  part  of 
the  government,  anarchy  prevails  and  civil  society  is  dissolved  into  its 
original  elements.  In  such  a  crisis,  the  first  law  of  nature,  the  right  of 
self-preservation — the  inherent  and  inalienable  right  of  the  people  to 
appeal  to  first  principles  and  take  their  political  affairs  into  their  own 
hands  in  extreme  cases — enjoins  it  as  a  right  towards  themselves  and  a 
sacred  obligation  to  their  posterity  to  abolish  such  government  and  create 
another,  in  its  stead,  calculated  to  rescue  them  from  impending  dangers, 
and  to  secure  their  future  welfare  and  happiness. 

Nations,  as  well  as  individuals,  are  amenable  for  their  acts  to  the 
public  opinion  of  mankind.  A  statement  of  a  part  of  our  grievances  is, 
therefore,  submitted  to  an  impartial  world,  in  justification  of  the  haz- 
ardous but  unavoidable  step  now  taken  of  severing  our  political  con- 
nection with  the  Mexican  people,  and  assuming  an  independent  attitude 
among  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

The  Mexican  government,  by  its  colonization  laws  invited  and  induced 
the  Anglo-American  population  of  Texas  to  colonize  its  wilderness 
under  the  pledged  faith  of  a  written  constitution  that  they  should  con- 
tinue to  enjoy  that  constitutional  liberty  and  republican  government  to 
which  they  had  been  habituated  in  the  land  of  their  birth,  the  United 
States  of  America.  In  this  expectation  they  have  been  cruelly  disap- 
jjointed,  inasmuch  as  the  Mexican  nation  has  acquiesced  in  the  late  changes 
made  in  the  government  by  General  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna,  who, 
having  overturned  the  constitution  of  his  country,  now  offers  us  the 
cruel  alternative  either  to  abandon  our  homes,  acquired  by  so  many  pri- 
vations, or  submit  to  the  most  intolerable  of  all  tyranny,  the  combined 
despotism  of  the  sword  and  the  priesthood. 

It  has  sacrificed  our  welfare  to  the  state  of  Coahuila,  by  which  our 
interests  have  been  continually  depressed  through  a  jealous  and  partial 
course  of  legislation  carried  on  at  a  far  distant  seat  of  government,  by 
a  hostile  majority,  in  an  unknown  tongue  :  and  this  too,  notwithstanding 
we  have  petitioned  in  the  humblest  terms,  for  the  establishment  of  a 
separate  state  government,  and  have,  in  accordance  with  the  provisions 
of  the  national  constitution,  presented  to  the  general  Congress  a  repub- 
lican constitution  which  was,  without  just  cause  contemptuously  rejected. 

It  incarcerated  in  a  dungeon,  for  a  long  time,  one  of  our  citizens, 
for  no  other  cause  but  a  zealous  endeavor  to  procure  the  accejitance  of 
our  constitution  and  the  establishment  of  a  state  government. 

It  has  failed,  and  refused  to  secure,  on  a  firm  basis,  the  right  of  trial 
hv  jury,  that  palladium  of  civil  liberty,  and  only  safe  guarantee  for  the 
life,  liberty,  and  projierty  fif  the  citizen. 

It  has  failed  to  establish  any  ])ublic  system  of  education,  although 
possessed  of  almost  boundless  resources  (the  i)ublic  domain)  and,  al- 
though, it  is  an  axiom,  in  political  science,  that  unless  a  people  are  edu- 
cated and  enlightened  it  is  idle  to  expect  the  continuance  of  civil  liberty, 
or  the  capacity  for  self-government. 

It  has  suffered  the  military  commandants  stationed  among  us  to  exer- 
ci.se  arbitrary  acts  of  oppression  and  tyrannv  :  thus  trampling  upon  the 
most  sacred  rights  of  the  citizen  and  rendering  the  military  superior  to 
the  civil  power. 


270  iIIS^()l^:^■  of  texas 

ll  has  dissolved  by  force  of  arms,  the  State  Congress  of  Coaliuila 
and  Texas,  and  obliged  our  representatives  to  fly  for  their  lives  from 
the  seat  of  government :  thus  depriving  us  of  the  fundamental  political 
right  of  representation. 

It  has  demanded  the  surrender  of  a  number  of  our  citizens,  and 
ordered  military  detachments  to  seize  and  carry  them  into  the  interior 
for  trial ;  in  contempt  of  the  civil  authorities,  and  in  defiance  of  the  laws 
and  the  constitution. 

It  has  made  piratical  attacks  upon  our  commerce,  by  commissioning 
foreign  desperadoes,  and  authorizing  theiu  to  seize  our  vessels,  and  con- 
vey the  property  of  our  citizens  to  far  distant  ports  for  confiscation. 

It  denies  us  the  right  of  worshipping  the  Almightv  according  to  ihc 
dictates  of  our  own  conscience  :  by  the  support  of  a  national  religion 
calculated  to  jiromote  the  temporal  interests  of  its  human  functionaries 
rather  than  the  glory  of  the  true  and  living  God. 

It  has  demanded  us  to  deliver  up  our  arms,  which  are  essential  to 
our  defense,  the  rightful  property  of  freemen,  and  formidable  only  to 
tyrannical  governments. 

It  has  invaded  our  country,  both  by  sea  and  by  land,  with  intent  to 
lay  waste  our  territory  and  drive  us  from  our  homes ;  and  has  now  a 
large  mercenary  army  advancing  to  carry  on  against  us  a  war  of  exter- 
mination. 

It  has,  through  its  emissaries,  incited  the  merciless  savage,  with 
the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife,  to  massacre  the  inhabitants  of  our 
defenseless  frontiers. 

It  hath  been,  during  the  whole  time  of  our  connection  with  it,  the 
contemijtible  sport  and  victim  of  successive  military  revolutions,  and 
hath  continually  exhibited  every  characteristic  of  a  weak,  corru])t,  and 
tyrannical  government. 

These,  and  other  grievances,  were  patiently  borne  by  the  people  of 
Texas  until  they  reached  that  point  at  which  forbearance  ceased  to  be 
a  virtue.  \\'e  then  took  up  arms  in  defence  of  the  national  constitution. 
We  appealed  to  our  Mexican  brethren  for  assistance.  Our  appeal  has 
been  made  in  vain.  Though  months  have  elapsed,  no  sympathetic  re- 
sponse has  \et  been  heard  from  the  Interior.  'VA'e  are,  therefore,  forced 
to  the  melancholv  conclusion  that  the  Mexican  people  have  ac(iuiesced 
in  the  destruction  of  their  liberty,  and  the  substitution  therefor  of  a 
military  government- — that  they  are  unfit  to  be  free  and  are  incapable 
of  self-government. 

The  necessity  of  self-preservation,  therefore,  now  decrees  our  eter- 
nal political  separation. 

We,  therefore,  the  delegates,  with  plenarv  powers,  of  the  jieople  of 
Texas,  in  solemn  convention  assembled.  a])pealing  to  a  candid  world  for 
the  necessities  of  our  condition,  do  herebv  resolve  and  declare  that  our 
political  connection  with  the  Mexican  nation  has  forever  ended ;  and 
that  the  peo{)le  of  Texas  do  now  constitute  a  free  sovereign  and  inde- 
pendent republic,  and  arc  fully  invested  with  all  the  rights  and  attri- 
butes which  properly  belong  to  independent  nations ;'  and.  conscious  of 
the  rectitude  of  our  intentions,  we  fearlesslv  and  confidently  commit  the 
issue  to  the  decision  of  the  Sujireme  .\rbiter  of  the  destinies  of  nations. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  271 

Meiiihers  of  the  convention  not  jjrescnt  wlit-n  tlii'  dfclaraiion  was 
|)as>i'(l  wi-re  allowed  to  sijjn  it.  and  the  original  declaration  now  ])re- 
M-rved  in  the  State's  Archives  bears  tifty-eight  signatures.  They  are: 
Richard  Ellis,  Charles  P).  Stewart,  Thomas  Barnett,  James  Collinsworth, 
ICdwin  Waller,  John  S.  D.  Byrom,  Francisco  Ruiz.  J.  .\ntonio  Navarro. 
Jesse  B.  Badgett.  W'm.  P..  Lacey.  William  Menetee.  John  P'isher.  Mathew 
Caldwell,  William  Mottley,  Lorenzo  de  Zavala.  Stephen  H.  l-.verett. 
(leorge  \\'.  Snivth,  Elijah  .Sta]))),  Claiborne  West,  William  B.  Scates. 
.M.  X.  Menard. "a.  B.  Hardin.  J.  W  .  Burton.  Thomas  J.  Gazley.  R.  M. 
(  oleman.  .Sterling  C.  Robertson,  (ieorge  C.  Childress,  Bailey  Hardeman. 
Robert  Potter.  Thomas  Jefferson  Rusk.  Charles  S.  Taylor,  John  S 
Roberts,  Robert  Hamilton.  Collin  McKinney.  Albert  H.  Latimer,  James 
Power,  Sam  Houston.  David  Thomas,  T^dward  Conrad,  ISLirtin  Parmer. 
Edwin  ().  LeGrand.  .Stephen  W.  Blount.  James  (laines.  W'illiam  Clark. 
Jr..  .Sydney  S.  Pennington.  William  Carrol  Craw-ford.  John  Turner. 
Benjamin  Brigg.s  Goodrich.  G.  W.  Barnett,  Jesse  Grimes.  S.  Rhoad~ 
I-'isher.  John  W.  Moore.  John  \\'.  Bower,  .Samuel  A.  Maverick.  .Sam  I' 
Carson.  .\.   Briscoe.  James  B.  \^'oods. 

On  ^Larch  2.  before  the  vote  was  taken  on  the  declaration,  the  presi- 
dent had  alreadv  appointed  a  committee  consisting  of  one  delegate  from 
each  municipality  re|)resented  in  the  convention  to  draft  a  constitution. 
This  included  Mes^r,--.  Parmer.  Potter.  Stewart.  W'aller.  Grimes.  Cole- 
man. F'isher.  Burton,  ( laine.--.  Zav;ila.  l-'.verett.  Hardeman,  .Stapp.  Craw- 
ford. West,  F'ower,  Xavarro.  McKinne\ .  Menefee.  Mottley.  and  Menard. 
The  next  dav  Messrs.  Houston.  Hamilton.  Collinsworth,  and  Thomas 
were  added  to  the  committee. 

While  the  committee  was  preparing  its  report  the  convention  dis- 
|io>ed  of  several  important  measures.  On  the  3d  it  ado])ted  resolutions 
closing  the  land  offices  and  forbidding  commissioners  to  issue  titles,  ami 
.luthorizcd  the  enlistment  of  a  regiment  of  rangers.  On  the  4th  it  elected 
( leneral  Houston  "commander-in-chief  of  all  the  land  forces  of  the 
Texan  army,  both  regulars,  volunteers  and  militia,  while  in  actual  .serv- 
ice:"  and  he  was  to  retain  this  office  "until  the  election  of  a  chief  magis- 
trate of  this  government  *  *  *  subject,  however,  to  the  federal 
orders  of  the  government  dc  facto  *  *  *  ^nd  always  amenable  to 
the  laws  and  civil  authorities  of  the  countr\ ."  On  the  6tli  General 
Houston  addressed  the  convention  in  explanation  of  his  "former  course 
as  commander-in-chief"  and  departed  for  the  army.  On  the  7th  the  con- 
vention passed  a  law  declaring  all  male  inhabitants  of  Texas  between  the 
ages  of  seventeen  and  f\ix\  subject  to  militia  duty,  and  providing  for  the 
immediate  organization  nf  a  militi;i  forct'.  And  on  .March  14th  it  in- 
creased the  land  bimniic>  allowed  to  volunteers:  to  those  who  served 
throughout  the  war  should  be  gi\eii  1.280  acre^ :  and  corresponding 
amounts  were  to  be  allowed  tho>e  who  served  for  shorter  terms. 

The  committee  on  the  constitution  jjresented  its  report  on  the  yth. 
and  from  that  time  the  convention  occupied  itself  almost  exclusively 
with  the  constitution.  .\s  finally  com[)lcted,  this  first  constitution  of 
the  Republic  of  Texas  was  yerv  much  like  the  constitution  of  the  l^iiterl 
States. 


272  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

The  legislature  or  Congress  consisted  of  two  houses — the  house  of 
representatives  and  the  senate.  Representatives  were  elected  for  one 
year ;  senators  for  three  years,  one-third  retiring  annually.  The  House 
was  to  consist  of  not  less  than  twenty-four  nor  more  than  forty  mem- 
bers until  the  population  of  the  republic  reached  one  hundred  thousand : 
then  it  might  be  increased  to  not  less  than  forty  nor  more  than  one  hun- 
dred. But  each  county  was  to  have  at  least  one  representative.  The 
senate  was  to  consist  of  not  less  than  one-third  nor  more  than  one-half 
the  number  of  representatives.  The  powers  of  the  legislature  were  almost 
identical  with  those  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States :  "to  levy  and 
collect  taxes  and  imports,  excise  and  tonnage  duties ;  to  borrow  money 
on  the  faith,  credit  and  property  of  the  government,  to  pay  debts  and  to 
provide  for  the  common  defense  and  general  welfare  of  the  republic  ;" 
to  regulate  commerce  and  coin  money ;  to  establish  postoffices  and  post 
roads ;  to  declare  war,  maintain  an  army  and  navy ;  and  "To  make  all  laws 
which  shall  be  deemed  necessary  and  proper  to  carry  into  effect  the  fore- 
going express  grants  of  power."  One  of  the  duties  of  the  congress  was. 
"as  soon  as  circumstances  will  permit  to  provide  by  law  a  general  system 
of  education." 

The  president  and  vice-president  were  elected  by  direct  vote  of  the 
people,  and  ties  were  to  be  settled  by  the  house  of  representatives  voting 
ini'a  voce.  The  first  president  was  to  hold  office  two  years  and  was  in- 
eligible for  re-election  until  one  term  had  intervened.  Succeeding  presi- 
dents held  office  for  three  years,  but  were  subject  to  the  same  limitation  as 
to  immediate  re-election.  The  powers  of  the  president  were  those  in 
general  that  were  enjoyed  by  the  president  of  the  United  States. 

The  judiciary  department  consisted  of  a  supreme  court  and  such 
district  courts — not  less  than  three  nor  more  than  eight — as  congress 
should  determine.  The  supreme  court  consisted  of  the  chief  justice 
acting  with  the  district  judges,  a  majority  of  whom  formed  a  quorum. 
As  soon  as  practicable  congress  was  to  introduce  by  statute  the  English 
common  law  in  place  of  the  existing  Spanish-Roman  law,  making  such 
modifications  in  the  common  law  as  seemed  desirable. 

Slavery  was  recognized.  Congress  was  denied  the  power  to  emanci- 
pate slaves :  nor  could  an  owner  liberate  his  slaves  without  the  consent 
of  congress,  unless  he  sent  them  out  of  the  country.  No  free  negroes 
might  reside  in  the  republic  without  the  consent  of  congress.  Congress 
could  pass  no  laws  prohibiting  the  immigration  of  slaves  with  their  masters 
from  the  United  States :  but  importation  of  slaves  except  from  the 
United  States  was  declared  piracy. 

Fraudulent  grants  of  land  made  by  the  congress  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas  were  declared  null,  and  to  clear  up  the  existing  confusion  in  the 
land  titles  congress  was  enjoined  to  establish  a  general  land  office. 

The  members  of  the  convention  labored  in  the  midst  of  confusion 
and  under  great  personal  excitement  and  alarm,  but  this  is  not  reflected 
in  the  constitution,  which  was  ratified  almost  unanimously  by  those 
who  voted  in  September.  1836,  and  which  served  the  Republic  of  Texas 
until  its  annexation  to  the  United  States  in  1846.  Santa  Anna's  forces 
were  advancing  in  overwhelming  numbers.  Johnson  and  Grant's  divi- 
sions were  destroyed,  as  we  shall  learn  below  :  Travis's  powerful  appeals 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  21^ 

from  the  Alamo  for  reinforcements  were  wringing  every  heart;  and  on 
the  16th  came  the  news  that  General  Houston  was  retreating  from 
Gonzales  and  that  the  Mexicans  were  advancing  into  the  colonies.  The 
strain  under  which  the  members  labored  is  shown  by  a  letter  of  the  6th 
from  Martin  Parmer  to  his  wife  at  Nacogdoches: 

"We    have    alarming    news    continually    from    the    west ;    Frank 
Johnson's  division  is  all  killed  but  five,  it  is  supposed.     He  saw  two 
shot  begging  for  quarters.   Dr.  Grant  with  a  company  of  men  is  sup- 
posed to  be  all  slain.     Travis'  last  express  states  San  Antonio  was 
strongly  besieged ;   it   is  much   feared  that  Travis   and  company  is 
all  massacred,   as  dispatches   from  that  place  have  been  due  three 
days  and   none  have  arrived  yet.     The   frontiers  are  breaking  up. 
Gonzales  must  be  sacked,  and  its  inhabitants  murdered  and  defiled 
without  they  get  immediate  aid.     The   last  accounts  the   Mexicans 
were  to  a  considerable  number  between  Gonzales  and  San  Antonio. 
Fanning  is  at  La  Bahia  with  about  500  men,  and  is  in  daily  expecta- 
tion of  a  visit  from  Santa  Anna.     Texas  has  been  declared  free  and 
independent,  but  unless  we  have  a  general  turn  out  and  every  man 
lay  his  helping  hands  to,  we  are  lost.    Santa  Anna  and  his  vassals  are 
now  on  the  borders,  and  the  declaration  of  our  freedom,  unless  it  is 
sealed  with  blood,  is  of  no  force.     *     *     *     Travis  closes  his  last 
expresses  with  these  words,  "Help,  O  my  country'." 
Before    adjournment    the    convention    realizing    the    impossibility    of 
holding  elections  to  ratify  the  constitution  and  choose  officers,  passed  an 
ordinance  creating  a  government  ad  interim.     This  was  to  consist  of  a 
president,  vice-president,  secretaries  of  state,  war,  and  treasury,  and  an 
attorney  general — all  to  be  elected  by  the  convention  by  majority  vote — 
and  to  have  "full,  ample  and  plenary  powers  to  do  all  and  everything 
which  is  contemplated  to  be  done  by  the  General  Congress  of  the  people, 
under  the  powers  granted  to  them  by  the  constitution,  saving  and  except- 
ing  all   legislative   and   judicial   acts."     Specifically    the    government   ad 
interim  had  authority  to  appoint  all  officers,  to  negotiate   a  loan   of   a 
million  dollars,  to  appropriate  money  for  the  defense  of  the  country,  and 
to  negotiate  treaties  with  foreign  powers.    The  closing  hours  of  the  con- 
vention are  thus  described  by  David  G.  Burnet,  who  had  just  been  elected 
president  ad  interim  and  who  was  present : 

"On  the  evening  of  the  16th  of  March  a  messenger  arrived  from 
the  west,  bearing  the  melancholy  intelligence  that  the  Alamo  had 
fallen,  and  all  within  it  been  massacred.  The  Convention  assembled 
forthwith,  and  with  some  few  symptoms  of  undue  excitement,  pro- 
reeded  to  the  institution  of  an  executive  government  for  the  embryo 
republic.  David  G.  Burnet  was  elected  President ;  Lorenzo  de  Zavala, 
a  distinguished  Mexican,  was  elected  Vice-President ;  Col.  Samuel 
P.  Carson,  formerly  of  North  Carolina.  Secretary  of  State ;  Bailey 
Hardeman.  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ;  Col.  Thomas  J-  Rusk.  Secre- 
tary of  War;  Robert  Potter,  Secretary  of  the  Navy;  and  David 
Thomas,  Attorney-General. 

"The  inauguration  of  the  new  government  was  completed  about 
two  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  17th  March,  the  Convention  havintj 
been  in  session  all  the  night.     Mr.  Burnet  delivered  a  pertinent  ad- 

vor,.  1—18 


274  HlSTOm"  OI'  TEXAS 

dress  of  some  length,  and  on  the  ensuing  day  issued  a  proclamation 
from  which  we  extract  the  following :  "The  government  will  remove 
to  Harrisburg ;  but  that  removal  is  not  the  result  of  any  apprehension 
that  the  enemy  is  near  us.  It  was  resolved  upon  as  a  measure  con- 
ducive to  the  common  good,  before  any  such  report  was  in  circula- 
tion, and  it  has  not  been  expedited  by  such  report.  *  *  *  Let  us 
acquit  ourselves  like  men :  gird  up  the  loins  of  our  minds,  and  by 
one  united,  prompt,  and  energetic  exertion,  turn  back  this  impotent 
invader ;  and  planting  our  standard  on  the  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
dictate  to  him  the  terms  of  mutual  recognition.'  Both  these  docu- 
ments were  published  at  San  Felipe,  in  fugitive  handbills,  a  very  few 
of  which  are  now  extant." 


CHAPTER  XIX 

THE  FALL  OF  THE  ALAMO 

When  Johnson  and  Grant  determined  to  undertake  the  expedition 
af^ainst  Matamoras.  (jrant,  as  we  saw,  marched  to  San  Patricio  with 
most  of  the  vokmteers  who  had  shared  in  the  capture  of  San  Antonio, 
while  Johnson  went  to  San  F'ehpe  to  obtain  the  authorization  of  the 
government  for  the  expedition.  Lieutenant-Colonel  J.  C.  Neill  was  left 
in  command  of  the  garrison  at  San  Antonio,  and  soon  found  himself  in 
an  unpleasant  predicament,  shown  in  his  letter  given  in  a  previous  chapter. 
On  January  14.  Colonel  Neill  wrote  General  Houston  additional  detail-- 
(It  his  situation.  His  men  had  been  in  the  field,  he  said,  nearly  four 
months  and  were  nearly  naked :  they  had  not  yet  received  their  first 
month's  pay.  though  it  was  expected  the  da>  that  he  wrote,  and  many 
<if  the  men  were  talking  of  going  home. 

"Not  less  than  twenty  men  will  leave  to-morrow,  and  leave  here 

only  about  eighty  efficient  men  under  my  command.     There  are  at 

Laredo  now   .^.000   men   under   the  command  of   General    Ramirez. 

and  two  other  generals,   and,  as  it   appears   from   a  letter   received 

here  last  night.   1.000  of  them  are  destined  for  this  place,  and  two 

thousand  for  Matamoras.     We  are  in  a  torpid,  defenseless  condition. 

and  have  not  and  cannot  get  from  all  the  citizens  here  horses  enough 

to  .send  out  a  patrol  or  spy  company.     *     *     *     [  hope  we  will  be 

reinforced  in  eighty  days,  or  we  will  be  overrun  by  the  enemy,  but, 

if  I  have  only  100  men.  T  will  fight  1,000  as  long  as  T  can  and  then 

not  .surrender.*     *     *" 

These  two  letters  had  impi^irtani  results.    Governor  Smith  was  alread\- 

thoroughly  angry  over  the  Council's  determination  to  push  the  expedition 

•igainst  Matamoras.  and  Neill's  letter,  showing  the  defenseless  condition 

of  the  post  at  .San  Antonio,  "caused  him  to  lose  control  of  himself  and 

send  in  his  bitter  message  of  January  11  denouncing  certain  members  of 

the  Council  as  scoundrels  and  parricides.    And  this  message  as  we  have 

seen,  precii)itated  the  quarrel  between  the  governor  and  the  Council,  which 

paralyzed  the  government  until  the  meeting  of  the  convention.     .\t   the 

same  time,  however,  he  ordered  Colonel  Travis  to  the  relief  of  Neill  with 

a  hundred  men.     General  Houston  replied  to  Neill's  letter  on  the  U)th  b\ 

sending  James  Bowie  from  Goliad  witli  a  handful  of  men,  while  lie  took 

steps  to  forward  additional  reinforcements  under  Captain  Dimit. 

Bowie  reached  .San  .Xntonio  without  delay,  and  on   February  2  wrote 
Governor  Smith,  calling  for  additional  reinforcements: 

"Relief  at  this  post  in  men.  money  and  provision  is  of  vital  im- 
portance. The  salvation  of  Texas  depends  on  keeping  Bexar  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  enemy.  *  *  *  Colonel  Neill  and  myself  have 
come  to  the  same  conclusion,  that  we  will  rather  die  in  these  ditches 
than  give  up  to  the  enemy.  These  citizens  deserve  our  patriotism, 
and  the  public  safety  demands  our  lives  rather  than  evacuate  this  post 
to  the  enemv.  Again  we  call  aloud  for  relief.  *  *  *  Our  force 
is  very  -imall.     Thi-  returns  this  da\-  show   onl\    120  nirn  .iiul  officers. 

27.S  ' 


276  HISTORY  UF  TEXAS 

It  would  be  a  waste  of  men  to  put  our  brave  little  band  against  thou- 
sands. I  have  information  just  now  from  a  friend  that  the  force  at 
Presidio  is  2,000  complete.  He  states  further  that  5,000  more  are  a 
little  back  and  marching  on.  The  informant  says  that  they  intend 
to  make  a  descent  on  this  place  in  particular,  and  there  is  no  doubt 
of  it." 
Travis's  niuvements  can  be  shown  by  his  letters  to  Governor  Smith. 
On  January  28  he  wrote  from  Burnham's  on  the  Colorado : 

"Sir  :  In  obedience  to  my  orders  1  have  done  everything  in  my 
power  to  get  ready  to  march  to  the  relief  of  Bexar,  but  owing  to  the 
difficulty  of  getting  horses  and  provisions,  and  owing  to  desertions, 
etc.  I  shall  march  to-day  with  only  about  thirty  men,  all  regulars, 
except  four.  I  shall  however  go  on  and  do  my  duty,  if  I  am  sacri- 
ticed,  unless  I  receive  new  orders  to  countermarch.  Our  affairs  are 
gloomy  indeed — The  people  are  cold  and  indifferent — They  are  worn 
down  and  exhausted  with  the  war,  and  in  consequence  of  dissentions 
between  contending  and  rival  chieftains,  they  have  lost  all  confidence 
in  their  own  government  and  officers.  You  have  no  idea  of  the  ex- 
hausted state  of  the  country — Volunteers  can  no  longer  be  had  or 
relied  upon — A  speedy  organization,  classification  and  draft  of  the 
Militia  is  all  that  can  save  us  now,  .\  regular  army  is  necessary — 
but  money,  and  money  alone  can  raise  and  equip  a  regular  army — 
Money  must  be  raised  or  Texas  is  gone  to  ruin.  Without  it  war 
cannot  again  be  carried  on  in  Te.xas — The  patriotism  of  a  few  has 
done  much ;  but  that  is  becoming  worn  down — I  have  strained  every 
nerve — I  have  used  my  personal  credit  and  have  neither  slept  day 
nor  night  since  I  rec'd  orders  to  march — and  with  all  this  exertion 
I  have  hardly  been  able  to  get  horses  and  equipments  for  the  few  men 
I  have.  *  *  * 
The  next  day.  January  29.  Travis  wrote  from  Burnham's: 

"Sir  :  I  have  been  here  with  the  troops  under  Captain  Forsythe. 
but  .shall  await  your  orders  at  Gonzales,  or  some  other  point  on  the 
road.  I  shall,  however,  keep  the  thirty  men  of  Forsythe's  company  in 
motion  towards  Bexar,  so  that  they  may  arrive  there  as  soon  as 
possible. 

"Not  having  been  able  to  raise  100  volunteers  agreeable  to  your 
orders,  and  there  being  so  few  regular  troops  together,  I  must  beg 
that  your  Excellency  will  recall  the  order  for  me  to  go  to  Bexar  in 
command  of  so  few  men.  I  am  willing,  nav  anxious,  to  go  to  the 
defense  of  Bexar,  but.  sir,  T  am  unwilling  to  risk  my  reputation 
(  which  is  ever  dear  to  a  soldier)  by  going  off  into  the  enemv's 
coimtry  with  such  little  means,  so  few  men,  and  with  them  so  badly 
equipped.  In  fact,  there  is  no  necessity  for  mv  services  to  command 
these  few  men.    The  companv  officers  will  be  amplv  sufficient. 

"If  the  Executive  or  the  Major  General  desire  or  order  it,  I  will 
visit  the  post  of  San  Antonio  or  any  other  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
sulting or  communicating  with  the  officers  in  command  there — or  to 
execute  any  commission  I  may  be  entrusted  with,  but  I  do  not  feel 
disposed  to  go  to  command  a  squad  of  men,  and  without  the  means 
of  carrying  on  a  campaign.     Therefore  T  hope  votir  Excellencv  will 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  277 

take  my  situation  into  consideration,  and  relieve  me  from  the  orders 
which  1  have  heretofore  received,  so  far  as  they  compel  me  to  com- 
mand in  person  the  men  who  are  now  on  their  way  to  Bexar — Other- 
wise 1  shall  feel  it  due  to  myself  to  resign  my  commission. 

"I  would  remark  that  1  can  be  more  useful  at  present,  in  superin- 
tending the  recruiting  service.     *     *     *" 
On  February  12  Travis  wrote  Governor  Smith  from  San  Antonio : 

"Sir:  Santa  Anna  by  the  last  accounts  was  at  SaUillo  with  a 
force  of  2,500  men  and  Gen.  Ramirez  Sesma  was  at  the  Rio  Grande 
with  about  2,000.  He  has  issued  his  proclamation  denouncing  ven- 
geance against  the  people  of  Texas,  and  threatens  to  exterminate 
every  white  man  within  its  limits.  This,  being  the  frontier  post,  will 
be  the  tirst  attacked.  We  are  illy  prepared  for  their  reception,  as 
we  have  not  more  than  150  men  here  and  they  in  a  very  disorganized 
state.  Yet  we  are  determined  to  sustain  it  as  long  as  there  is  a  man 
left,  because  we  consider  death  preferable  to  disgrace,  which  would 
be  the  result  of  giving  up  a  post  so  dearly  won,  and  thus  opening 
the  door  for  the  invaders  to  enter  the  sacred  territory  of  the  colonies. 
We  hope  our  countrymen  will  open  their  eyes  to  the  present  danger, 
and  awake  from  their  false  security.  I  hope  that  all  party  dissensions 
will  subside,  that  our  fellow-citizens  will  unite  in  the  common  cause 
and  fly  to  the  defense  of  the  frontier. 

"I  fear  that  it  is  useless  to  waste  arguments  upon  them — The 
thunder  of  the  enemy's  cannon  and  the  pollution  of  their  wij'es  and 
daughters — The  cries  of  their  famished  children  and  the  smoke  of 
their  burning  d'u'cllings,  Ti'///  only  arouse  them.  I  regret  that  the 
Government  has  so  long  neglected  a  draft  of  the  militia  which  is  the 
only  measure  that  will  ever  bring  the  citizens  of  Texas  to  the  fron- 
tiers— For  God's  sake  and  for  the  sake  of  our  country,  send  us  rein- 
forcements. I  hope  you  will  send  to  this  post  at  least  two  companies 
of  regular  troops. 

"In  consequence  of  the  sickness  of  his  family.  Lieutenant-colonel 
Neill  has  left  this  post  to  visit  home  for  a  short  time,  and  has  re- 
quested me  to  take  command  of  the  post. 

"The  troops  here,  to  a  man,  recognize  you  as  their  legitimate 
Governor,  and  they  expect  your  fatherly  care  and  protection.  In 
conclusion,  let  me  assure  your  Excellency  that  with  200  men  I  believe 
this  place  can  be  maintained,  and  I  hope  they  will  be  sent  as  soon  as 
possible.  Yet,  should  we  receive  no  reinforcements,  I  am  determined 
to  fight  to  the  last,  and  slmuld  Bexar  fall,  your  friend  will  be  buried 
beneath  its  ruins." 
The  next  day.  February   1,^,  Travis  wrote: 

"Dear  Sir  :  T  wrote  you  an  official  letter  last  night  as  Command- 
ant of  this  post  in  the  absence  of  Colonel  Neill,  and  if  you  had  taken 
the  trouble  to  answer  my  letter  from  Burnham's,  I  should  not  have 
been  under  the  necessity  of  troubling  vou.  My  situation  is  truly 
awkward  and  delicate.  Colonel  Neill  left  me  in  command,  but  wish- 
ing to  give  satisfaction  to  the  volunteers  here  and  not  wishing  to 
assume  any  command  over  them,  I  issued  an  order  for  the  election  of 
an  officer  to  command  them,  with  the  exception  of  one  company  of 


278  HISTORY  OT  TEXAS 

voluIUL■er^  iliat  had  prcviousl)  engaged  to  serve  under  me.  Bowie 
was  elected  by  two  small  companies.  *  *  *  j  hope  you  will  order 
immediately  some  regular  troops  here,  as  it  is  more  important  to 
occupy  this  post  than  I  imagined  when  I  last  saw  you.  It  is  the 
key  of  Texas  from  the  interior.  Without  a  footing  here,  the  enemy 
can  do  nothing  against  us  in  the  colonies,  now  that  our  coast  is 
guarded  by  armed  vessels.  1  do  not  solicit  the  command  of  this  post, 
but  as  Colonel  Xeill  has  applied  to  the  C'ommandcr-in-Chief  to  be 
relieved  and  is  anxious  tor  me  to  take  command.  I  will  do  it,  if  it  be 
your  order  for  a  time,  until  an  artillery  officer  can  be  sent  here. 
*  *  *  The  enemy  is  on  the  Rio  (irande  1.000  strong  and  is  mak- 
ing every  preparation  to  invade  us.  By  the  15th  of  March  I  think 
Texas  will  be  invaded,  and  every  preparation  should  be  made  to  re- 
ceive them." 
On  February  23,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  Travis  dispatched 

a  hastv  note  to  Andrew  Ponton,  .Mcalde  of  Gonzales,  saying: 

"The  enemy  in  large  force  is  in  sight.     \\'e  want  men  and  provi- 
sions.    Send  them  to  us.     We  have  150  men  and  are  determined  to 
defend  the  Alamo  to  the  last.    Give  us  assistance." 
The  next  day  he  wrote  the  letter  that  has  been  called  the  most  heroic 

document  in  American  history : 

"CoMMANDANCY  OF  THE  Alamo,  Bexar.  Feby.  24th.  1836. 
"To  the  People  of  Texas  and  All  Americans  in  the  World — 

"Fellow  Citizens  and  Compatriots:  I  am  besieged  by  a  thou- 
sand or  more  of  the  Mexicans  under  Sai>ta  .\nna.  I  have  sustained  a 
continual  Bombardment  and  cannonade  for  24  hours  and  have  not 
lost  a  man.  The  enemy  has  demanded  a  surrender  at  discretion, 
otherwise,  the  garrison  are  to  be  put  to  the  sword,  if  the  fort  is  taken. 
1  have  answered  the  demand  with  a  cannon  shot,  and  our  flag  still 
waves  proudly  from  the  walls.  /  shall  never  surrender  or  retreat. 
Then.  1  call  on  you  in  the  name  of  Liberty,  of  Patriotism  and  every- 
thing dear  to  the  American  character,  to  come  to  our  aid  with  all 
dispatch.  The  enemy  is  receiving  reinforcements  daily  and  will  no 
doubt  increase  to  three  or  four  thousand  in  four  or  five  days.  If  this 
call  is  neglected,  I  am  determined  to  sustain  myself  as  long  as  possible 
and  die  like  a  soldier  who  never  forgets  what  is  due  to  his  own  honor 
and  that  of  his  country.     Victory  or  de.\th. 

"William  Barrett  Travis. 

"Lt.  Col.  Conidt. 

"P.  S.  The  Lord  is  on  our  side.  When  the  enemy  appeared 
in  sight  we  had  not  three  bushels  of  corn.  \\'e  have  since  found  in 
deserted  houses  80  to  00  bushels  and  got  into  the  walls  20  or  30 
head  of  Beeves." 

"Travis." 

In  reply  to  Travis'  note  of  the  23d  to  .Andrew  Ponton  thirty-two  men 
marched  from  Gonzales  to  support  him.  and,  passing  through  the  enemy's 
lines,  entered  the  Alamo  on  the  night  of  March  1.  Ponton  sent  the  letter 
to  San  Felipe,  and  on  February  27  Governor  Smith  published  iri  handbill 
form  an  appeal  to  the  people  of  Texas  for  reinforcements: 


}nST()kV  OF  TEXAS  279 

"Fellow  Citizens  and  Countrymen:  The  foregoing  official  coni- 
niunication  from  Colonel  Travis,  now  in  command  at  Bexar,  needs 
no  comment.  The  garrison,  composed  of  only  150  Americans,  en- 
gaged in  a  deadly  conflict  with  1,000  of  the  mercenary  troops  of  the 
Dictator,  who  are  daily  receiving  reinforcements,  should  be  a  suffi- 
cient call  upon  you  without  saying  more.  However  secure,  however 
fortunate,  our  garrison  may  be,  they  have  not  the  provisions  nor  the 
ammunition  to  stand  more  than  a  thirty  days'  siege  at  farthest. 

"1  call  upon  you  as  an  officer,  1  implore  you  as  a  man,  to  fly  to 
the  aid  of  your  besieged  countrymen  and  not  permit  them  to  hr 
massacred  by  a  mercenary  foe.  I  slight  none!  The  call  is  upon  ALL 
who  are  able  to  bear  arms,  to  rally  without  one  moment's  delay,  or 
in  fifteen  days  the  heart  of  Texas  will  be  the  seat  of  war.  This  is 
not  imaginary.  The  enemy  from  6,000  to  8,000  strong  are  on  our 
border  and  rapidly  moving  by  forced  marches  for  the  colonies.  The 
campaign  has  commenced.  We  must  promptly  meet  the  enemy  or  all 
will  be  lost.  Do  you  possess  honor?  Suffer  it  not  to  be  insulted  or 
tarnished!  Do  you  possess  patriotism?  Evince  it  by  your  bold, 
prompt  and  manly  action!  If  you  posses  even  humanity  you  will 
rally  without  a  moment's  delav  to  the  aid  of  vour  besieged  coimtrv- 
men!" 
But  no  resj)on.se  could  be  made  to  this  appeal  in  time  to  save  the 
garrison. 

At  the  same  time  that  Travis  wrote  to  Ponton  he  .sent  a  messenger 
to  Fannin  at  Goliad,  asking  for  assistance.  Fannin  had  some  four  hun- 
dred and  twenty  men  there,  and  on  February  26  he  started  with  most  of 
them  for  San  .■\ntonio,  but  shortlv  afterward  changed  his  mind  and 
returned  to  the  fort  at  Goliad,  which  he  began  to  strengthen.  The  ac- 
count of  his  movements  and  the  reasons  therefore  are  given  in  a  letter 
w  ritten  by  his  aid,  John  Sowers  Brooks,  on  March  2 : 

"We  marched  at  the  time  appointed,  with  *  *  *  nearl)  the 
whole  force  at  Goliad,  leaving  only  one  Company  of  Regulars  to 
guard  the  Fort.  Our  baggage  wagons  and  artillery  were  all  drawn 
by  oxen  (no  broken  horses  could  be  obtained)  and  there  were  biU  a 
few  yokes  of  them.  In  attempting  to  cross  the  San  .Antonio  River, 
three  of  our  wagons  broke  down  and  it  was  with  the  utmost  labor 
and  personal  hazard,  that  our  four  pieces  of  cannon  were  conveyed 
safely  across.  We  remained  there  during  the  day,  with  our  ammuni- 
tion wagon  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  During  the  night,  some 
of  the  oxen  strayed  off  and  could  not  be  found  the  next  morning. 
Our  situation  became  delicate  and  embarrassing  in  the  extreme.  If 
we  proceeded  we  must  incur  the  risk  of  starvation,  and  leave  our 
luggage  and  artillery  behind.  The  comitry  between  us  and  Bexar 
is  entirely  unsettled,  and  there  would  be  but  little  hope  of  obtaining 
])rovisions  on  the  route  and  we  would  he  able  only  to  carry  12 
rounds  of  cartridges  each.  Every  one  felt  an  anxiety  to  relieve  our 
friends,  who  we  had  been  informed,  had  retired  to  the  Alamo,  a 
fortress  in  Bexar,  resolved  to  liold  out,  until  our  arrival.  Yet  every 
one  saw  the  impropriety,  if  not  the  impossibilitv  of  our  proceeding 
utider  existing  circumstances  and  it  was  e<|ually  apparent  to  all  that 


280  HISTORY  UF  TEXAS 

our  evacuation  of  Goliad  would  leave  the  whole  frontier  from  Bexar 
to  the  coast  open  to  the  incursions  of  the  enemy,  who  were  then 
concentrating  at  Laredo,  and  the  provisions,  clothing,  military  stores, 
et  cetra,  at  Dimmitt's  Landing  and  jMatagorda,  perhaps  all  that  were 
in  Texas,  would  eventually  be  lost.  Intelligence  also  reached  us  that 
the  advance  of  Santa  Anna's  lower  division  had  surprised  San 
Patricio  about  fifty  miles  in  front  of  our  position  and  put  the  whole 
garrison  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Johnson  to  the  sword.  Five 
of  them  have  reached  this  place.  Colonel  Johnson  is  one  of  them, 
and  they  are  probably  all  that  have  escaped.  Captain  Pearson  of  the 
Volunteers,  was  killed  with  several  others,  after  they  had  surrendered. 
The  war  is  to  be  one  of  extermination.  Each  party  seems  to  under- 
stand that  no  quarters  are  to  be  given  or  asked.  W'e  held  Council 
of  Wcir  in  the  bushes  on  the  bank  of  the  river ;  and  after  a  calm 
review  of  all  these  circumstances,  it  was  concluded  to  return  to 
Goliad,  and  place  the  Fort  in  a  defensible  condition." 
Travis's  last  messages  were  borne  through  the  besieging  lines  by  John 
W.  Smith  on  the  night  of  March  3.  A  letter  to  the  president  of  the  con- 
vention gave  a  report  of  the  siege  since  February  25 : 

"CoM.MANDANCY  OF  THE  Alamo  Bejar,  March  3d  1836. 

"Sir:  In  the  present  confusion  of  the  political  authorities  of  the 
country,  and  in  the  absence  of  the  commander-in-chief,  I  beg  leave 
to  communicate  to  you  the  situation  of  this  garrison.  You  have 
doubtless  already  seen  my  official  report  of  the  action  of  the  twenty- 
fifth  ult.  made  on  that  day  to  Gen.  Sam.  Houston,  together  with  the 
various  communications  heretofore  sent  by  express,  I  shall  there- 
fore confine  myself  to  what  has  transpired  since  that  date. 

"From  the  twenty-fifth  to  the  present  date  the  enemy  have  kept 
up  a  bombardment  from  two  howitzers, — one  a  five  and  a  half  inch, 
and  the  other  an  eight  inch. — and  a  heavy  cannonade  from  two  long 
nine-pounders,  mounted  on  a  battery  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river  at  a  distance  of  four  hundred  yards  from  our  wall.  During 
this  period  the  enemy  have  been  busily  employed  in  encircling  us  in 
with  entrenched  encampments  on  all  sides,  at  the  following  distance, 
to  wit :  In  Bejar.  four  hundred  yards  west ;  in  Lavilleta,  three 
hundred  yards  south  :  at  the  powder  house,  one  thousand  yards  east 
of  south;  on  the  ditch,  eight  hundred  yards  northeast,  and  at  the  old 
mill,  eight  hundred  yards  north.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  a  com- 
pany of  thirty-two  men  from  Gonzales,  made  their  wav  in  to  us  on 
the  morning  of  the  first  inst.  at  three  o'clock,  and  Col.  J.  B.  Bon- 
ham  (a  courier  from  Gonzales)  got  in  this  morning  at  eleven  o'clock, 
without  molestation.  I  have  fortified  this  place,  so  that  the  walls 
are  generally  proof  against  cannon  balls ;  and  I  still  continue  to  en- 
trench on  the  inside,  and  strengthen  walls  by  throwing  up  the  dirt. 
M  least  two  hundred  shells  have  fallen  inside  of  our  works  without 
having  injured  a  single  man ;  indeed  we  have  been  so  fortunate  as 
not  to  lose  a  man  from  any  cause,  and  we  have  killed  many  of  the 
enemy.  The  spirits  of  my  men  are  still  high,  although  they  have 
had  much  to  depress  them.    We  have  contended  for  ten  days  against 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  281 

an  enemy  whose  numbers  are  variously  estimated  at  from  fifteen 
hundred  to  six  thousand  men,  with  General  Ramirez  Sesma  and 
Colonel  Batres,  the  aid-de-camp,  of  Santa  Anna,  at  their  head.  A 
report  was  circulated  that  Santa  Anna  himself  was  with  the  enemy, 
but  I  think  it  was  false.  A  reinforcement  of  about  one  thousand 
men  is  now  entering  Be  jar,  from  the  west,  and  1  think  it  more  than 
probable  that  Santa  Anna  is  now  in  town,  from  the  rejoicing  we  hear. 

"Colonel  Fannin  is  said  to  be  on  the  march  to  this  place  with  re- 
inforcements, but  I  fear  it  is  not  true,  as  I  have  repeatedly  sent  to 
him  for  aid  without  receiving  any.  Colonel  Bonham,  my  special  mes- 
senger, arrived  at  La  Bahia  fourteen  days  ago,  with  a  request  for 
aid;  and  on  arrival  of  the  enemy  in  Bejar,  ten  days  ago,  I  sent  an 
express  to  Colonel  F.,  which  arrived  at  Goliad  on  the  next  day, 
urging  him  to  send  us  reinforcements;  none  have  yet  arrived.  1 
look  to  the  colonies  alone  for  aid ;  unless  it  arrives  soon,  I  shall  have 
to  light  the  enemy  on  his  own  terms.  I  will,  however,  do  the  best 
1  can  under  the  circumstances :  and  I  feel  confident  that  the  deter- 
mined valor  and  desperate  courage,  heretofore  exhibited  by  my  men, 
will  not  fail  them  in  the  last  struggle  ;  and  although  they  may  be 
sacrificed  to  the  vengeance  of  a  Gothic  enemy,  the  victory  will  cost 
the  enemy  so  dear,  that  it  will  be  worse  for  him  than  a  defeat.  I 
hope  your  honorable  body  will  hasten  on  reinforcements,  ammuni- 
tion, and  provisions  to  our  aid  as  soon  as  possible.  We  have  i)ro- 
visions  for  twenty  days  for  the  men  we  have.  Our  supply  of  amnni- 
nition  is  limited.  .At  least  five  hundred  pounds  of  cannon  powder, 
and  two  hundred  rounds  of  six,  nine,  twelve  and  eighteen  pound 
balls,  ten  kegs  of  rifle  powder  and  a  supply  of  lead,  should  he  sent 
to  the  place  without  delay,  under  a  sufficient  guard. 

"If  these  things  are  |)roniptly  sent,  and  large  reinforcements  are 
hastened  to  this  frontier,  this  neighborhood  will  be  the  great  and 
decisive  ground.  The  power  of  Santa  .Anna  is  to  be  met  here,  or 
in  the  colonies ;  we  had  better  meet  them  here  than  to  sufTer  a  war 
of  devastation  to  rage  in  our  settlements.  .A.  blood  red  banner  waves 
from  the  church  of  Hejar.  and  in  the  camp  above  us.  in  token  that 
the  war  is  one  of  vengeance  against  rebels;  they  have  declared  us 
as  such  ;  demanded  that  we  should  surrender  at  discretion,  or  that  this 
garrison  should  be  put  to  tlie  sword.  Their  threats  have  had  no 
influence  on  me  or  my  men,  but  to  make  all  fight  with  desperation, 
and  that  high  souled  courage  which  characterizes  the  patriot,  who 
is  willing  to  die  in  defence  of  his  country's  liberty  and  his  own  honor. 

"The  citizens  of  this  municipality  are  all  our  enemies,  except 
lho.se  who  have  joined  us  heretofore.  We  have  but  three  Mexican'^ 
now  in  the  fort:  those  who  have  not  joined  us,  jn  this  extremit\-, 
should  be  declared  public  enemies,  and  their  property  should  aid  in 
j)aying  the  expenses  of  the  war. 

"The  bearer  of  this  will  give  your  honorable  bodv  a  statement 
more  in  detail,  should  he  escape  through  the  enemy's  lines. 

"God  and  Texas — Victory  or  Death. 

Your  obedient   servant, 

W.  Barrett  Travis. 
"Lieut.  Col.  Coniiii." 


161  IIISIURV  OF  TKXAS 

"F.  S.  The  enemy's  troops  are  still  arriving,  and  the  reinforce- 
ment will  probably  amount  to  two  or  three  thousand.  T." 

The  movements  of  the  Mexicans  against  the  Alamo  can  be  followed 
in  the  words  of  Colonel  Almonte,  whose  diary  was  found  in  San  Jacinto 
by  Dr.  Anson  Jones.     The  first  division  of  Santa  Anna's  army  reached 
San  Antonio  on  February  2.v     The  Texans  were  taken  by  surprise,  and 
retired  to  the  Alamo  without  resistance.     Later,  as  we  have  seen  from 
Travis's  letter,  they  were  fortiuiate  enough  to  collect  some  supplies  with- 
in the  walls.     Almonte's  account  of  the  next  week's  action  is  as  follows : 
"Thursday,  25th.     The  firing  from  our  batteries  was  commenced 
early.   The  General-in-Chief,  with  the  battalion  de  Cazadores,  crossed 
the  river  and  posted  themselves  in  the  Alamo ;  that  is  to  say,  in  the 
houses  near  the  fort.    A  new  fortification  was  commenced  by  us  near 
the  houses  of  M'MuUen.     In  the  random  firing,  the  enemy  wounded 
four  of  the  Cazadores  de  Matamoras  battalion,  and  two  of  the  bat- 
talion of  Ximenes  and  killed  one  corporal  and  a  soldier  of  the  bat- 
tallion  of  Matamoras.    Our  fire  ceased  in  the  afternoon.    In  the  night 
two  batteries  were  erected  by  us  on  the  other  .side  of  the  river,  in 
the  Alameda  of  the  Alamo ;  the  battalion  of   Matamoras  was  also 
posted  there,   and  the  cavalry   was  posted  on  the  hills  to   the   east 
of  the  enemy,  and   in  the   road   from   Gonzales   at   the   Casa   Mata 
Antiqua.     At  half-past  eleven  at  night   we  retired.     The  enemy  in 
the  night  burnt  the  straw  and  wooden  houses  in  their  vicinity,  but 
did  not  attempt  to  set  fire  with  their  guns  to  those  in  our  rear.     .\ 
strong  north  wind  commenced  at  nine  at  night. 

"Friday.  26th.  The  northern  wind  continued  very  strong;  the 
thermometer  fell  to  .39.  and  during  the  rest  of  the  day  remained  at 
60.  At  daylight  there  was  a  slight  skirmish  between  the  enemy  and  a 
small  party  of  the  division  of  the  east,  under  the  command  of  General 
Sesma.  During  the  day  the  firing  from  our  cannon  was  continued. 
The  enemy  did  not  reply  except  now  and  then.  .-\t  night  the  enemy 
burnt  the  small  houses  near  the  parapet  of  the  battalion  of  San  Luis, 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river.  .Sonie  sentinels  were  advanced.  In  the 
cour.se  of  the  day  the  enemy  sallied  out  for  wood  and  water,  and 
were  opposed  by  our  marksmen.    The  northern  wind  continues. 

".Saturday.  27th.  Lieutenant  Menchard  was  sent  with  a  party  of 
men  for  corn,  cattle,  and  hogs,  tn  the  farms  of  .Seguin  and  Flores. 
It  was  determined  to  cut  ofif  the  water  from  the  enemy  on  the  side 
next  the  old  mill.  There  was  little  firing  from  either  side  during  the 
day.  The  enemy  worked  hard  all  day  to  repair  some  intrenchments. 
In  the  afternoon  the  President  was  observed  bv  the  enemy,  and  fired 
at.  In  the  night  a  courier  was  despatched  to  Mexico,  informing  the 
Government  of  the  taking  of  Bexar. 

"Sunday.  28th.  Xews  received  that  a  reinforcement  of  200  men 
was  coming  to  the  enemy  by  the  road  from  La  Bahia.  The  cannon- 
ading was  continued. 

"Monday,  29th.  In  the  afternoon,  the  battalion  of  .A.llende  took 
post  at  the  east  of  the  .\lam().  The  President  reconnoitered.  .\t 
midnight  General  Sesma  left  the  camp  with  the  cavalry  of  Dolores 


til  STORY  OF    TEXAS  283 

and  the  infantry  of  Allende,  to   meet   the   L-iKiny   coming   from    l.:i 
Bahia  to  the  relief  of  the  Alamo. 

"Tuesday,  March  1st.  Early  in  the  morning  General  Sesma  wrote 
from  the  Mission  of  Esjjada  that  there  was  no  enemy,  or  traces 
iif  anv,  to  lie  discovered.  The  cavalry  and  infantry  returned  to 
camj).  At  twelve  o'clock  the  F'resident  went  out  to  reconnoiter  the 
mill  site  of  the  nortiuvest  of  the  .Alamo.  Colonel  Ampudia  was 
commissioned  to  construct  more  trenches.  in  the  afternoon  the 
enemy  fired  two  twelve-p(iunds  shots  at  the  hou>c  of  the  President, 
one  of  which  struck  it. 

"Wednesday,  2nd.  Information  was  received  that  there  was  corn 
at  the  farm  of  Seguin.  and  Lieutenant  ^lencliard  with  a  party  sent 
for  it.  The  President  disccjvered  in  the  aftt-rnoon  a  covered  road 
within  pistol-shot  of  the  .-Xlamo.  and  posted  the  battalion  of  Ximenes 
there. 

"Thursday,  3rd.  The  enemy  tired  a  few  cannon  and  musket  shot 
at  the  city.  1  wrote  to  Mexico,  directing  my  letters  to  be  sent  to 
Bexar — that  before  three  months  the  campaign  would  be  ended.  The 
General-in-Chief  went  out  to  reconnoiter.  A  battery  was  erected 
on  the  north  of  the  Alamo,  within  jtistol  shot.  Official  despatches 
were  received  from  Urrea.  announcing  that  he  had  routed  the  Colo- 
nists of  San  Patricio,  killing  sixteen,  and  taking  twenty-one  pris- 
oners. The  bells  were  rung.  The  battalions  of  Zapadores,  Aldama, 
and  Toluca  arrived.  The  enemy  attempted  a  sally  in  the  night,  at 
the  sugar  mill,  but  were  repulsed  by  our  advance. 

"Friday,  4th.  Commenced  tiring  early,  which  tlu-  enemy  did  not 
return.  In  the  afternoon  one  or  two  shots  were  tired  by  them.  A 
meeting  of  Generals  and  Colonels  was  held.  After  a  long  confer- 
ence, Cos.  Castrillon.  and  others,  were  of  opinion  that  the  .\lamo 
should  be  assaulted  after  the  arrival  of  two  twelve-pounders  expected 
on  the  7th  instant.  The  President,  General  Ramirez  Sesma,  and  my- 
self, were  of  opinion  that  the  twelve-pounders  should  not  be  waited 
for,  but  the  assault  made.  In  this  state  things  remained,  the  Gene- 
ral not  coming  to  any  definite  resolution."' 
-\t  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  March  5  .Santa  Anna  issued  secret 

orders  to  prepare  for  storming  the  .-Maino  at   four  o'clock  the   following 

morning: 

"To  the  Generals.  Chiefs  of  .Sections  and  Commanding  Officers. 

"The  time  has  come  to  strike  a  decisive  blow  upon  the  enemy  oc- 
cupying the  P'ortress  of  the  .■\lamo.  Consequently,  His  Excellency, 
the  General-in-Chief,  has  decided  that,  to-morrow  at  4  o'clock  a.  m.. 
the  columns  of  attack  shall  be  stationed  at  musket-shot  distance  from 
the  first  entrenchments,  readv  for  the  charge,  which  shall  com 
nience.  at  a  signal  to  be  given  with  the  bugle,  from  the  Northern 
Battery. 

"The  first  column  will  he  commanded  by  Gen.  Don  Martin  Per- 
fecto  Cos,  and,  in  his  absence,  bv  mvself. 

"The  Permanent  Battalion  of  .\ldama  (except  the  com])any  of 
Grenadiers)  and  the  three  right  centre  comp;inies  of  the  .\ctive  Bat- 
talion of  San  r.uis.  will  comprise  ibis  fir'^t   column. 


284  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

"The  second  column  will  be  commanded  by  Col.  Don  Francisco 
Duque,  and,  in  his  absence,  by  Gen.  Don  Manuel  Fernandez  Cas- 
trillon ;  it  will  be  composed  of  the  Active  Battalion  of  Toluca  (except 
the  company  of  Grenadiers)  and  the  three  remaining  centre  com- 
panies of  the  Active  Battalion  of  San  Luis. 

"The  third  column  wall  be  commanded  by  Col.  Jose  Maria 
Romero,  and,  in  his  absence  by  Col.  Mariano  Salas :  it  will  be  com- 
posed of  the  i'ermanent  Battalions  of  Matamora.^  and  Jimenes. 

"The  fourth  column  will  be  commanded  by  Col.  Juan  Morales, 
and,  in  his  absence,  by  Col.  Jose  Miiion ;  it  will  be  composed  of  the 
light  companies  of  the  Battalions  of  Matamoras  and  Jimenes.  and  of 
ihe  Active  Battalion  of  San  Luis. 

"His  Excellency,  the  General-in-Chief,  will,  in  due  time,  designate 
the  points  of  attack,  and  give  his  instructions  to  the  Commanding 
Officers. 

"The  reserve  will  be  composed  of  the  Battalion  of  Engineers  and 
Ihe  five  companies  of  Grenadiers  of  the  Permanent  Battalions  of 
Matamoras,  Jimenes  and  Aldama.  and  the  Active  Battalions  of 
Toluca  and  San  Luis. 

"This  reserve  will  be  commanded  by  the  General-in-Chief  in  per- 
son, during  the  attack ;  but  Col.  Augustine  Amat  will  assemble  this 
party,  which  will  report  to  him.  this  evening,  at  5  o'clock,  to  be 
marched  to  the  designated  station. 

"The  first  column  will  carry  ten  ladders,  two  crowbars  and  two 
axes ;  the  second,  ten  ladders ;  the  third,  six  ladders :  and  the  fourth, 
two  ladders. 

"The  men  carrying  the  ladders  will  sling  their  guns  on  their 
shoulders,  to  be  enabled  to  place  the  ladders  wherever  thev  mav  be 
required. 

"The  companies  of  Grenadiers  will  be  supplied  with  six  packages 
of  cartridges  to  every  man.  and  the  centre  companies  with  two  pack- 
ages and  two  spare  flints.  The  men  will  wear  neither  overcoats  nor 
blankets,  or  anything  that  may  impede  the  rapidity  of  their  motions. 
The  Commanding  Officers  will  see  that  the  men  have  the  chin  straps 
of  their  caps  down,  and  that  they  wear  either  shoes  or  sandals. 

"The  troops  composing  the  columns  of  attack  will  turn  in  to  sleej) 
at  dark  :  to  be  in  readiness  to  move  at  12  o'clock  at  night. 

"Recruits  deficient  in  instruction  will  remain  in  their  quarters. 
'Jhe  arms,  principally  the  bayonets,  should  be  in  perfect  order. 

"As  soon  as  the  moon  rises,  the  centre  companies  of  the  Active 
Battalion  of  San  Luis  will  abandon  the  points  thev  are  now  occupying 
on  the  hne,  in  order  to  have  time  to  prepare. 

"The  cavalry,  under  Col.  Joaquin  Ramirez  y  .Sesma.  will  be 
stationed  at  the  Alameda,  saddling  up  at  3  o'clock  a.  m.  It  shall  be 
its  duty  to  scout  the  country,  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  an  escape. 

"The  honor  of  the  nation  being  interested  in  this  engagement 
against  the  bold  and  lawless  foreigners  who  are  opposing  us.  His  Ex- 
cellency expects  that  every  man  will  do  his  dutv.  and  exert  himself  to 
give  a  day  of  glory  to  the  country,  and  of  gratification  to  the  Supreme 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  285 

Government,  who  will  know  how  to  reward  the  distinguished  deeds 
of  the  brave  soldiers  of  the  Army  of  Operations." 
Santa  Anna's   official   report   to   the  war   department   of   the   fall   of 
the  Alamo  is  in   some   particulars  undoubtedly   false — as,   for   example, 
in  the  numbers  which   he  gives — but   with   full  allowance   for  misrepre- 
sentations, it  pictures  a  thrilling  engagement : 

"Most  Excellent  Sir :  Victory  belongs  to  the  army,  which,  at 
this  very  moment,  8  o'clock  a.  m.,  achieved  a  complete  and  glorious 
triumph  that  will  render  its  memory  imperishable. 

"As  I  had  stated  in  my  report  to  Your  Excellency  of  the  taking  of 
this  city,  on  the  27th  of  last  month,  I  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  1st 
Brigade  of  Infantry  to  commence  active  operations  against  the  Fort- 
ress of  the  Alamo.  However,  the  whole  Brigade  having  been  de- 
layed beyond  my  expectation,  I  ordered  that  three  of  its  Battalions, 
viz.,  the  Engineers — Aldama  and  Toluca —  should  force  their  march 
to  join  me.  These  troops  together  with  the  Battalions  of  Matamoras. 
Jimenes  and  San  Luis  Potosi,  brought  the  force  at  my  disposal, 
recruits  excluded,  up  to  1,400  Infantry.  This  force,  divided  into 
four  columns  of  attack,  and  a  reserve,  commenced  the  attack  at  5 
o'clock  a.  m.  They  met  with  a  stubborn  resistance,  the  combat  lasting 
more  than  one  hour  and  a  half,  and  the  reserve  having  to  be  brought 
into  action. 

"The  scene  offered  by  this  engagement  was  extraordinary.  The 
men  fought  individually,  vieing  with  each  other  in  heroism.  Twenty- 
one  pieces  of  artillery,  used  by  the  enemy  with  the  most  perfect  ac- 
curacy, the  brisk  fire  of  musketry,  which  illuminated  the  interior  of 
the  Fortress  and  its  walls  and  ditches,  could  not  check  our  dauntless 
soldiers,  who  are  entitled  to  the  consideration  of  the  Supreme  Gov- 
ernment, and  to  the  gratitude  of  the  nation. 

"The  Fortress  is  now  in  our  power,  with  its  artillery,  stores,  etc. 
More  than  fiOO  corpses  of  foreigners  were  buried  in  the  ditches  and 
intrenchments.  and  a  great  manv.  who  had  escaped  the  bayonet  of  the 
infantry,  fell  in  the  vicinity  under  the  sabres  of  the  cavalry.  I  can 
assure  Your  Excellency  that  few  are  those  who  bore  to  their  asso- 
ciates the  tidings  of  their  disaster. 

"Among  the  corpses  are  those  of  Bowie  and  Travis,  who  styled 
themselves  Colonels,  and  also  that  of  Crockett,  and  several  leading 
men.  who  had  entered  the  Fortress  with  dispatches  from  their  Con- 
\ention.  We  lost  about  70  men  killed  and  300  wounded,  among 
whom  are  25  officers.  The  cause  for  which  they  fell  renders  their 
loss  less  painful,  as  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Mexican  soldier  to  die  for  the 
defense  of  the  rights  of  the  nation  :  and  all  of  us  were  ready  for  any 
sacrifice  to  promote  this  fond  object :  nor  will  we  hereafter.  sutTer 
any  foreigners,  whatever  their  origin  iiiav  be.  to  insult  our  country 
and  to  pollute  its  soil. 

"I  shall,  in  due  time,  send  to  Your  Excellency  a  circumstantial  re- 
port of  this  glorious  tritnni)h.  Xow  I  have  onlv  time  to  congratulate 
the  nation  and  the  |)resident  ad  interim,  to  whom  I  request  you  to 
■-nhiiiil  this  report. 


286  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

■"J'he  bearer  takes  with  him  one  of  the  flags  of  the  enemy's  Bat- 
tahons,  captured  to-day.  The  inspection  of  it  will  show  plainly  the 
true  intention  of  the  treacherous  colonists,  and  of  their  abettors,  who 
came  from  the  ports  of  the  United  .States  of  the  North. 

"God  and  Liberty  ! 

"Headquarters.  Bexar.  March  6th.  1836. 

AxTo.xio  Lopez  de  S.\xta  .\nna." 
"7"()  His  E.vccllciicx.  Ihc  Sccrctar\  of  ]i'ar  and  .Vot'V,  General  Jose 
Maria    Tontcl." 

Francisco   Ruiz,   the   alcalde   of   .San    .\ntonio,  gives   some    important 
additional  details.     He  says: 

"On  the  6th  ^larch  (  18.^6)  at  3  a.  m..  General  Santa  Anna  at  the 
head  of  4.000  men  advanced  against  the  Alamo.  The  infantry,  ar- 
tillery and  cavalry  had  formed  about  1.000  varas  from  the  walls  of 
the  same  fortress.  The  Mexican  army  charged  and  were  twice  re- 
pulsed by  the  deadly  fire  of  Travis's  artillery,  which  resembled  a 
constant  thunder.  At  the  third  charge  the  Toluca  battalion  com- 
menced to  scale  the  walls  and  suffered  severely.  Out  of  830  men 
onlv  130  were  left  live. 

"When  the  ilexican  army  entered  the  walls.  I  with  the  political 
chief.  Don  Ramon  Musquiz  and  other  members  of  the  corporation, 
accompanied  by  the  curate.  Don  Refugio  de  la  Garza,  who  by  Santa 
.Vnna's  orders  had  assembled  during  the  night  at  a  temporary  forti- 
fication on  Protero  Street,  with  the  object  of  attending  the  wounded, 
etc.  .\s  soon  as  the  storming  commenced  we  crossed  the  bridge  on 
Commerce  street,  with  this  object  in  view  and  about  100  yards  from 
the  same  a  party  of  Mexican  dragoons  fired  upon  us  and  com]3elled 
us  to  fall  back  on  the  river  and  the  place  we  occupied  before.  Half 
an  hour  had  elapsed  when  Santa  Anna  sent  one  of  his  aides-de-camj) 
with  an  order  for  us  to  come  before  him.  He  directed  me  to  call  on 
some  of  the  neighbors  to  come  with  carts  to  carry  the  (Mexican) 
dead  to  the  cemeterv  and  to  accomi^any  him.  as  he  was  desirous  to 
have  Colonels  Travis,  Bowie,  and  Crickett  shown  to  him. 

"On  the  north  battery  of  the  fortress  convent,  lay  the  lifeless  body 
of  Colonel  Travis  on  the  gun  carriage,  shot  only  through  the  fore- 
head. Towards  the  west,  and  in  a  small  fort  opposite  the  city,  we 
found  the  body  of  Colonel  Crockett.  Colonel  Bowie  was  found  dead 
in  his  bed  in  one  of  the  rooms  on  the  south  side. 

"Santa  .\nna.  after  all  the  Mexican  bodies  had  been  taken  out. 
ordered  wood  to  be  brought  to  burn  the  bodies  of  the  Texans.  He 
sent  a  companx-  of  dragoons  with  me  to  bring  wood  and  dry  branches 
from  the  neighboring  forests.  ,\bout  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
of  March  6.  we  laid  the  wood  and  drv  branches  upon  which  a  pile  of 
dead  bodies  were  placed,  more  wood  was  piled  on  them  and  another 
pile  of  bodies  was  brought  and  in  this  manner  thev  were  all  arranged 
in  lavers.  Kindling  wood  was  distributed  through  the  pile  and  about 
.^  o'clock  in  the  evening  it  was  lighted. 

"The  dead  Mexicans  of  Santa  .'\nna  were  taken  to  the  grave-yard, 
hut  not  having  sufficient  room  for  them.  T  ordered  some  to  he  thrown 
into  the  river,  which  was  done  on  the  same  dav. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  287 

"The  gallantry  of  the  few  Texati>  who  defended  the  Alamo  was 
reallv  wondered  at  by  the  Mexican  army.  I*"ven  the  generals  were 
astonished  at  their  vigorous  resistance  and  how  dearly  victory  was 
bought. 

"The  generals,  who  under  Santa  .\nna  participated  in  the  storm- 
ing of  the  Alatno.  were  Juan  Amador.  Castrillon.  Ramirez  y  Sesma 
and  Andrade. 

The  men  [TexansJ  burnt  were  one  hundred  and  eighty-two.  I 
was  an  eye-witness,  for  as  .\lcalde  of  San  Antonio,  I  was,  with  some 
of  the  neighbors,  collecting  the  dead  bodies  and  placing  them  on  the 
funeral  pyre." 

Francis  Antonio  Ruiz." 

The  most  thorough  study  of  the  fall  of  the  Alamo  which  has  yet 
been  made  was  published  by  Captain  R.  M.  Potter  in  1878.  and  the  ex- 
tracts which  follow  are  from  his  study : 

"The  fall  of  the  Alamo  and  the  massacre  of  its  garrison,  which  in 
1836  opened  the  campaign  of  Santa  .\nna  in  Texas,  caused  a  pro- 
found sensation  throughout  the  United  States,  and  is  still  remembered 
with  deep  feeling  by  all  who  lake  an  interest  in  the  history  of  that 
section  ;  yet  the  details  of  the  final  assault  have  never  been  fully  and 
correctlv  narrated,  and  wild  exaggerations  have  taken  their  place 
in  popular  legend.  The  reason  will  be  obvious  when  it  is  remembered 
that  not  a  single  combatant  of  the  last  struggle  from  within  the  fort 
survived  to  tell  the  tale,  while  the  official  reports  of  the  enemv  were 
neither  circumstantial  nor  reliable.  U'hen  horror  is  intensified  by 
my.stcrv.  the  sure  jiroducl  is  romance.  .\  trustworthy  account  of  the 
assault  could  be  coinpiled  only  by  comparing  and  combining  the  ver- 
bal narratives  of  such  of  the  assailants  as  could  be  relied  on  for 
veracity,  and  adding  to  this  such  lights  as  might  be  gathered  from 
military  documents  of  that  period,  from  credible  local  information, 
and  from  anv  source  more  to  be  trusted  than  rumor.  .\s  1  was 
a  resident  at  Matamoro-^  when  the  event  occured,  and  for  several 
months  after  the  invading  arn)y  retreated  thither,  and  afterwards 
resided  near  the  scene  of  action,  1  had  opportunities  for  obtaining 
the  kind  of  information  referred  to  better  perhaps  than  have  been 
possessed  bv  any  person  now  living  outside  of  Mexico.  I  was  often 
urged  to  ])ublish  what  T  had  gathered  on  the  subject,  as  thereby  ati  in- 
teresting passage  of  history  might  be  preserved.  T  con.sequently  gave 
to  the  San  .Antonio  Herald  in  18fiO  .m  imperfect  outline  of  what 
is  contained  in  this  article,  and  the  communication  was  soon  after 
]irinted  in  pamphlet  form.  Subse(|uenlly  to  its  ap|)earance,  however. 
I  obtained  many  additional  and  interesting  details,  mostly  from 
Col.  Juan  N.  Seguin  of  San  .\ntonio,  who  had  been  an  officer  of  the 
garrison  up  to  within  six  days  of  the  assault.  His  death,  of  which 
I  have  since  heard,  no  doubt  took  away  the  last  of  those  who  were 
soldiers  of  the  .\lamo  when  it  was  first  invested.  I  now  offer  these 
sheets  as  a  revision  and  enlargement  of  my  article  of  1860. 

"Before  beginning  the  narrative,  however,  I  must  describe  the 
Alamo  and  its  smToundings  as  thev   existed  in   the  spring  of   18.Vi. 


288 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 


San  Antonio,  then  a  town  of  about  7,000  inhabitants,  had  a  Mexi- 
can population,  a  minority  of  which  was  well  affected  to  the  cause 
of  Texas,  while  the  rest  were  inclined  to  make  the  easiest  terms 
they  could  with  whichever  side  might  be  for  the  time  being  dominant. 
The  San  Antonio  River,  which,  properly  speaking,  is  a  large  rivulet, 
divided  the  town  from  the  Alamo,  the  former  on  the  west  side  and  the 
latter  on  the  east.     The  Alamo  village,  a  small  suburb  of  -San  An- 


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The  Alamo.  S.\x  Antonio 


tonio.  was  south  of  the  fort,  or  Mission,  as  it  was  originally  called, 
which  bore  the  same  name.  The  latter  was  an  old  fabric,  built 
during  the  first  settlement  of  the  vicinty  by  the  Spaniards ;  and  having 
been  originally  designed  as  a  place  of  safety  for  the  colonists  and 
their  property  in  case  of  Indian  hostility,  with  room  sufficient  for 
that  purpose,  it  had  neither  the  strength,  compactness,  nor  dominant 
points  which  ought  to  belong  to  a  regular  fortification.  The  front 
of  the  Alamo  Chapel  bears  date  of  1757.  but  the  other  works  must 
have  been  built  earlier,      .'\s  the  whole  area  contained  between  two 


JllS'lUk^    CM"    J  I'.XAS  289 

and  three  acres,  a  thousand  men  would  have  barely  sufficed  to  man 
its  defenses;  and  before  a  rejjular  siege  train  they  would  soon  have 
crumbled.  Yoakum,  in  his  history  of  Texas,  is  not  only  astray  in 
hi-;  details  of  the  assault,  bui  mistaken  about  the  measurement  of 
the  place.  Had  the  works  covered  no  more  ground  than  he  repre- 
sents, the  result  of  the  assault  might  have  been  dififerent. 

"From  recollection  of  the  locality,  as  I  viewed  it  in  1841,  I  could 
in  1860  trace  the  extent  of  the  outer  walls,  which  had  been  demol- 
ished about  thirteen  years  before  the  latter  period.  The  dimensions 
here  given  are  taken  from  actual  measurement  then  made  ;  and  the 
accompanying  diagram  gives  correct  outlines,  though  without  aiming 
at  close  exactitude  of  scale.  The  figure  A  in  the  diagram  represent-- 
the  chapel  of  the  fort,  75  feet  long,  62  wide,  and  22>4  high,  with 
walls  of  solid  masonry,  four  feet  thick.  It  was  originally  of  but 
one  story,  and  if  it  then  had  any  windows  below,  they  were  probably 
walled  up  when  the  place  was  prepared  for  defense.  B  locates  a 
platform  in  the  east  end  of  the  chapel.  C  designates  its  door  ;  and  /' 
marks  a  wall,  50  feet  long  and  about  12  high  .connecting  the  chapel 
with  the  long  barrack,  EE.  The  latter  was  a  stone  house  of  two 
stories,  186  feet  long,  18  wide,  and  18  high.  FF  is  a  low,  one-story 
stone  barrack,  114  feet  long  and  17  wide,  having  in  the  centre  a  portc- 
cochcrc,  S,  which  passed  through  it  under  the  roof.  The  walls  of 
these  two  houses  were  about  thirtv  inches  thick,  and  they  had  flat 
terrace  roofs  of  beams  and  plank,  covered  w-ith  a  thick  coat  of 
cement.  G  H  I  K  were  flat-roofed,  stone-walled  rooms  built  against 
the  inside  of  the  west  harrier.  E  E  E  E  E  denote  barrier  walls. 
enclosing  an  area,  154  yards  long  and  54  wide,  with  the  long  bar- 
rack on  the  east  and  the  low  barrack  on  the  south  of  it.  These  walls 
were  2-54  feet  thick,  and  from  9  to  12  high,  except  the  strijj  which 
fronted  the  chapel,  that  being  only  four  feet  in  height.  This  low 
piece  of  wall  was  covered  b^•  an  oblique  intrenchment,  marked  R. 
and  yet  to  be  described,  which  ran  from  the  southwest  angle  of  the 
cha[)el  to  the  east  end  of  the  low  barrack.  M  marks  the  place  of  a 
palisade  gate  at  the  west  end  of  the  intrenchment.  The  small  letter> 
(n)  locate  the  doors  of  the  several  rooms  which  opened  upon  the 
large  area.  Mcst  of  those  doors  had  within  a  semicircular  parapet 
for  the  use  of  marksmen,  composed  of  a  double  curtain  of  hides, 
upheld  by  stakes  and  filled  in  with  rammctl  earth.  .Some  of  the 
rooms  were  also  loopholed.  O  O  mark  barrier  walls,  from  5  to  6 
feet  high  and  2-54  thick,  which  enclosed  a  smaller  area  north  of  the 
chaiiel  and  east  of  the  long  barrack.  P  designates  a  cattle  yard  east 
of  the  barrack  and  south  of  the  small  area ;  it  was  enclosed  by  a 
picket  fence.  0  shows  the  locality  of  a  battered  breach  in  the  north 
wall. 

"The  above-described  fort,  if  it  merited  that  name,  was,  when  the 
siege  commenced,  in  the  conflition  for  defense  in  which  it  had  been 
left  by  the  Mexican  irencral.  Cos,  when  he  capitulated  in  the  fall  of 
18,'?5.  The  chapel,  except  the  west  end  and  north  projection,  had 
been  tmroofed.  the  east  end  beine  occupied  bv  the  nlAtforni  of  earth 
P.   12   feet   high,   with   a      slope   for  asce.nsion   to  the   west.      On   its 

II..    I       1!1 


290  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

level  were  mounted  three  pieces  of  cannon.  One  (Ij,  a  12-pounder, 
pointed  east  through  an  embrasure  roughly  notched  in  the  wall ; 
another  (2)  was  aimed  north  through  a  similar  notch;  and  another 
(3)  fired  over  the  wall  to  the  south.  High  scaffolds  of  wood  en- 
abled marksmen  to  use  the  top  of  the  roofless  wall  as  a  parapet. 
The  intrenchment  (R)  consisted  of  a  ditch  and  breastwork,  the 
latter  of  earth  packed  between  two  rows  of  palisades,  the  outer  row- 
being  higher  than  the  earthwork.  Behind  it  and  near  the  gate  was 
a  battery  of  four  guns  (4  5  6  7),  all  4-pounders.  pointing  south. 
The  portc-cochcre  through  the  low  barrack  was  covered  on  the  out- 
side by  a  lunette  of  stockades  and  earth,  mounted  with  two  guns 
(8,  9).  In  the  southwest  angle  of  the  large  area  was  an  18-pounder 
(10),  in  the  centre  of  the  west  wall  a  twelve-pound  carronade 
(11),  and  in  the  northwest  corner  of  the  same  area  an  eight-pounder 
(12),  and  east  of  this,  within  the  north  wall,  two  more  guns  of 
the  same  calibre  (  13.  14).  All  the  guns  of  this  area  were  mounted 
on  high  platforms  of  stockades  and  earth,  and  fired  over  the  walls. 
The  several  barriers  were  covered  on  the  outside  with  a  ditch,  except 
where  such  guard  was  afforded  by  the  irrigating  canal,  which  flowed 
on  the  east  and  west  sides  of  the  fort  and  served  to  fill  the  fosse 
with  water. 

"Thus  the  works  were  mounted  with  fourteen  guns,  which  agrees 
with  Yoakum's  account  of  their  number,  though  Santa  Anna  in  his 
report  exaggerates  it  to  twent>'-one.  The  number,  however,  has  little 
bearing  on  the  merits  of  the  final  defense  with  which  cannon  had 
very  little  to  do.  These  guns  were  in  the  hands  of  men  unskilled 
in  their  use,  and  owing  to  the  construction  of  the  works  most  of  them 
had  little  width  of  range.  Of  the  buildings  above  described,  the 
chapel  and  the  two  barracks  are  probably  still  standing.  They  were 
repaired  and  newly  roofed  during  the  Mexican  war  for  the  use  of  the 
United   States   Quartermaster's   department.     *     *     * 

"On  the  4th  of  March  Santa  Anna  called  a  council  of  war.  and 
fixed  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  for  the  final  assault.  The  besieging 
force  now  aroimd  the  Alamo,  comprising  all  the  Mexican  troops 
which  had  yet  arrived,  consisted  of  the  two  dragoon  regiments  of 
Dolores  and  Tampico.  which  formed  a  brigade,  commanded  by  Gene- 
ral Andrade,  two  companies  or  batteries  of  artillery  under  Colonel 
Ampudia,  and  six  battalions  of  infantry,  namely.  Los  Zapadores 
(engineer  troops).  Jimenes,  Guerrero,  Matamoros,  Toluca,  and  Tres 
Vilalas.  These  six  battalions  of  foot  were  to  form  the  storming 
forces.  The  order  for  the  attack,  which  I  have  read,  but  have  no 
copy  of,  was  full  and  precise  in  its  details,  and  was  signed  by  Gene- 
ral Amador,  as  Chief  of  Staff.  The  infantry  were  directed  at  a 
certain  hour  between  midnight  and  dawn  to  form  at  convenient  dis- 
tances from  the  fort  in  four  columns  of  attack  and  a  reserve.  These 
dispositions  were  not  made  by  battalions,  for  the  light  companies  of 
all  were  incorporated  with  the  Zapadores  to  form  the  reserve,  and 
other  transpositions  were  made.  A  certain  number  of  scaling  ladders, 
axes,  and  fascines  were  to  be  borne  bv  particular  columns.  A  com- 
manding officer,  with  a  second  to  replace  him  in  case  of  accident, 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  291 

was  named,  and  a  point  of  attack  designated  for  each  column.  The 
cavalry  were  to  be  stationed  at  suitable  points  around  the  fort  to 
cut  off  fugitives.  I'rom  what  1  have  learned  from  men  engaged  in 
the  assault,  it  seems  that  these  dispositions  were  modified  before  it 
was  carried  out  so  as  to  combine  the  five  bodies  of  infantry,  including 
the  reserve,  into  only  three  columns  of  attack,  thus  leaving  no  actual 
reserve  but  the  cavalry.  The  immediate  direction  of  the  assault 
seems  to  have  been  intrusted  to  General  Castrillon,  a  Spaniard  by 
birth  and  a  brilliant  soldier.  Santa  Anna  took  his  station,  with  a 
part  of  his  staff  and  all  the  bands  of  music,  at  a  battery  about  five 
inmdred  yards  south  of  the  Alamo  and  near  the  old  bridge,  from 
which  post  a  signal  was  to  be  given  by  a  bugle-note  for  the  columns 
to  move  simultaneously  at  double-quick  time  against  the  fort.  One. 
consisting  of  Los  Zapadores,  Toluca,  and  the  light  companies,  and 
commanded  by  Castrillon,  was  to  rush  through  the  breach  on  the 
north :  another,  consisting  of  the  battalion  of  Jimenes  and  other 
troops,  and  commanded  by  General  Cos,  was  to  storm  the  chapel : 
and  a  third,  whose  leader  I  do  not  recollect,  was  to  scale  the  west 
barrier.  Cos,  who  had  evacuated  San  Antonio  a  year  before  under 
capitulation,  was  assigned  to  the  most  difficult  point  of  attack,  prob- 
ably to  give  him  an  opportunity  to  retrieve  his  standing.  By  the 
timing  of  the  signal  it  was  calculated  that  the  columns  would  reach 
the  foot  of  the  wall  just  as  it  should  become  sufficiently  light  for 
good  operation. 

"When  the  hour  came,  the  south  guns  of  the  Alamo  were  answer- 
ing the  batteries  which  fronted  them ;  but  the  music  was  silent  till  the 
blast  of  a  bustle  was  followed  bv  the  rushing  tramp  of  soldiers.  The 
guns  of  the  fort  opened  upon  the  moving  masses,  and  Santa  Anna's 
bands  struck  up  the  assassins  note  of  deauello,  or  no  quarter.  But  a 
few  and  not  very  effective  discharges  of  cannon  from  the  works  could 
be  made  before  the  enemv  were  under  them,  and  it  was  probably  not 
till  then  that  the  worn  and  wearied  garrison  was  fully  mustered.  Cas- 
trillon's  column  arrived  first  at  the  foot  of  the  wall,  but  was  not  the 
first  to  enter.  The  guns  of  the  north,  where  Travis  commanded  in 
person,  probably  raked  the  breach,  and  this  or  the  fire  of  the  riflemen 
brought  the  column  to  a  disordered  halt,  and  Colonel  Duque,  who 
commanded  the  battalion  of  Toluca,  fell  dangerously  wounded ;  but. 
while  this  was  occurring,  the  column  from  the  west  crossed  the  bar- 
rier on  that  side  by  escalade  at  a  point  north  of  the  centre,  and  as  this 
checked  resistance  at  the  north,  Castrillon  shortly  after  passed  the 
breach.  It  was  probablv  while  the  enemy  was  thus  pouring  into  the 
large  area  that  Travis  fell  at  his  post,  for  his  body,  with  a  single  shot 
in  the  forehead,  was  found  beside  the  gun  at  the  northwest  angle. 
The  outer  walls  and  batteries,  all  except  one  gim.  of  which  T  will 
speak,  were  now  abandoned  by  the  defenders.  In  the  meantime  Cos 
had  again  proved  unluckv.  His  column  was  repulsed  from  the 
chapel,  and  his  troops  fell  hack  in  disorder  behind  the  old  stone 
stable  and  huts  that  stood  south  of  the  southwest  angle.  There  they 
were  soon   rallied  and   1rd  into  the  largo  area  bv  General    Amador. 


292  lllSJOkV  OF  TEXAS 

I  am  not  certain  as  to  his  point  of  entrance,  but  he  probably  fol- 
lowed the  escalade  of  the  column  from  the  west. 

"This  all  passed  within  a  few  minutes  after  the  bugle  sounded. 
The  garrison,  when  driven  from  the  thinly  manned  outer  defences, 
whose  early  loss  was  inevitable,  took  refuge  in  the  buildings  before 
described,  but  mainly  in  the  long  barrack ;  and  it  was  not  until  then, 
when  they  became  more  concentrated  and  covered  within,  that  the 
main  struggle  began.  They  were  more  concentrated  as  to  space, 
not  as  to  unity  of  command ;  for  there  was  no  communicating  be- 
tween buildings,  nor,  in  all  cases,  between  rooms.  There  was  little 
need  of  command,  however,  to  men  who  had  no  choice  left  but 
to  fall  where  they  stood  before  the  weight  of  numbers.  There  was 
now  no  retreating  from  point  to  point,  and  each  group  of  defenders 
had  to  fight  and  die  in  the  den  where  it  was  brought  to  bay.  From 
the  doors,  windows,  and  loopholes  of  the  several  rooms  around  the 
area  the  crack  of  the  rifle  and  the  hiss  of  the  bullet  came  fierce  and 
fast ;  as  fast  the  enemy  fell  and  recoiled  in  his  first  efforts  to  charge. 
The  gun  beside  which  Travis  fell  was  now  turned  against  the  build- 
ings, as  were  also  some  others,  and  shot  after  shot  was  sent  crashing 
through  the  doors  and  barricades  of  the  several  rooms.  Each  ball 
was  followed  by  a  storm  of  musketry  and  a  charge  ;  and  thus  room 
after  room  was  carried  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  when  all  within 
them  died  fighting  to  the  last.  The  struggle  was  made  up  of  a  num- 
ber of  separate  and  desperate  combats,  often  hand  to  hand,  between 
s(|uads  of  the  garrison  and  bodies  of  the  enemy.  The  bloodiest  spot 
about  the  fort  was  the  long  barrack  and  the  ground  in  front  of  it. 
where  the  enemy  fell  in  heaps. 

"Before  the  action  reached  this  stage,  the  turning  of  Travis'  gun 
by  the  assailants  was  briefly  imitated  by  a  group  of  the  defenders. 
'.\  small  piece  on  a  high  platform,'  as  it  was  described  to  me  by 
(General  Bradburn,  was  wheeled  by  those  who  manned  it  against  the 
large  area  after  the  enemy  entered  it.  Some  of  the  Mexican  officers 
thought  it  did  more  execution  than  any  gun  which  fired  outward  ; 
but  after  two  effective  discharges  it  was  silenced,  when  the  last  of  its 
cannoneers  fell  under  a  .shower  of  bullets.  I  cannot  locate  this  gun 
with  certainty,  but  it  was  probably  the  twelve  pound  carronade 
which  fired  over  the  centre  of  the  west  wall  from  a  high  commanding 
position.  The  smallness  as.signed  to  it  perhaps  referred  onlv  to  it-- 
length.  .\ccording  to  Mr.  Ruiz,  then  the  Alcalde  of  San  .Antonio, 
who  after  the  action,  was  required  to  point  out  the  slain  leaders  to 
Santa  Anna,  the  body  of  Crockett  was  found  in  the  west  batterv 
jtist  referred  to;  and  we  may  infer  that  he  either  commanded  that 
jjoint  or  was  stationed  there  as  a  sharpshooter.  The  common  fate 
overtook  Bowie  in  his  bed  in  one  of  the  rooms  of  the  low  barrack, 
when  he  probably  had  but  a  few  days  of  life  left  in  him;  yet  he 
had  enough  remaining,  it  is  said,  to  shoot  down  with  his  pistols  more 
than  one  of  his  assailants  ere  he  was  butchered  on  his  couch.  If 
he  had  sufficient  strength  and  consciousness  left  to  do  it.  we  may 
safelx'  assume  that  it  was  done. 


HlSroRV  C)K    TEXAS  293 

"Thf  chaptl,  which  was  ihc  last  puiiu  taken,  was  carried  by  a 
coup  de  m<jin  after  the  tire  of  the  other  buildings  was  silenced.  Once 
the  enemy  in  possession  of  the  large  area,  the  guns  of  the  south 
could  be  turned  to  fire  into  the  door  of  the  church,  only  from  fifty 
to  a  hundred  yards  otif,  and  that  was  probably  the  route  of  attack. 
The  inmates  of  this  last  stronghold,  like  the  rest,  fought  to  the  last, 
and  continued  to  fire  down  from  the  upper  works  after  the  enemy 
occupied  the  floor.  i\  Mexican  oftlcer  told  of  .seeing  one  of  his 
soldiers  shot  in  the  crown  of  the  head  during  this  melee.  Towards 
the  close  of  the  struggle  Lieutenant  Dickenson,  with  his  child  in 
his  arms,  or  as  some  accounts  say,  tied  to  his  back,  leaped  from  the 
east  embrasure  of  the  chapel,  and  both  were  shot  in  the  act.  Of 
those  he  left  behind  him,  the  bayonet  soon  gleaned  what  the  bullet 
had  left ;  and  in  the  upper  part  of  that  edifice  the  last  defender  must 
have  fallen.  The  morning  breeze  which  received  his  parting  breath 
probably  .still  fanned  his  flag  above  that  fabric,  for  1  doubt  not  he 
fell  ere  it  was  pulled  down  by  the  victors. 

"The  Alamo  had  fallen;  but  the  inipres.sion  it  left  on  the  invader 
was  the  forerunner  of  San  Jacinto.  It  is  a  fact  not  often  remem- 
bered that  Travis  and  his  band  fell  under  the  Mexican  Federal 
ftag  of  1824,  in.stead  of  the  Lone  Star  of  Texas,  although  Inde- 
pendence, unknown  to  them,  had  been  declared  by  the  new  Con- 
vention four  days  before  at  Washington,  on  the  Brazos.  They  died 
for  a  Republic  of  whose  existence  they  never  knew.  The  action, 
according  to  Santa  .\nna's  re])ort,  lasted  thirty  minutes.  It  was 
certainly  short,  and  possibly  no  longer  time  passed  between  the  mo- 
ment the  enemy  entered  the  breach  and  that  when  resistance  died 
out.  The  assault  was  a  task  which  had  to  be  carried  out  quickly  or 
fail.  Some  of  the  incidents  which  have  to  be  related  separately 
occurred  simultaneously,  and  all  occujiied  very  little  time.  The  ac- 
count of  the  assault  which  Yoakum  and  others  have  adopted  as 
authentic  is  evidently  one  which  po])ular  tradition  has  based  on  con- 
jecture. By  a  rather  natural  inference  it  assumes  that  the  enclosing 
walls,  as  in  the  case  of  regular  forts,  were  the  principal  works,  and 
that  in  storming  these  the  main  conflict  took  ])lace.  The  truth  was. 
these  extensive  barriers  formed  in  reality  nothing  more  than  the  out- 
works, speedily  lost,  while  the  buildings  within  ccjnstituted  the  citadel 
and  the  scene  of  sternest  resistance.  Yoakum's  assertion  that  SaiUa 
Anna,  during  the  height  of  the  conflict,  was  under  the  works,  urging 
on  the  escalade  in  ]3er.son.  is  exceedingly  fabulous.  Castrillon,  not 
Santa  Anna,  was  the  soul  of  the  assault.  The  latter  remained  at 
his  south  battery,  viewing  the  operations  from  the  corner  of  a  house 
which  covered  him.  till  he  s\i])posed  the  place  was  nearl\-  mastered, 
when  he  moved  up  towards  the  .Xlamo.  escorted  by  his  aids  and  band^ 
of  music,  but  turned  back  on  being  greeted  by  a  few  shots  from  the 
upper  part  of  the  chapel.  Me.  however,  entered  the  area  towards 
the  close  of  the  scene,  and  directed  some  of  the  last  details  of  the 
butchery.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  .Santa  .Anna  in  the  course  of  his 
career  showed  occasional  fits  of  dashing  courage,  but  he  did  not 
select  this  field   for  an  exhibition  of   that   nnalitv.      About   the  limi- 


294  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

the  area  was  entered,  a  few  men,  cut  off  from  inward  retreat,  leaped 
from  the  barriers,  and  attempted  flight,  but  were  all  sabred  or  speared 
by  the  cavalry  except  one,  w'ho  succeeded  in  hiding  himself  under 
a  small  bridge  of  the  irrigating  ditch.  There  he  was  discovered  and 
reported  a  few  hours  after  by  some  laundresses  engaged  in  washing 
near  the  spot.  He  was  executed.  Half  an  hour  or  more  after  the 
action  was  over  a  few  men  were  found  concealed  in  one  of  the  rooms 
under  some  mattresses.  General  Houston,  in  his  letter  of  the  11th, 
says  as  many  as  seven ;  but  I  have  generally  heard  them  spoken  of 
as  only  four  or  five.  The  officer  to  whom  the  discovery  was  first 
reported  entreated  Santa  Anna  to  spare  their  lives ;  but  he  was 
sternly  rebuked,  and  the  men  ordered  to  be  shot,  which  was  done. 
Owing  to  the  hurried  manner  in  which  the  mandate  was  obeyed,  and 
the  confusion  prevailing  at  the  moment,  a  Mexican  soldier  was  acci- 
dentally killed  with  them.  A  negro  belonging  to  Travis,  the  wife  of 
Lieutenant  Dickenson,  who  at  the  time  was  enceinte,  and  a  few 
Mexican  women  with  their  children  were  the  only  inmates  of  the 
fort  whose  lives  were  spared.  The  massacre  involved  no  women  and 
but  one  child.  Lieutenant  Dickenson  commanded  the  gun  at  the  east 
embrasure  of  the  chapel.  His  family  was  probably  in  one  of  the 
small  vaulted  rooms  of  the  north  projection,  which  will  account  for 
his  being  able  to  take  his  child  to  the  rear  of  the  building  when  it  was 
being  stormed.  An  irrigating  canal  ran  below  the  embrasure,  and 
his  aim  may  have  been  to  break  the  shock  of  his  leap  by  landing  in 
ihe  mud  of  that  waterless  ditch,  and  then  try  to  escape,  or  he  may 
have  thought  that  so  striking  an  act  would  plead  for  his  life;  but 
the  shower  of  bullets  which  greeted  him  told  how  vain  was  the  hope. 
The  authenticity  of  this  highly  dramatic  incident  has  been  questioned, 
but  it  was  asserted  from  the  first,  and  was  related  to  me  by  an  eye- 
witness engaged  in  the  assault. 

"It  was  asserted  on  the  authority  of  one  of  the  women  that,  while 
the  church  was  being  stormed.  Major  Evans,  the  Master  of  Ordnance, 
rushed  with  a  torch  or  burning  match  towards  the  magazine  of  the 
fort  to  fire  it,  when  he  was  shot  down  before  his  object  was  accom- 
plished. It  may  seem  unlikelv  that  any  of  the  women  would  be  in  a 
position  to  witness  such  an  incident,  but  they  may  have  been  jnit  into 
the  magazine  as  a  place  most  sheltered  from  the  enemy's  shots.  The 
powder  was  probably  stored  in  the  little  vaulted  room  on  the  north  of 
the  chapel  which  I  have  just  referred  to. 

"There  were  two  officers  of  the  name  just  mentioned  in  the  gar- 
rison of  the  .\lamo.  Major  Robert  Evans,  Master  of  Ordnance,  an 
Irishman,  and  Captain  J.  B.  Evans,  of  Texas,  a  nephew  of  General 
lacob   Brown,   who   formerlv   commanded  the  United   States   army. 

"I  must  now  endeavor  to  approximate  as  nearly  as  can  he  done 
by  inference,  for  I  have  no  direct  data,  to  the  number  of  troops 
engaged  in  the  assault  and  the  amount  of  their  loss — matters  which 
have  been  the  subject  of  absurd  perversion  on  both  sides.  The  old 
popular  tale  of  Texas  that  the  Alamo  was  stormed  bv  10.000  men. 
of  whom  1,000  or  more  were  killed,  shows  how  rapidly  legend  may 
grow  up  even  in  this  age,  and  the  belief  w-hich  has  been  given  to  it 


IIISIURV  OF  TEXAS  295 

is  worthy  of  an  era  when  miracles  were  considered  frequent.  The 
entire  force  with  which  Santa  Anna  invaded  Texas  in  1836,  and 
which  after  his  defeat  he  rated  at  6,000  men,  probably  amounted  to 
7,500,  or  8,500,  as  it  consisted  of  seventeen  corps ;  viz.,  three  regi- 
ments of  horse  and  fourteen  battalions  of  foot.  It  is  proper  here  to 
observe  that  the  Mexicans  apply  the  term  regiment  only  to  cavalry 
corps,  a  colonel's  command  of  infantry  being  always  called  a  bat- 
talion. The  nominal  complement  of  a  regiment  or  battalion  is  1,500; 
but  I  never  heard  of  one  that  was  full,  and  seldom  saw  one  during 
my  long  residence  in  Mexico  that  contained  as  much  as  a  third  of 
that  number.  I  doubt  if  it  is  considered  convenient  ever  to  swell 
one  to  over  500  men ;  for  the  host  of  officers  who  have  sufficient 
influence  to  obtain  commands  can  be  supplied  only  by  keeping  up 
the  number  of  corps  at  the  expense  of  their  fulness.  I  saw  all  the 
corps  composing  the  said  army  when  it  retreated  from  Texas  to 
Matamoras  after  the  campaign  of  1836,  and  from  the  size  of  those 
which  had  not  been  in  action,  as  well  as  from  the  remaining  bulk 
of  those  which  had  suffered,  after  allowing  for  probable  loss,  I  am 
convinced  that  their  average  strength  when  they  entered  Texas  was 
short  of  500  men  each,  and  that  the  smaller  of  the  two  amounts  1 
have  assigned  to  the  aggregate  is  most  likely  to  be  true. 

"This  estimate  applies  especially  to  the  six  battalions  of  infantry 
which  formed  the  assaulting  force  of  the  Alamo.  They  may  pos- 
sibly have  numbered  3,000  men ;  but  from  the  best  information  and 
inference  I  have  been  able  to  gather,  I  believe  that  their  aggregate 
did  not  exceed  and  may  have  fallen  short  of  2,500.  .Santa  AnnaV 
invariable  practice  was  to  exaggerate  his  force  before  an  action, 
by  way  of  threat,  and  to  underrate  it  after,  whether  to  excuse  defeat 
or  magnify  victory  :  and  in  accordance  with  this  trickery,  in  his 
report  of  the  taking  of  the  Alamo,  he  sets  down  his  storming  force 
at  1,400,  in  his  loss  of  sixty  killed  and  300  wounded,  and  the  num- 
ber of  the  garrLson  all  told  and  all  killed  at  f>00.  Where 
the  slaughter  was  wrought  by  good  firearms  in  good  hands 
at  close  quarters  there  would  hardly  he  such  disparity  between  the 
number  of  killed  and  wounded.  The  probability  is  that  he  struck 
off  an  even  thousand  from  the  round  numbers  of  the  assaulters  and 
100  or  200  from  the  number  of  his  killed,  while  he  made  out  as  big 
a  butchery  of  rebels  as  Mexican  credulity  would  swallow.  If  we 
correct  his  falsification  on  this  assumption,  he  had  in  the  assault 
2,400,  and  lost  in  killed  and  wounded  460  or  560.  Anselmo  Bor- 
gara,  a  Mexican,  who  first  reported  the  fall  of  the  Alamo  to  Gen- 
eral Houston,  at  Gonzales,  having  left  .San  Antonio  the  evening 
after  it  occurred,  stated  that  the  assaulting  force  amounted  to  2,300 
men,  of  whom  521  were  killed  and  as  many  wounded.  He  had 
probably  found  means  of  ascertaining  with  approximate  correctness 
the  number  of  infantry  at  San  .^ntonio;  but  his  report  of  the  loss 
has  evidently  acquired  its  bulk  hv  the  process  of  doubling.  Neither 
Mexican  troops  nor  any  others  are  ai)t  to  take  forts  with  a  loss  of 
more  than  two-fifths  of  their  number.  He  had  probably  heard  of 
521  as  the  total  of  killed  and  wounded,  and  then  converted  the  whole 


296  ill  STORY  Ul-   TiiXAS 

into  the  former  a:id  supposed  an  equal  amount  of  the  latter.  The 
odd  numbers  attached  to  the  hundreds,  and  the  limits  which  prob- 
abihty  would  assign  to  a  large  loss,  favor  the  belief  that  he  had 
heard  the  result  of  an  actual  count  of  the  whole  deficit.  This  an- 
alysis of  falsehood  may  not  be  a  very  sure  way  of  finding  out  truth, 
but  it  is  not  without  value  when  it  has  some  corroboration.  The 
Mexican  officers  captured  at  San  Jacinto,  including  Santa  Anna's 
secretary,  as  I  was  told  by  Colonel  Seguin,  were  generally  of  the 
opinion  that  the  loss  at  the  Alamo  in  killed  and  wounded  was  about 
500.  Some  rated  it  lower,  and  others  higher ;  and  one,  but  only  one. 
went  as  high  as  700.  The  opinions  of  such  enlisted  men  as  I  have 
conversed  with  were  about  the  same  as  tho.se  of  the  officers,  rang- 
ing from  400  to  600.  Nothing  is  more  apt  to  make  an  exaggerated 
impression  on  the  casual  view  than  a  field  of  slaughter,  and  I  think 
that  the  higher  of  the  above  estimates  may  be  errors  of  that  kind, 
(jeneral  Bradburn,  who  was  at  the  scene  of  action  soon  after  it 
occurred,  believed  that  the  eventual  loss  to  the  service  (killed  and 
disabled  for  life)  would  be  300.  This  I  consider  equivalent  to  500 
killed  and  wounded,  and  it  is  my  opinion  that  the  Mexican  loss  at 
the  Alamo  differed  little  from  that  number. 

"Now,  if  500  men  were  bullet-stricken  by  180  in  half  an  hour 
or  little  more,  it  was  a  rapidity  of  bloodshed  which  needs  no  ex- 
aggeration ;  but  it  may  require  strong  proofs  to  save  it  from  the 
imputation  of  fiction,  for  defenders  of  better  forts  than  the  .Alamo 
seldom  slay  many  times  more  than  their  own  number,  imless  they 
pos.sess  extraordinary  means  or  opportunities  for  destruction.  The 
slaughter  was  not  in  this  case  the  carnage  of  unresisted  pursuit,  like 
that  of  San  Jacinto,  nor  the  sweeping  havoc  of  cannon  under  favor- 
able circumstances,  like  that  of  Sandusky.  The  main  element  of 
defence  was  the  individual  valor  and  skill  of  men  who  had  few 
advantages  of  fortification,  ordnance,  discipline,  or  command.  All 
their  deficiencies,  which  were  glaring,  serve  only  to  enhance  the 
merit  of  individuality,  in  which  no  veterans  could  have  excelled 
them.  It  required  no  ordinary  bravery,  even  in  greatly  superior 
numbers,  to  overcome  a  resistance  so  determined.  The  Mexican 
troops  displayed  more  of  it  in  this  assault  than  they  have  done  on 
almost  any  other  occasion ;  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  better 
troops  than  those  of  Santa  Anna  always  fail  under  loss  as  heavy  as 
romance  often  assigns  to  the  assailants  of  the  Alamo. 

"If  we  owe  to  departed  heroes  the  duty  of  pre.serving  their  deeds 
from  oblivion,  we  ought  to  feel  as  strongly  that  of  defending  their 
memory  against  the  calumnious  effect  of  false  eulogy,  which  in  time 
might  cause  their  real  achievements  to  he  doubted." 


CHAITKR  XX 
JOHNSON  AND  GRANT  AND  FANNIN 

Soon  after  the  fall  of  San  Antonio,  Colonel  Gonzales,  a  former  fed- 
eral ofticer,  but  who  had  joined  the  Texans  and  obtained  authority  to 
raise  men  and  annoy  the  enemy  in  every  way  he  could,  arrived  with 
some  hundred  Mexican  adherents.  During  his  stay  at  San  Antonio,  it 
was  agreed  that  such  of  the  force  then  in  San  Antonio  as  would  volun- 
teer should  join  him  in  an  expedition  against  Matamoras,  (lonzales  assur- 
ing us  that  he  would  be  able,  in  a  short  time,  to  augment  his  force  to 
1,000  or  more  men.  from  the  Rio  Grande  settlements,  lie  left,  after 
promising  to  keep  us  informed  of  his  movements,  and  to  establish  a  plan 
of  rendezvous.      That  was  the  last  we  heard  of  him. 

Impressed  with  the  importance  of  occupying  and  holding  iVlatamoras, 
and  thus  transferring  the  war  into  the  enemy's  country,  as  well  as  giving 
employment  to  the  volunteer  troops.  Colonel  Johnson  repaired  to  San 
i'elipe  to  lay  it  before,  and  get  the  authority  of,  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment to  make  the  campaign.  Colonel  Grant,  in  the  ineantime,  raised  a 
force  of  such  as  would  volunteer,  and  marched  to  Goliad,  and  thence  to 
Refugio,  at  which  place  Colonel  Johnson  joined  him,  after  getting  the 
authority  of  the  government  to  make  the  expedition.  Colonel  Fannin 
was  aLso  authorized  to  ship  the  "(jeorgia  Battalion,"  then  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Brazos,  and  but  recently  arrived,  to  Copano,  for  the  same  purpose. 

Fannin  and  the  troops  arrived  in  due  time  and,  after  being  elected 
colonel,  and  coming  to  an  understanding  with  Colonels  Johnson  and 
(irant,  he  marched  to  Goliad,  where  he  was  joined  by  other  volunteers, 
which  increased  his  force  to  some  500  men. 

Johnson  and  Grant  jiroceeded  to  .San  Patricio  on  the  Nueces  River, 
where  they  remained  .some  time  reconnoitering  and  scouring  the  country 
around,  capturing  a  small  Mexican  force,  which  was  relea.sed  on  parole. 
The  officer  commanding  was  allowed  the  privilege  of  the  camp  on  his 
word  of  honor  not  to  leave.  He,  however,  soon  deserted  and  joined 
I'rrea  at  Matamoras. 

Soon  after  this.  Johnson  and  (iranl  crossed  the  Nueces,  and  advanced 
lo  Rio  Colorado,  on  the  road  to  Matamoras.  for  the  purpose  of  getting 
horses  to  mount  a  cavalry  force,  an  arm  much  needed  by  Fannin.  Thev 
succeeded  in  obtaining  horses  ^iifiicient  to  mount  at  least  100  men. 

While  lying  at  .San  Patricio  we  had  been  joined  by  Daniel  J.  Toler. 
a  iiartner  of  Colonel  Grant,  who.  \\  hen  the  state  Congress  adjourned, 
went  to  Parras  for  the  purpose  of  Inokintr  after  their  estate  and  infortned 
us  that,  on  his  way  to  Texas,  he  saw  .Santa  .Anna  and  his  army  at  Sal- 
lillo.  which  he  estimated  at  some  8.000  or  10.000  men  of  all  arms.  This 
information   was  imniediatelv  communicited   to  Colonel   Fannin. 

On  our  return  march.  Colonel  Grant,  learning  that  there  were  .i 
number  of  horses  and  mules  at  no  great  dist.ince  below  the  road,  sug- 
gested the  propriety  of  securing  them.  In  this  he  was  seconded  bv 
Major  Morris.  Colonel  Johnson  was  opposed  to  it,  and  urged  as  rea- 
sons:  first,  that  the  eneinv  were  advised  of  our  neighborhood:  secondly, 

297 


Z9S  HISTORY  OF   TEXAS 

that  we  had  a  sufficient  number  of  horses.  However,  as  the  command 
was  pretty  equally  divided  it  was  agreed  that  Grant  and  Morris,  with 
about  one-half  the  force — some  'seventy  men — should  secure  the  animals. 
Johnson,  and  the  other  part  of  the  force,  returned  to  San  Patricio,  there 
to  await  Grant  and  Morris. 

On  the  night  of  the  second  day  after  our  arrival  at  San  Patricio,  we 
were  surprised  and  attacked  by  Urrea's  advance.  After  a  short  struggle, 
all  were  put  to  the  sword,  except  Colonel  Johnson,  David  J.  Toler,  John 
H.  Love,  of  Georgia,  and  Miller,  of  South  Carolina.  At  the  time  we 
were  rooming  together,  and  had  been  joined  by  a  Frenchman,  a  mer- 
chant of  Matamoras.  The  house  was  soon  surrounded,  and  an  order 
given  to  open  the  door ;  there  being  no  light  in  the  house,  the  officer 
ordered  a  light  to  be  made.  Toler,  who  spoke  the  Castilian  well,  kept 
the  officer  in  conversation  while  he  pretended  to  be  complying  with  tlu- 
order.  While  thus  engaged,  fortunately  for  the  inmates  of  the  house,  a. 
fire  was  opened  on  the  street  in  front,  whether  at  a  squad  of  their  own 
men  or  at  Texans  is  not  known.  This  drew  those  in  the  rear  of  the 
house  to  the  front.  Apprised  of  this.  Colonel  Johnson  gave  the  order  to 
open  the  rear  door,  and  to  pass  out,  and  escape  if  we  could.  The  order 
was  promptly  obeyed ;  and  the  party  escaped  in  safety  to  Goliad  after 
some  suffering  and  fatigue.  The  first  night  we  stopped  near  Refugio, 
where  we  were  joined  by  one  of  our  companions — Beck,  and  by  one  or 
two  at  Goliad,  who,  like  ourselves,  had  escaped  from  San  Patricio. 

After  this  affair,  Grant  and  his  command,  near  Agua  Dulce.  some 
twenty-five  miles  west  of  San  Patricio,  was  attacked  and  after  a  des- 
perate resistance  overcome  and  put  to  the  sword,  only  one — R.  R.  Brown, 
of  Georgia,  being  made  a  prisoner.  Two  escaped,  Skurlock.  of  Eastern 
Texas,  and  Placido  Benavides,  a  Mexican,  who  grave  us  the  first  infor- 
mation of  the  bloody  tragedy.  Brown  was  taken  to  Matamoras.  hut 
subsequently  escaped. 

The  truth  of  history,  as  well  as  justice  to  many  patriots,  most  of 
whom  sacrificed  their  lives  in  the  war  of  Texas  independence,  makes  it 
necessary  to  correct  certain  portions  of  Kennedy's  and  Yoakum's  his- 
tory. 

Kennedy  says : 

"On    the   first   of   January.   200   of   the   volunteers    stationed   at 
Bexar  had  marched  for  Goliad,  on  their  way  to  San  Patricio,  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  (Doctor)  Grant.     On  the  preceding  dav,  a 
meeting  of  part  of  the  garrison  had  been  held,  at  which  resolutions 
were  passed,  approving  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Neill  as  commandant, 
in  the  absence  of  Colonel  Johnson  and  declaring  it  'highly  essential 
that  the  existing  armv  should  remain   in  Bexar.'     This  declaration 
was  in  condemnation  of  the   movement   against   Matamoras.   which 
stripped  Bexar  of  two-thirds  of  its  defenders,  with  the  greater  por- 
tion of  the  winter  supply  of  ammunition,  clothing,  and  provisions." 
To  this,  it  is  only  necessary  to  say  that  there  was  no  supply  of  cloth- 
ing, and  that  provisions  were  obtained  from  the  surrounding  country. 
.A.gain.  he  says: 

"All  the  Bexar  volunteers  under  Grant,   with  the  exception   of 
about  fifty,  left  him,  having  heard  that  his  object  was  plunder,  and 


HiSTURY  UF  TEXAS  299 

joined  tlie   force  at   Goliad,   while   Grant   himself,   who   was  subse- 
quently joined  by  some  twenty  men  under  Johnson,  proceeded  on  a 
forage  for  horses  and  cattle  in  the  direction  of  Matamoras." 
That  a  part  of  the  force  under  Grant  joined  the  troops  under  Gen- 
eral Houston  at  Goliad  and  Refugio,  is  true,  but  not   for  the   reason 
stated ;  and,  as  to  Johnson  and  twenty  men  joining  him,  that  is  equally 
untrue.     Johnson  joined  with  but  a  single  individual,  Adjutant  Brister. 
It  is  due  the  historian  to  say,  that  these  errors  arose  from  the  want 
of  correct  mformation,  and  not  from  any  desire  to  do  injustice  to  any 
one. 

We  will  notice  the  statement  of  Yoakum: 

"A  difference  between  the  governor  and  council  has  already  been 

intimated.     The  origin  and  progress  of   this  difference,   so  painful 

and  destructive  in  its  consequences,   require  a   special  notice.     Dr. 

James  Grant,  it  will  be  remembered,  originated  the  project  of   an 

expedition  to  Matamoras.     His  domicile  was  in  Coahuila,  where  he 

had  a  splendid  estate.     He  had  never  resided  in  Texas ;  it  was  not 

his  home.     His   feelings,  his  interests,  and  his  efforts,   were  all   in 

favor  of  the  old  tmion  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.     Trtie,  he  was  at  the 

siege  of  San  Antonio  and  fought  gallantly  there,  and  was  severely 

wounded  on  the  first  day,  hut  he  fought  against  Cos,  who  had  driven 

him   from  the  legislative  hall  of   Monclova,  and  not   for  the  cause 

and   right  of   Texas.     He   therefore  had   a  motive   in  carrying  the 

war  to  Matamoras,  and  thence  into  the  interior  of  Mexico,  that  he 

might  return  to  his  princelv  domain  at   Parras.     Among  the  volim- 

teers  and  adventurers  at   San  Antonio  he  was  incessantly  painting 

in  lively  colors  the  rich  spoils  of  Tamaulipas,  New  Leon,  Coahuila, 

and  San  Luis  Potosi,  the  facility  of  the  descent,  the  cowardly  nature 

of  the  inhabitants,  and  the  charming  beauties  of  the  valleys  of  the 

San  Juan,  the  Sabinas,  and  the  Santander." 

That  Doctor  Grant  resided,  or.  rather  had  resided,  in  Parras,  Coa- 

liuila,  had  an  estate  there,  and  was  a  member  of  the  Congress  of  the 

>tate  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  and  was  in  favor  of  an  expedition  against 

Matamoras,   is   true  ;  but,   that  he   was   actuated  by   anything  but   pure 

patriotism   in  advocating  the   Matamoras  expedition,   we   deny.     Doctor 

Grant   was  a  scholar,  gentleman,   and   soldier,  and   devoted  to  the  besf 

interests  of  Texas. 

Major  Morris,  and  most  ftthers  engaged  in  the  expedition,  were  actu- 
ated by  the  highest  motives  of  patriotism,  and  had  left  their  homes  to 
aid  and  assist  a  people  struggling  for  independence  and  liberty. 

That  Johnson  and  Grant  and  their  companions  asked  or  desired  other 
or  greater  privileges  than  those  authorized  bv  law.  is  simply  false. 

The  expedition,  west  of  the  Nueces,  for  horses  and  mules  was  not,  as 
is  insinuated,  for  their  own  emolument  and  profit,  but  to  supply  a  want 
in  the  service — a  cavalry  force.  So  far  from  seizing  and  taking  prop- 
erty by  force,  all  was  receipted  for  at  a  fair  valuation  or  paid  for.  Yet, 
Mr.  Yoakum,  in  his  historv.  insinuates,  if  he  does  not  charge  in  direct 
terms,  that  the  parties  thus  engaged  were  euiltv  of  offenses  that,  if  true, 
would  brand  them  with  eternal  disgrace.  Whv  the  historian  should  have 
singled  out  Johnson,  Grant,  Morris,  and  their   followers  as  fit   subjects 


MM  HISTUKV  UF  TEXAS 

lu  brand  with  disgrace  and  infamy  is  beyond  our  ken.  So  far  as  then- 
motives  and  acts  are  concerned,  they  have  been  faithfully,  if  not  ably, 
stated,  and  may  well  abide  impartial  public  opinion. 

On  our  arrival  at  Goliad,  from  San  Patricio,  Colonel  Johnson  in- 
formed Colonel  Fannin  of  the  advance  of  Urrea.  Soon  after,  news  was 
received  of  the  defeat  and  slaughter  of  Grant  and  command.  \\'e  were 
informed  by  Colonel  Fannin  that  Colonel  Travis  was  besieged,  and  had 
sent  to  him  for  aid.  which  he  was  not  able  to  give  for  want  of  neces- 
>ary  transportation. 

Before  leaving  Goliad,  Johnson  advised  Fannin  either  to  abandon 
(ioliad  and  destroy  the  fort  or  to  strengthen  it  by  the  addition  of  new 
works,  and  collect  such  supplies  of  provisions  as  he  could  procure,  and 
await  the  advance  of  the  enemy.  He  decided,  after  consultation  with  his 
officers,  to  maintain  his  position.  He  was,  also,  informed  that  due  notice 
had  been  given  the  families  at  Refugio,  and  not  to  listen  to  any  appeal  for 
assistance,  as  most  of  the  Irish  families  were  suspected  of  being  un- 
friendly to  the  Texans ;  that  his  safety  and  success  in  defending  the 
place  depended  on  his  keeping  his  force  united. 

Hearing  of  the  advance  of  the  Mexicans  upon  Refugio,  Colonel 
Fannin  sent  Captain  King  with  twenty-eight  men  to  remove  some  fam- 
ihes  yet  at  the  mission.  King  reached  there  on  the  12th  of  March,  but 
delayed  his  departure  until  the  advance  of  Urrea's  cavalry  came  up.  He 
then  took  position  with  his  small  force,  in  the  mission,  and  kept  the 
enemy  at  bay  until  he  could  send  a  mes.senger  to  Fannin  at  Goliad.  The 
messenger  reached  the  latter  place  about  midnight  on  the  12th  and  Fan- 
nin immediately  dispatched  Colonel  Ward  with  100  men  to  his  relief. 
Ward  arrived  at  the  rnission  on  the  evening  of  the  13th.  In  the  mean- 
time, Urrea,  then  on  his  march  to  Cioliad,  received  news  of  the  assist- 
ance made  bv  King,  and  on  the  l.^th  dispatched  a  company  of  cavalry 
to  keep  the  Texans  engaged  till  he  could  come  uo  with  the  main  body. 
The  latter  reached  the  mission  at  davbreak  on  the  14th.  but  Ward  had 
got  into  the  mission. 

Meanwhile,  General  Houston,  who  had  taken  command  of  a  small 
force  at  Gonzales,  dispatched  Captain  De  Sangue  with  an  order  to 
Colonel  F'annin,  dated  the  11th  of  March,  commanding  him,  as  soon  as 
l^racticable  after  the  receipt  of  the  order,  to  fall  hack  upon  Victoria,  on 
the  Guadalupe,  taking  with  him  such  artillery  as  could  be  brought  off 
with  expedition,  previously  adopting  measures  to  blow  up  the  fort  before 
leaving  its  vicinitv.  This  order  was  received  bv  Colonel  Fannin  on  the 
morning  of  the  14th.  and  he  immediately  dispatched  an  express  to  Ward. 
stating  the  nature  of  Houston's  order,  and  requesting  him  to  return  with 
all  haste  to  Goliad.  Fannin  also  sent  out  parties  for  teams  and  carls, 
•ind  commenced  dismounting  and  burying  several  of  the  guns.  On  the 
same  day,  he  sent  a  note  to  Col.  .A.  C.  Horton,  at  Matagfirda.  request- 
ing him  to  join  him  as  early  as  possible  with  the  200  men  under  his  com- 
mand. This  note  fell  into  the  hands  of  General  Urrea :  but  Horton 
joined  Fannin  on  the  16th  with  twentv-seven  mounted  men. 

To  return  to  the  mission  of  Refugio :  Colonel  Ward  gave  orders  to 
set  out  on  the  march  to  rejoin  Fannin  on  the  following  morning  (the 
14th)    at    davbreak.     When   the   morning   dawned,   however,    it    was   be- 


HISTORY  OF    TEXAS  301 

lieved  from  the  report  of  one  oi  the  sentinels  that  the  Mexicans  were 
in  large  force  in  the  neighborhood.  To  satisfy  themselves  on  this  point. 
Captain  King  was  sent  out  with  thirteen  men  to  ascertain  the  fact. 
.Shortly  afterward  a  firing  was  heard  in  the  direction  King  had  taken. 
W'ard  with  his  command  advanced  rapidly  till  they  found  themselves  in 
front  of  600  or  800  of  the  enemy.  W'ard  again  retreated  to  the  mis- 
sion. The  church  was  an  old  stone  building,  in  ruins,  but  strong.  Three 
sides  of  it  were,  however,  exposed  to  an  assault.  The  fourth  side  was 
formed  by  a  stone  wall,  150  feet  in  length,  used  as  a  place  of  burial,  and 
containing  many  tombs;  from  the  end  of  this  wall  the  ground  descended. 
Captain  Bullock's  comi)any  of  thirty-five  men  was  placed  in  the  church- 
yard to  protect  the  mission  from  an  assault  in  that  direction.  The  re- 
mainder of  Ward's  command  barricaded  the  church,  made  loopholes,  and 
utiierwise  prepared  for  defense.  General  Urrea  now  ordered  a  charge, 
at  the  same  time  bringing  up  a  four-pounder  to  batter  down  the  door 
The  Texans  waited  till  their  rifles  could  take  effect,  when  they  opened 
such  a  fire  that  the  enemy,  after  repeated  charges,  broke  and  fled.  Dur- 
ing this  affair,  which  lasted  nearly  all  of  the  14th  of  March,  the  Mex- 
icans lost  about  200  in  killed  and  wounded ;  the  Texans'  loss  was  only 
three  severely  wounded. 

The  enemy  having  retreated  to  their  camp,  some  500  or  600  yards 
distant,  had  posted  sentinels  around  the  mission.  At  night  the  Texans, 
finding  their  ammunition  nearly  exhausted,  determined  to  retreat ;  but, 
as  they  could  not  remove  their  wounded,  they  resolved  first  to  leave  them 
a  supply  of  water.  Accordingly,  after  dark,  the  whole  Texan  command 
marched  to  the  spring,  about  400  yards  distant,  dispersed  the  enemy's 
guard  stationed  there — killing  four  of  them — supplied  themselves  with 
water,  filled  the  gourds  of  their  woimded  comrades,  and  bade  them  a 
last  farewell. 

Colonel  Ward  with  his  forces  then  set  out  on  their  retreat,  and. 
marching  through  the  woods  and  swamps,  where  the  enemy's  cavalry 
could  not  follow,  they  reached  the  San  Antonio  River  on  the  third  day. 
On  the  second  day,  however,  a  few  of  the  men  left  the  command  in 
search  of  water,  but  did  not  again  join  it.  The  next  morning,  the  19th. 
Ward  crossed  the  river  and  resumed  the  march  in  the  direction  of  Vic 
toria.  That  evening  they  heard  the  firing  between  P"aiuiin  and  Urrea. 
apparently  about  ten  miles  distant.  They  endeavored  to  reach  the  com 
batants,  but,  darkness  coming  on,  they  found  themselves  in  the  Guad- 
alupe swamp,  where  they  passed  the  night.  The  next  day,  the  21sl. 
Ward  set  out  again  toward  Victoria,  where  he  and  his  command  sur- 
rendered to  the  enemy  as  ])ri.soners  of  war. 

To  return  to  Captain  King.  He  had  been  sent  out  nn  tiie  morning 
of  the  14th  to  reconnoiter,  but  his  return  to  the  mission  having  been 
cut  otT.  he  attempted  to  reach  Goliad.  He  lost  his  way,  however,  and 
found  himself,  after  two  davs'  march  (on  the  morning  of  the  16th).  only 
three  miles  from  the  mission  on  an  open  prairie,  and  his  ammunition 
wet.  Under  these  circumstances  he  was  surrounded  and  obliged  to  sur- 
render, previous  to  which  one  of  his  men  was  mortally  wounded.  In 
six  hours  afterward  Ca])tain   Kiut;  inui   lii^  cnmm.-md  were  shot,  on  tln' 


302  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

road  to  Goliad,  about  a  mile  from  the  mission,  and  being  stripped  of 
their  clothing,  were  left  a  prey  to  wild  beasts. 

General  Urrea  took  possession  of  the  "Old  Mission"  on  the  morning 
of  the  15th.  He  found  there  only  the  three  wounded  Texans,  who  were 
>oon  despatched  and  thrown  out,  to  give  place  to  his  own  wounded. 
Leaving  these  under  the  care  of  Colonel  Vara  and  a  small  command,  he 
.sent  the  whole  of  his  disposable  cavalry  in  pursuit  of  Ward,  and  set  out 
himself  with  the  advance,  consisting  of  200  horses  and  foot,  on  the 
morning  of  the  16th,  toward  Goliad,  sending  a  reconnoitering  party 
still  ahead  of  his  advance. 

Colonel  Fannin,  receiving  no  news  from  his  first  express  to  Ward, 
sent  a  second,  and  then  a  third,  who  were  perhaps  taken  by  the  enemy. 
It  was  only  on  the  18th  that  he  first  received  any  account  of  Ward.  On 
the  17th  Col.  A.  C.  Horton,  who  had  come  in  the  day  before  from 
Matagorda,  was  ordered  to  reconnoiter  the  enemy.  On  his  return  he 
reported  a  large  force  of  them  a  few  miles  from  the  fort,  marching 
slowly  and  in  good  order.  Colonel  Fannin  immediately  had  the  cannon 
dug  up  and  remounted,  expecting  an  engagement  that  night  or  the  next 
morning.  During  the  night  of  the  17th  the  guard  was  doubled.  The 
enemy  were  seen  hovering  about  the  place  on  the  18th  and  in  some  force 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  San  Antonio  River,  near  the  old  mission.  Colonel 
Horton  was  sent  over  with  such  motmted  force  as  he  could  collect  and 
made  a  furious  charge  upon  the  party  at  the  mission.  The  latter  re- 
treated to  the  timber,  and,  beine  t^iere  supported  by  their  infantry. 
Colonel  Horton  fell  back  in  good  order.  Captain  .Shackelford  volun- 
teered to  go  over  with  his  company  to  the  aid  of  Horton,  but  just  as 
they  were  about  to  commence  the  attack,  the  guns  from  Fort  Defiance 
caused  the  enemy  to  make  a  precipitate  retreat. 

Having  determined  on  his  retrograde  movement  the  next  morning. 
Fannin  made  his  arrangements  accordingly.  Before  day.  Colonel  Hor- 
ton and  his  twentv-eight  horsemen  were  in  the  saddle,  and  proceeded  on 
ihe  Victoria  road.  The  way  being  reported  clear  of  the  foe,  the  fort 
was  dismantled,  the  buildings  burnt,  and  the  Texan  force,  about  300 
strong,  set  out  early.  It  was  10  o'clock,  however,  before  the  rear  guard 
had  crossed  the  San  Antonio  River.  Much  time  was  consumed  in  get- 
ting the  artillery  up  the  banks ;  besides,  a  cart  broke  down,  and  its  load 
had  to  be  distributed  among  the  other  wagons.  Still  thev  advanced  in 
srood  order  and  as  briskly  as  the  ox -teams  and  freight  would  permit.  At 
length,  after  a  march  of  six  or  eight  miles  toward  the  waters  of  the 
Coleto.  Colonel  Fannin  ordered  a  halt,  to  graze  and  rest  the  oxen,  and 
refresh  the  troops.  Fannin  had  all  along  committed  the  error  of  enter- 
taining a  too  great  contemjit  for  the  enemv.  Captain  Shackelford  re- 
monstrated against  the  halt  until  thev  should  reach  the  Coleto,  then  five 
miles  distant,  but  he  was  overruled.  "Colonel  Fannin  and  many  others," 
says  the  gallant  captain,  "could  not  be  made  to  believe  that  the  Mexicans 
would  dare  follow  us." 

After  a  halt  of  an  hour  the  march  was  resumed.  Colonel  Horton 
with  his  cavalry  was  sent  in  advance,  to  examine  the  Coleto  crossing. 
Shortly  after  resuming  the  march,  two  of  the  enemy  appeared,  as  if 
coming  out  of  the  timber  bordering  on  the  Coleto,  about  a  mile  distant. 


HISTORY  Ul'   TEXAS  303 

and  ratlicr  to  the  rear  and  riglu  of  the  Texan  army  ;  then  four  men 
appeared,  and  finally  350  cavalry  emerged  from  the  same  quarter  and 
advanced  rapidly  with  the  view  of  cutting  off  the  Texans  from  the  skirl 
of  timber  about  a  mile  or  more  in  front.  "Our  artillery,"  says  Captain 
Shackelford,  "wa>  ordered  to  open  on  them  and  cover  our  rear.  .About 
liiis  time  we  discovered  a  large  force  of  infantry  emerging  from  the 
same  skirt  of  woodland  at  which  their  cavalry  had  first  l^een  seen." 

l-'annin  attemiHed  to  reach  the  timber  in  front,  but  the  rapid  approach 
of  the  enemy  determined  him  to  prepare  immediately  for  l)attle.  Fan- 
niir's  forces  were  in  an  open  prairie,  the  nearest  timber  being  that  in 
front.  The  breaking  down  of  an  ammunition  wagon  also  hindered  them 
from  advancing  to  an  eminence  near  by ;  they  were  therefore  comi)elled 
to  form  in  a  depression  in  the  ])lain,  six  or  seven  feet  below  the  sur- 
rounding surface.  The  Texans  were  compelled  to  form  in  an  oblong 
square,  tin-  artillerv  being  judiciouslv  posted.  The  enemy's  cavalry  com- 
ing up  within  a  quarter  uf  a  mile,  dismounted,  and  fired  a  harmless  volley 
with  their  scopets  |escopetas].  Thus  thev  continued  to  advance  and 
fire.  Colonel  Fannin,  with  great  coolness,  repeated  to  his  men  the  order 
"not  to  fire."  By  this  time  all  the  Texan  infantry  sat  down,  leaving  the 
artillerists  and  Colonel  Fannin  alone  standing.  The  Mexican  cavalry 
having  now  come  within  100  yards,  the  command  was  given,  and  the 
Texans  opened  a  fire  with  their  rifles,  nniskets.  and  artillery.  About  this 
time  Colonel  F^annin  received  a  wound  in  the  fleshy  part  of  the  thigh. 
While  engaged  with  the  enemy's  cavalr\-  on  their  right  flank,  the  Texans 
found  the  ^^exican  infantr\-,  1,000  or  1,200  strong,  advancing  in  their 
rear  and  left  flank.  Coming  within  range,  they  fired  a  volley,  and 
charged  bayonets.  They  were  received  by  a  fire  of  artillery,  Duval's 
riflemen,  and  some  other  troops,  whose  fire  cut  them  down  with  great 
■•laughter.  This  Mexican  infantrv  was  the  celebrated  Tampico  regiment. 
Thev  fell  down  in  the  grass,  and  occasionallv  raised  u])  to  shoot,  but 
whenever  they  showed  their  heads,  the  Texan  rifles  generally  took  them 
down.  .\  bodv  of  the  enemy's  cavalrv  then  made  an  attempt  upon  the 
Texan  rear.  but.  at  a  distance  of  sixtv  vards.  they  were  so  well  received 
with  double  canister  charged  with  musket-ball,  and  bv  the  riflemen,  that 
thev  fell  bv  .scores,  and  made  a  sudden  retreat,  choosing  to  return  after- 
ward on  foot. 

The  conflict  bv  this  time  had  become  general.  The  Texans  had  no 
water  to  sponge  their  cannon,  and  thev  became  so  hot  that  the\'  rouKl 
not  be  used,  so  that  the  Texans  were  forced  to  relv  wliollv  on  their  sm;il' 
amis.  With  these  thev  continued  the  fir'ht  most  nianfullv  from  1  o'clock 
until  sundown.  At  dusk,  the  Campeacliv  Indians  (who  could  not  well 
imderstand  the  word  of  command  at  Mission  T^efugio)  were  placed  in 
the  high  grass,  about  ihirtv  vards  from  the  Texan  lines,  from  which 
thev  Tioured  a  destructive  fire  :  but  so  soon  as  it  was  sufiRcientlv  dark  for 
the  Texans  to  see  the  flash  of  their  guns,  thev  seldom  flashed  twice  from 
the  same  point,  .'\mone  those  wounded  was  Henrv  Riplev.  a  son  of 
General  Ripley,  of  Louisiana,  a  vouth  of  eighteen  vears.  He  had  his 
thigh  broken.  Mrs.  Cash  (who  was  with  the  Texan  armv")  at  his  re- 
quest helped  him  into  a  cart  and  fixed  a  prop  for  him  to  lean  on  and  a 
rest  for  his  rifle.     Thus  he  continued  the  fight  until  another  shot  broke 


304  HISTUKY  OF  TEXAS 

liis  right  arm.      Such   was  the  spirit  of  the  Texans  at   the  hattle  of  the 
("oleto. 

A  little  after  dark  General  Urrea  drew  off  his  troops.  The  Texans 
lust  during  the  day  seven  killed,  several  mortally  and  sixty  badly 
wounded.  The  enemy's  loss  must  have  been  five  times  as  great.  Urrea's 
force  in  the  action  was  estimated  at  1,200  infantry  and  700  cavalry.  The 
Texans,  exclusive  of  Colonel  Horton's  mounted  force,  were  about  275 
in  all.  Horton  having  gone  on  in  advance  to  examine  the  pass  of  the 
Coleto,  had  dismounted  with  his  men.  So  soon  as  they  heard  the  firing 
between  the  contending  parties  in  their  rear,  the  word  "to  horse"  was 
given,  when  the  party  galloped  back  to  the  prairie.  Here  they  had  a 
full  view  of  the  engagement,  and,  seeing  the  Texans  very  nearly  sur- 
rounded by  so  large  a  force  of  the  enemy,  Horton's  lieutenant.  Moore, 
objected  to  any  attempt  to  reach  their  comrades  by  penetrating  the 
Mexican  lines,  alleging  that  they  would  all  be  cut  to  ])ieces.  Immedi- 
ately he  dashed  off  in  another  direction,  taking  with  him  nearly  all  the 
party.  Colonel  Horton,  being  thus  left  with  so  few  men.  had  no  other 
alternative  than  to  retire  also.     He  therefore  returned  to  Victoria. 

The  description  of  the  battle  of  the  Coleto.  as  it  apjieared  first  after 
one  of  those  attempts  to  charge  in  the  evening,  is  thus  given  by  an  eve- 
witness  : 

"The   scene   was   now   dreadful   to  behold.     Killed   and   maimed 
men  and  horses  were  strewn  over  the  plain ;  the  wounded  were  rend- 
ing the  air  with  their  distressing  moans,   while   a  great  number  of 
horses  without  riders  were  rushing  to  and  fro  back  upon  the  enemy's 
lines,  increasing  the  confusion   among  them  :   they   thus  became   so 
entangled,  the  one  with  the  other,  that  their  retreat  resembled  the 
headlong-  flight  of  a  herd  of  buffaloes,  rather  than  the  retreat  of  a 
well-drilled  army,  as  thev  were." 
The  enemy  took  position  for  the  night  in  the  skirt  of  woods  in  front. 
The   Texans   w'ere   occupied   in    forming  a   breastwork   of   earth,   carts, 
wagons,  and  packs.     "It  has  been  often  asked."  says  Captain   Shackel- 
ford, "as  a  matter  of  surprise,  why  we  did  not  retreat  in  the  night.     .\ 
few  reasons.  I  think,  ought  to  satisfy  every  candid  man  on  this  point. 
During  the  engagement  our  teams  had  all  been  killed,  wounded,  or  had 
strayed  off.  so  that  we  had  no  possible  wav  of  taking  off  our  wounded 
camijanions.     Those  who  could  have  deserted  them  under  such  circum- 
, stances  possess  feelings  which  T  shall  never  envv.     T  will  mention  another 
reason   which   mav  have   more  weight   with   some   persons   than   the  one 
■'ilready  given.     We  had  been  contendinsr  for  five  hours,  without  inter- 
mission, with  a   force  more  than  seven  times  lareer  than  our  own  ;  had 
driven  the  enemv  from  the  field  with  ereat  slaughter ;  and  calculated  on 
a   reinforcement    from  Victoria   in   the    morning,   when   we   expected   to 
consummate  our  victory." 

Captain  .Shackelford  does  not  inform  us  whv  they  expected  aid  from 
Victoria:  at  all  events,  none  came.  On  the  other  hand,  the  reinforce- 
ment sent  to  the  enemv  from  Bexar  consi^tinf  of  ,S00  men  under  Colonel 
Morales,  with  three  pieces  of  artillery,  .ind  of  which  Urrea  had  received 
notice  on  the  18th.  arrived  in  the  Mexican  camn  at  half  past  six  on  the 
morning  of  the  2nth.     Farh-  on  that  morning  T''^rrea  displayed  his  whole 


HIS'IDKN    UF  TEXAS  305 

force  ill  the  most  inipusinj;  iiianiiLT.  lof^cllier  with  his  pack-mules  and 
artiller)-.  The  fire  of  the  latter  coniiiienced,  but  without  effect.  They 
kept  out  of  the  range  of  the  Texan  riflemen,  who  reserved  their  fire  for 
close  quarters.  After  the  Mexicans  had  discharged  a  few  rounds,  they 
raised  a  white  flag,  but  it  was  soon  taken  down.  The  Texan  wounded 
had  "suffered  agonies  for  want  of  water."  Their  officers  held  a  con- 
sultation, and  it  was  the  opinion  of  a  majority  that  they  could  not  save 
the  wounded  without  a  capitulation.  The  unexpected  appearance  of 
artillery  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy  likewise  conduced  to  this  conclusion, 
for  the  Texan  breastwork  was  only  intended  to  resist  small  arms. 

The  Texans  now  raised  a  white  flag,  which  was  promptly  answered 
by  the  enemy.  Major  Wallace  and  Captain  Chadwick  went  out.  and 
in  a  short  time  returned  saying  General  Urrea  would  treat  only  with  the 
commanding  officer.  Colonel  Fannin,  though  lame,  went  out,  assuring 
his  men  that  he  would  make  no  other  than  an  honorable  capitulation. 
He  returned  in  a  short  time,  and  communicated  the  terms  of  the  agree- 
ment which  he  had  made  with  Urrea.  They  were  in  substance  as 
follows : 

1.  That  the  Texans  should  be  received  and  treated  as  prisoners  of 
war,  according  to  the  usages  of  the  most  civilized  nations.  2.  That 
private  property  should  be  reputed  and  restored  ;  but  that  the  side-arms 
of  the  officers  should  be  given  up.  3.  That  the  men  should  be  sent  to 
Copano,  and  thence,  in  eight  days,  to  the  United  .States,  or  so  soon  there- 
after as  vessels  could  be  jjrocured  to  take  them.  4.  That  the  officers 
should  be  paroled,  and  should  return  to  the  United  .States  in  like  manner. 
General  Urrea  immediately  sent  Colonel  Holzinger  and  other  officers  to 
consummate  the  agreement.  It  was  reduced  to  writing  in  both  the  Eng- 
lish and  Spanish  languages,  read  over  two  or  three  times,  signed,  and  the 
writings  exchanged  in  the  most  formal  and  solemn  manner.* 

The  Texans  immediately  ])iled  their  arms,  and  such  of  them  as  were 
able  to  march  w-ere  hurried  off  to  Goliad  where  they  arrived  at  sunset 
the  same  day  (the  20th).  The  wounded,  among  whom  was  Colonel 
Fannin,  did  not  reach  the  place  till  the  22nd.  At  Goliad  the  prisoners 
were  crowded  into  the  old  church,  with  no  other  food  than  a  scanty  ])it- 
tance  of  beef,  without  bread  or  salt.  Colonel  I'annin  was  placed  under 
the  care  of  Colonel  Holzinger.  a  German  engineer  in  the  Mexican  serv- 
ice. So  soon  as  Fannin  learned  how  badly  his  men  were  treated,  he 
wrote  to  General  Urrea.  stating  the  facts,  and  reminding  him  of  the 
terms  of  capitulation. 

On  the  23d  Colonel  Fannin  and  Colonel  Holzinger  proceeded  to 
Copano,  to  ascertain  if  a  vessel  could  be  procured  to  convey  the  Texans 
In  the  United  Slates;  but  the  vessel  tliev  expected  to  obtain  had  already 
left  that  port.  They  did  not  return  till  the  26th.  On  the  23d  Major 
Miller,  with  eighty  Texan  volunteers,  who  had  just  landed  at  Copano. 

♦NotwithstandinR  this  positive  asscrtiuii  tliat  the  Ti-.\aiis  surrendered  as  prison- 
ers of  war,  a  Spanish  copy  of  the  capitulation  found  in  the  archives  of  the  Mexican 
war  department  in  Mexico  City,  signed  by  Chadwick,  Wallace,  and  Fannin,  seems 
to  show  that  they  surrendered  "as  prisoners  f)f  war,  subject  to  the  disposition  of 
the  supreme  qovernnieiit."  Techiiirally  this  was  eipiivalent.  no  doubt,  to  a  surrender 
at  discretion. 

vol..  I~20 


306  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

were  taken  prisoners  and  brought  into  Goliad.  On  the  25th,  Colonel 
Ward  and  his  men.  captured  by  Urrea,  as  has  already  been  stated,  were 
brought  in. 

The  evening  of  the  26th  passed  off  pleasantly  enough.  Colonel  Fan- 
nin was  entertaining  his  friends  with  the  prospect  of  returning  to  the 
United  States  :  and  some  of  the  young  men,  who  could  perform  well  on 
the  flute,  were  playing  "Home,  Sweet  Home."  How  happy  we  are  that 
the  veil  of  the  future  is  suspended  before  us !  At  7  o'clock  that  night, 
an  order,  brought  by  an  extraordinar)'  courier  from  Santa  Anna,  re- 
quired the  prisoners  to  be  shot !  Detailed  regulations  were  sent  as  to 
the  mode  of  executing  this  cold-blooded  and  atrocious  order.  Colonel 
Portilla,  the  commandant  of  the  place,  did  not  long  hesitate  in  its  execu- 
tion. He  had  445  prisoners  under  his  charge.  Eighty  of  these,  brought 
from  Copano,  having  just  landed,  and  who  as  yet  had  done  no  fighting, 
were  considered  as  not  within  the  scope  of  the  order,  and  for  the  time 
were  excused.  The  services  of  four  of  the  Texan  physicians — that  is 
Drs.  Joseph  H.  Bernard,  Field,  Hall,  and  Shackelford — being  needed  to 
take  care  of  the  IMexican  wounded,  their  lives  were  spared.  So  likewise 
were  four  others,  who  were  assistants  in  the  hospital  (Messrs.  Bills, 
Griffiin.  Smith,  and  Sherlock). 

At  dawn  of  day,  on  Palm  Sunday.  March  27th.  the  Texans  were 
awakened  by  a  Mexican  officer,  who  said  he  wished  them  to  form  a  line, 
that  they  might  be  counted.  The  men  were  marched  out  in  separate 
divisions,  under  different  pretexts.  Some  were  told  that  they  were  to 
be  taken  to  Copano,  in  order  to  be  sent  home :  others  that  they  were 
going  out  to  slaughter  beeves ;  and  others,  again,  that  they  were  being 
removed  to  make  room  in  the  fort  for  Santa  Anna.  Doctor  Shackel- 
ford, who  had  been  invited  bv  Colonel  Guerra  to  his  tent,  about  100 
vards  southwestwardly  from  the  fort,  says:  In  about  half  an  hour  we 
heard  the  report  of  a  vollev  of  small  arms,  toward  the  river,  and  to  the 
east  of  the  fort.  T  immediatelv  inquired  the  cause  of  the  firing,  and 
was  assured  by  the  officer  that  "he  did  not  know,  but  supposed  it  was 
the  guard  firing  off  their  euns."  In  about  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes 
thereafter,  another  such  vollev  was  fired,  directlv  south  of  us.  and  in 
front.  At  the  same  time  T  could  distinguish  the  heads  of  some  of  the 
men  throueh  the  boughs  of  some  peach-trees,  and  could  hear  their 
screams.  It  was  then,  for  the  first  time,  the  awful  conviction  seized 
nnon  our  minds  that  treachery  and  murder  had  beeun  their  work ! 
Shortlv  afterward  Colonel  Guerra  appeared  at  the  mouth  of  the  tent.  T 
asked  him  if  it  could  be  possible  thev  were  murdering  our  men.  He 
replied  that  "it  was  so  but  that  he  had  not  given  the  order,  neither  had 
he  executed  it." 

In  ,ibout  an  hour  or  more,  the  wounded  were  dragged  out  and 
butchered.  Colonel  Fannin  was  the  last  to  suflFer.  When  informed  of 
his  fate,  he  met  it  like  a  soldier.  He  handed  his  watch  to  the  officer 
whose  business  it  was  to  murder  him  and  requested  him  to  have  him 
shot  in  the  breast  and  not  in  the  head,  and  likewise  to  see  that  his  re- 
mains should  be  decentlv  buried.  These  natural  and  nroner  require- 
ments the  officers  promised  should  be  fulfilled,  hut.  with  that  perfidv 
which  is  so  prominent  and  characteristic  of  the  Mexican  race,  he  failed 


HISTORY  UF  TEXAS  307 

to  do  either!     Fannin  seated  himself  in  a  chair,  tied  the  handkerchief 
over  his  eyes,  and  bared  his  bosom  to  receive  the  fire  of  the  soldiers. 

As  the  ditTerent  divisions  were  brought  to  the  execution  they  were 
ordered  to  sit  down  with  their  backs  to  the  guard.  In  an  instant  young 
Fenner  rose  to  his  feet,  and  exclaimed,  "Boys,  they  are  going  to  kill  us 
— die  with  your  faces  to  them,  like  men !"  At  the  same  time,  two  other 
young  men,  flourishing  their  caps  over  their  heads,  shouted  at  the  top 
of  their  voices,  "Hurrah  for  Texas!" 

Many  attempted  to  escape,  but  the  most  of  those  who  survived  the 
first  fire  were  cut  down  by  the  pursuing  cavalry,  or  afterward  shot.  It 
I's  believed  that,  in  all,  twenty-seven  of  those  who  were  marched  out  to 
be  slaughtered  made  their  escape,  leaving  330  who  suffered  death  on 
that  Sunday  morning. 

The  dead  were  then  stripped  and  their  naked  bodies  thrown  into 
piles.  A  few  brush  were  placed  over  them,  and  an  attempt  made  to 
burn  them  up,  but  with  such  poor  success  that  their  hands  and  feet,  and 
much  of  their  flesh,  were  left  a  prey  to  dogs  and  vultures !  Texas  has 
erected  no  monument  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  tho.se  heroic  victims 
of  a  cruel  barbarism :  yet  they  have  a  memorial  in  the  hearts  of  their 
countrymen  more  durable  than  brass  or  marble. 

Colonel  Fannin  doubtless  erred  in  postponing  for  four  days  the 
obedience  to  the  order  of  the  commander-in-chief  to  retreat  with  all  pos- 
sible dispatch  to  Victoria  on  the  Guadalupe ;  and  also  in  sending  out 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Ward  in  search  of  Captain  King.  But  these  errors 
sprang  from  the  noblest  feelings  of  humanity  :  first,  in  an  attempt  to 
save  from  the  approaching  enemy  some  Texan  settlers  at  the  mission  of 
Refugio;  again,  in  an  endeavor  to  rescue  King  and  his  men  at  the  same 
[)lace ;  and,  finally,  to  save  Ward  and  his  command — until  all  was  lost 
hut  honor.     Yoakum  says  : 

"The  public  vengeance  of  the  Mexican  tyrant,  however,  was  sat- 
isfied. Deliberatelv  and  in  cold  blood  he  had  caused  330  of  the 
sternest  friends  of  Texas — her  friends  while  living  and  dying — to 
tread  the  wine  press  for  her  redemption.  He  chose  the  Lord's  dav 
for  this  sacrifice.  It  was  accepted ;  and  God  waited  His  own  good 
time  for  retribution — a  retribution  which  brought  .Santa  Anna  a 
trembling  coward  to  the  feet  of  the  Texan  victors,  whose  mae- 
nanimitv  prolonged  his  miserable  life  tn  waste  the  land  of  his  birth 
with  anarrhx-  .ind  civil  war." 


CHAPTER  XXI 
SAX  JACINTO  CAMPAIGN 

Sunday,  March  6,  when  Santa  Anna  had  just  concluded  the  storm- 
ing of  the  Alamo,  General  Houston,  as  we  have  seen,  made  a  farewell 
speech  to  the  convention  and  began  his  journey  to  Gonzales.  Having 
been  informed  of  the  alarming  situation  of  the  garrison  in  Bexar 
through  Travis's  letter  of  the  3d  to  the  convention,  he  formed,  as  he 
went,  a  plan  for  its  relief.  Fannin,  at  Goliad,  was  to  advance  with 
the  bulk  of  his  division  to  the  west  bank  of  the  Cibolo  and  await  there 
the  arrival  of  the  commander-in  chief,  who  would  join  him  with  all 
the  forces  from  Gonzales  and  march  to  Travis's  rescue.  On  reaching 
(lonzales,  however  (March  11),  Houston  was  met  by  a  rumor  that  the 
.-\lanio  had  been  captured,  and,  privately  confiding  in  its  truth,  though 
pretending  in  the  hope  of  avoiding  a  panic  to  disbelieve  it,  he  dis- 
|)atched  an  express  to  Fannin,  countermanding  his  previous  order  and 
instructing  him,  "as  soon  as  practicable,"  to  fall  back  to  Victoria. 

.At  Gonzales  Houston  found  "three  hundred  and  seventy-four 
clTcctive  men.  without  two  days'  provisions,  many  without  arms,  and 
otiiers  without  any  ammunition":  and,  although  a  few  had  served 
under  Austin  and  Burleson  the  preceding  year,  the  most  of  them  were 
entirely  innocent  of  any  knowledge  of  military  discipline.  While  wait- 
ing for  confirmation  of  the  fall  of  the  .\lamo,  he  seized  the  opportunity 
to  organize  his  force.  .\  regiinent  was  formed  with  Edward  Burleson 
for  colonel,  and  Sidney  Sherman  and  .\lexander  Somervell  lieutenant- 
colonel  and  major  resjjectively.  Houston  regretted,  however,  that  he 
liad  not  time  to  teach  the  men  "the  first  principles  of  the  drill." 

Deaf  Smith.  Henry  Karnes,  and  R.  E,  Handy,  sent  out  on  the 
morning  of  the  13th  with  instructions  to  approach  near  enough  to 
San  Antonio  to  learn  the  fate  of  the  Alamo,  met  Mrs,  Dickinson,  the 
wife  of  a  lieutenant  killed  in  the  Alamo,  some  twenty  miles  from  Gon- 
zales, and  learned  that  the  worst  had  happened,  and  that  a  division 
of  the  enemv  under  General  Ramirez  y  Sesma  was  already  on  the 
march  eastward.  Thev  returned  with  her  to  camp,  where  they  arrived 
about  twilight,  and  her  report  threw  both  army  and  town  into  the 
greatest  confusion  and  excitement.  Thirty-two  of  Santa  Anna's  vic- 
tims had  left  their  homes  in  Gonzales  no  longer  than  two  weeks 
before,  and  the  grief  of  their  stricken  families  was  intense.  Others, 
with  ears  onlv  for  the  news  that  the  Mexicans  were  advancing,  has- 
tened to  flee  for  their  lives,  a  few  of  the  little  army  who  had  left  their 
own  families  un])rotecte<I  doubtless  among  them.  Houston  thought 
liis  position  too  advanced  and  his  force  too  small  to  meet  the  enemj'  at 
(lonzales,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  general  excitement  ordered  his  men 
to  prepare  for  retreat.  Some  of  his  few  baggage  wagons  being  sur- 
rendered to  the  helpless  citizens  of  the  town,  the  soldiers  were  forced 
to  destroy  all  clothing  and  stores,  except  what  they  could  carry  <^n 
their  persons,  and  his  only  two  pieces  of  cannon  were  thrown  into  the 
("luarlalupe.      Before     midnight     he     was    on    the    march,    his    plan,    as 


I1I.STC)K^■  OF  TEXAS  309 

reported  by  liimscll  al  llu-  time,  being  to  halt  on  the  Colorado  until 
strengthened  sufficiently  to  meet  anj-  force  that  the  Mexicans  might 
send  against  him.  And  before  morning  Gonzales  was  burned  to  the 
ground,  that  it  might  not  afford  shelter  and  supplies  to  the  approach- 
ing enemy. 

At  the  Colorado,  Houston  would  be  near  the  most  populous  sec- 
lion  of  the  state,  where  he  could  easily  command  its  resources  and 
receive  quick  reinforcement ;  while,  so  long  as  he  could  hold  that  line, 
the  Mexicans  would  be  restricted  to  an  uninhabited  country,  where 
they  could  do  little  damage  to  Texas,  and  whence,  if  held  long  enough 
in  check,  they  might  be  compelled  to  withdraw  merely  through  fail- 
ure of  their  own  supplies. 

After  receiving  several  small  reinforcements  along  the  line,  the 
army  reached  Burnham's  Crossing  on  the  Colorado  in  the  afternoon 
cif  the  17th,  when  Houston  reported  his  strength  as  six  hundred  men. 
Remaining  here  two  days,  Houston  crossed  the  river  and  descended 
the  cast  bank  to  Reason's  Ford,  near  the  present  town  of  Columlnis 
where  he  pitched  camp  for  nearly  a  week. 

Before  leaving  Burnham's.  however,  a  scouting  party,  consisting 
of  Deaf  Smith,  Henry  Karnes,  R.  E.  Handy,  and  three  others,  was 
sent  back  toward  the  Navidad  to  reconnoiter.  They  encountered  a 
scouting  party  of  the  enemy  at  Rocky  Creek  and  took  one  prisoner, 
from  whom  they  learned  that  General  Sesma  was  near  with  a  consid- 
erable force.  The  latter,  indeed,  who  had  left  Bexar  on  the  11th  with 
orders  from  .Santa  Anna  to  proceed  through  San  Felipe  and  Harris- 
burg  to  Anahuac,  encamped  the  night  of  the  21st  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  Colorado,  onh-  two  miles  above  the  Texans.  He  had  but  725 
men,  and,  having  already  asked  for  reinforcements,  and  tinding  the 
river  well  defended,  he  made  no  attempt  to  cross. 

In  this  position  the  two  armies  remained  iive  days,  Houston 
receiving  reinforcements  all  the  time  until,  by  the  26th.  he  could 
have  mustered  frotn  twelve  to  fourteen  hundred  men,  though  the  two 
cannon  for  which  he  had  sent  William  T.  Austin  to  V'elasco  did  not 
arrive.  Several  prisoners  were  taken  from  time  to  time,  and  almost 
the  exact  strength  of  the  enemy  being  learned,  the  Texans  became 
eager  to  fight.  Houston,  too,  seemed  to  think  it  desirable  to  engage 
.Sesma  here;  but  suddenly  changed  his  mind,  and  late  in  the  after- 
noon of  March  26  began  to  fall  l)ack  towards  the  Brazos. 

When,  along  witli  the  news  of  ['.-mnin's  misfortune,  it  became 
known  that  the  Texans  were  falling  back  from  the  Colorado,  the 
wildest  confusion  seized  u])on  all  east  nf  that  river.  Reinforcements 
on  their  way  to  join  the  army  faced  about,  and  fled  with  their  families 
to  put  them  in  safety  beyond  the  Sabine.  And  many  of  the  \olunteers 
already  with  Houston — cither  with  or  without  permission — left  him 
for  the  same  purpose,  so  that  wlien  he  reached  the  Brazos  his  force 
was  reduced  more  than  half. 

Arriving  at  San  Felipe  on  tiu-  28tb,  the  little  army  remained  over 
night,  and  set  out  the  next  day  for  (iroce's,  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  up 
the  river.  Many  thought  that,  since  most  of  the  settlements  were 
down  the  river,  the  movement   should  be  made  in  that  direction,  and 


310  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

Moscley  Baker  and  Wily  Martin  refused  to  follow  Houston  further. 
The  former,  therefore,  was  ordered  to  guard  San  Felipe  with  his  com- 
pany of  120  men ;  while  the  latter,  with  a  hundred  men,  was  sent  tq 
hold  the  crossing  at  Ford  Bend.  After  encamping  near  Mill  Creek 
on  the  night  of  the  29th  and  marchirtg  but  a  few  miles  the  next  day, 
the  main  force  came  to  Groce's  on  the  31st  and  went  into  camp  for 
nearly  a  fortnight. 

Santa  Anna,  in  the  meantime,  had  ordered  General  Gaona  to 
diverge  from  his  original  route  to  Nacogdoches  and  advance  from 
Bastrop  upon  San  Felipe,  and  Urrea  to  march  upon  Brazoria.  He 
then  started  five  hundred  men  under  Colonel  Augustin  .Amat  to  rein- 
force Sesma,  and  leaving  General  Filisola  at  Gonzales,  to  take  com- 
mand of  these  and  superintend  their  passage  of  the  Guadalupe,  he 
pressed  on  to  join  Sesma  himself.  He  overtook  Sesma  just  after  that 
General  had  crossed  the  Colorado  at  the  Atascosita  ford,  and  together 
they  hastened  after  Houston  to  San  Felipe.  They  reached  the  ruins 
of  the  town  on  April  7.  Moseley  Baker  had  burned  it  March  29,  upon 
a  report  from  his  scouts  that  the  enemy  was  approaching.  Finding 
the  crossing  here  in  possession  of  Baker's  company,  Santa  Anna  made 
a  reconnaissance  for  several  miles  up  and  down  the  swollen  river  in 
the  hope  of  discovering  a  ford  where  he  might  cross  and  surprise 
Baker  by  a  night  attack.  But,  failing  in  this,  he  ordered  the  construc- 
tion of  two  large  flat-boats,  and  then,  too  impatient  to  remain  inactive 
while  this  was  being  done,  for  he  desired  to  end  the  campaign  before 
the  rains  rendered  the  country  impassable,  set  out  down  the  river  with 
five  hundred  grenadiers  and  fift}-  cavalry,  looking  for  more  expedi- 
tious means  of  crossing.  After  three  days  he  gained  possession  of  the 
ferry  at  Fort  Bend,  and  was  joined  on  the  13th  by  Sesma.  who  had 
been  awaiting  in  vain  at  San  Felipe  the  arrival  of  Gaona  and  Filisola. 

Here  Santa  Anna  learned  that  the  seat  of  government  was  at  Har- 
risburg,  only  twelve  leagues  distant,  and  unprotected,  and  that  by  a 
rapid  march  he  might  succeed  in  capturing  the  president  and  all  of  his 
cabinet,  among  them  his  old  enemy.  Lorenzo  de  Zavala.  Abandoning, 
therefore,  what  was  perhaps  his  original  plan  of  pursuing  Houston 
and  forcing  a  battle  near  Groce's,  he  left  Sesma  with  a  part  of  his 
division,  and  sealed  instructions  to  Filisola,  when  he  should  come 
up,  and  with  the  rest  of  Sesma's  force — seven  hundred  infantry,  fifty 
cavalry,  and  a  six  pound  cannon — hastened  on  towards  Harrisburg. 
Reaching  that  place  during  the  night  of  April  15th,  he  found  it  aban- 
doned. Three  printers  captured  in  the  otifice  of  the  Telegraph  and 
Texas  Register  informed  him  that  the  ofificers  of  the  government  had 
departed  that  morning  for  Galveston  Island,  and  that  Houston  was 
at  Groce's  with  eight  hundred  men.  A  reconnoitering  party  sent  out 
towards  Lynchburg  reported  that  settlers  in  that  direction  uniformly 
declared  that  Houston  intended  retreating  to  the  Trinity  by  way  of 
Lynch's  Ferry,  and  Santa  .^nna,  by  his  own  account,  formed  the  plan 
of  intercepting  him  there.  Ordering  Filisola.  who  had  now  come 
up  with  Sesma,  to  reinforce  him  with  five  hundred  picked  infantry 
(infantes  escogidos"),  he  set  fire  to  Harrisburg  and  pushed  on  to  over- 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  311 

I        i 

take  his  scouts  at  New  Washington — having  sent  them  there,  it  would 
seem,  for  plunder. 

In  marked  contrast  with  the  impetuosity  of  Santa  Anna  was  Hous- 
ton's long  delay  in  the  bottom  opposite  Groce's.  He  sought  to  employ 
his  leisure  in  the  better  organization  of  his  forces ;  a  new  regiment  was 
formed,  with  Sidney  Sherman  as  its  colonel,  and  numerous  promotions 
were  made  in  consequence.  A  medical  staff  also  was  created,  and 
specific  duties  assigned  to  each  of  the  six  or  eight  physicians  with  the 
army.  But  the  volunteers  did  not  take  kindly  to  discipline.  They 
had  little  respect  for  the  fighting  ability  of  the  Mexicans,  and  chafed 
at  their  commander's  delay.  Many  came  to  believe  that  Houston 
desired  to  avoid  a  conflict  altogether,  and  that  his  only  movement 
from  the  Brazos  would  be  to  continue  the  retreat  eastward. 

Despite  the  general  dissatisfaction  of  the  men,  however,  the  army 
was  gradually  reinforced  to  almost  its  size  on  the  Colorado.  General 
Rusk,  Secretary  of  War,  arrived  on  April  4,  and  in  consultation  on 
the  night  of  the  11th  he  and  Houston  decided  to  cross  to  the  east  side 
of  the  river.  This  operation — rendered  very  tedious  on  account  of 
the  absence  of  a  ferry  boat  and  the  presence  of  several  wagons  with 
their  ox  teams  and  some  two  hundred  horses — was  completed  by 
means  of  the  steamboat  Yellowstone  on  the  13th,  before  which  time 
Houston  was  apprised  of  the  passage  of  the  river  by  the  enemy  at 
Fort  Bend.  Orders  had  already  been  issued  to  the  scattered  detach- 
ments at  San  F'elipe,  Fort  Bend,  and  Washington  to  join  the  main 
army  at  Donoho's,  a  few  miles  east  of  Groce's,  and  thither  Houston 
took  his  way  in  the  afternoon  of  the  14th,  the  difficulties  of  his  march 
being  increased  by  the  addition  to  his  train  on  the  11th  of  the  "Twin 
Sisters,"  two  six-pound  cannon  presented  to  Texas  by  the  people  of 
Cincinnati. 

The  hypothesis  that  Houston's  plan  was  to  retreat  to  Nacogdoches, 
or  perhaps  to  the  Sabine,  had  little  to  support  it  beyond  his  apparent 
reluctance  to  face  the  enemy,  and  the  known  fact  that  there  was  a 
large  body  of  United  States  troops  at  Fort  Jessup,  near  Nacogdoches 
in  Louisiana,  whose  protection  from  both  Mexicans  and  Indians  many 
relied  upon,  in  case  the  worst  came  and  Texas  had  to  be  temporarily 
abandoned.  But  subsequent  knowledge  of  the  sympathy  of  General 
Gaines,  who  commanded  these  troops,  and  of  the  attitude  of  President 
Jackson  towards  the  Texas  question  has,  it  is  sometimes  contended, 
clearly  proved  that  Houston's  purpose  throughout  the  campaign  was 
to  draw  Santa  Anna  to  the  Sabine,  where  it  was  hoped  that  he  might 
inadvertently  offer  General  Gaines  an  excuse  for  taking  up  the  war 
and  establishing  a  protectorate  of  the  United  States  over  Texas. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  some  negotiations  were  made  to  enlist  the  sup- 
port of  these  forces;  but  they  were  made  by  the  civil  government  and 
the  citizens  of  Nacogdoches,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  Houston  at 
the  time  knew  anything  about  them.  The  following  letter  from  the 
secretary  of  state,  Sam  P.  Carson,  gives  the  first  suggestion  of  these 
overtures : 


312  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

"His  Excellency  David  G.  Burnet. 
"12  o'clock.     News — good  news. 

"I  have  just  heard  through  a  source  in  which  Judge  Hardin 
has  confidence  that  a  company  or  battalion  of  U.  S.  troops  left 
Fort  Jessup  eight  or  ten  days  .since,  crossed  the  Sabine  and  were 
marching  towards  the  Nesches.  I  believe  it  to  be  true.  General 
Gaines  is  there  and  doubtless  my  letter  by  Parmer  had  the  de- 
sired effect.  Jackson  will  protect  the  neutral  ground,  and  the 
beauty  of  it  is,  he  claims  to  the  Nesches  as  neutral  ground.  I 
should  like  his  protection  that  far  at  present.  If  we  are  success- 
ful, we  can  hereafter  negotiate  and  regulate  boundaries.  This  news, 
just  arrived,  has  infused  new  life  into  people  here,  and  be  assured 
1   will  keep  the  ball  rolling.     *     *     * 

"Carson." 
The   letter  bears   no   date,   but   was   certainly    written    in   the   earlier 
part  of  April,  probably  on  the  4th. 

By  way,  as  he  would  perhaps  have  expressed  it,  of  "keeping  the 
ball  rolling,"  Carson  pushed  on  to  Fort  Jessup — officially,  it  is  pre- 
sumed, since  he  was  still  secretary  of  state — and  tried  the  efficacy  of 
a  personal  appeal  to  General  Gaines.  His,  formal  report  to  the  presi- 
dent and  cabinet  gives  the  result  of  the  interview,  together  with  some 
other  interesting  information : 

"Nachitoches,  April  14,  1836. 
"To  his  Excellency  David  G.  Burnet  and  the  Cabinet  of  the  Re- 
public of  Texas. 

"(jentlemen:  On  my  arrival  here  last  night  I  met  with  Gen- 
eral Gaines  and  have  had  with  him  a  full  and  satisfactory  con- 
versation. His  position  at  present  is  a  delicate  one,  and  requires 
at  his  hands  the  most  cautious  movements.  The  object  of  the 
concentration  of  forces  at  Jessup  is  to  protect  the  frontier  and 
neutral  ground,  also  to  keep  the  Indians  in  check  and  repress  sav- 
age aggressions.  This  he  is  bound  to  do  in  fulfillment  of  treaty 
stipulations  between  the  Government  of  the  United  States  and 
Mexico.  General  Gaines  issued  an  order  to  prepare  thirteen 
companies  to  march  this  evening  to  the  Sabine,  with  two  field 
pieces  with  seventy-five  rounds  for  each  and  thirty-five  rounds 
for  the  infantry — also  twelve  days'  provisions,  etc. 

"I  herewith  send  you  a  copy  of  his  requisition  upon  the  gov- 
ernment to  Louisiana  to  furnish  a  brigade  of  mounted  volun- 
teers ;  a  similar  request  has  been  made  to  the  governors  of  Ten- 
nessee, Mississippi,  and  Alabama,  requiring,  however,  only  a  bat- 
talion of  the  latter  in  consequence  of  the  Florida  war.  He  will 
have  in  a  few  days  (sav  20  or  30)  from  seven  to  eight  thousand 
men  with  him.  You  will  perceive  that  we  cannot  use  Indian  aux- 
iliaries unless  in  self  defense.  The  treatv  referred  to  requires  the 
United  States  to  put  such  conduct  down. 

"I  cannot  state  positivelv  what  General  Gaines  may  do,  but 
one  thing  I  think  I  may  say,  that  should  he  be  satisfied  of  the  fact 
that  the  Mexicans  have  incited  any  Indians,  who  are  under  the 
control    of    the    United    States,    to    commit    depredations    on    either 


HISTORY  OF  TRXAS  313 

side  of  the  line,  he  will  doubtless  view  it  as  a  violation  of  the 
treaty  referred  to,  and  he  assured  that  he  will  maintain  the  honor 
of  his  country  and  punish  the  aggressor,  be  he  who  he  may.  Now 
the  fact  is  that  the  Mexicans  have  already  with  them  a  number 
of  the  Caddoes,  some  Cherokees,  and  Indians  of  other  tribes  which 
are  under  the  protection  and  control  of  the  United  States.  It 
is  only  necessary  to  satisfy  General  Gaines  of  the  fact,  in  which 
case,  be  assured  he  will  act  with  energy  and  efificiency.  The 
proofs  will,  I  have  no  doubt,  be  abundant,  by  the  time  he  reaches 
the  Sabine ;  in  which  case  he  will  cross  and  move  upon  the 
aggressors. 

"Yours, 

"Sam  P.  Carson." 
"P.  S.  1  have  wrillen  General  Houston  and  requested  him  to 
forward  the  communication  to  you." 
(jeneral  Gaines  did,  indeed — upon  information  furnished  him 
mainly,  however,  bj-  the  Committee  of  Safety  and  private  citizens 
of  Nacogdoches — advance  to  the  Sabine  with  thirteen  companies  :  but, 
finding  there  that  the  Indians  had  killed  but  one  man,  and  that  not 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  indicate  a  "spirit  of  general  hostility  towards 
the  inhabitants,"  he  contented  himself  with  halting  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  river  and  sending  a  warning  message  to  the  Cherokee  chief. 
Bowles.  That  he  was  in  eager  sympathy  with  the  Texans  and  w  ished 
to  help  tiiem  seems  clear;  but  the  simultaneous  reports  that  Santa 
Anna  had  been  defeated  and  cajjtured  at  San  Jacinto,  and  that  "the 
Cherokee  and  other  Indians  in  Texas  from  our  side  of  the  national 
boundary  line  are  disposed  to  return  to  their  villages,  plant  corn,  and 
be  peaceable,"  relie\ed  him  alike  of  the  necessity  and  the  pretext. 

Whether  Houston  ever  received  Carson's  letter,  informing  him  of 
the  movements  of  (jeneral  Gaines,  is  questionable.  .\t  anv  rate,  he 
proceeded  to  Harrisburg,  arriving  opposite  its  site  in  the  forenoon  of 
the  18th.  The  Texans  rested  here  until  the  following  morning,  and 
during  their  halt  two  couriers  were  captured,  bearing  dis])atclies  from 
Filisoia  and  the  ^lexican  government  to  Santa  .\nna,  froiu  which 
Houston  lirst  detinitel\-  learned  that  the  latter  was  leading  the  troops 
to  the  east  of  him. 

On  the  morning  of  the  19th  hoUi  Houston  and  Rusk  made  encour- 
aging addresses  to  the  soldiers,  declaring  that  they  were  now  going 
to  fall  upon  the  enemy,  and  urging  them  to  avenge  their  comrades  of 
the  .'\lamo  and  Goliad.  After  leaving  in  camp  here  his  baggage  train 
and  some  hundred  and  fiftv  or  two  hundred  sick  and  inefficient,  with 
seventy-five  men  under  Major  .Mc.Nutt  to  guard  them.  llt)ustoH 
marched  down  the  left  bank  of  Buffalo  Bayou,  and,  crossing  below  the 
mouth  of  Sims's  Bayou,  passed  on  across  Vince's  bridge  towards  the 
San  Jacinto.  The  march  was  kept  up  till  nearly  midnight,  when  the 
exhausted  men  were  alktwed  to  rest  for  a  few  hours.  .At  da\l)reak, 
however,  they  were  ;igain  put  in  motion,  and  when,  about  6  o'clock. 
.1  halt  was  made  for  breakfast  and  tlie  scouts  came  galloping  up  and 
re])orted  that  they  had  discovered  the  advance  guard  of  the  enem\ 
returning   from    .\ew    Washington,    the   half-co(jked    foiid    was   bolted 


314  HISTURV  OF  TEXAS 

down  and  a  hurried  march  continued  to  Lynch's  Ferry,  where  they 
arrived  early  in  the  forenoon. 

Almost  immediately  upon  their  arrival  at  the  ferry  the  enemy's 
advance  guard  was  seen  approaching,  and  the  Texans  fell  back  about 
half  a  mile,  to  establish  themselves  in  a  live-oak  grove  on  the  bank  of 
the  bayou.  In  front  of  them,  and  extending  to  the  right  towards 
Vince's  Bayou,  was  a  prairie,  perhap.s  two  miles  in  width,  bounded 
on  the  south  by  a  marsh ;  to  the  left  was  the  San  Jacinto  river ;  and  at 
their  back  Buffalo  Bayou.  Into  this  prairie  the  Mexicans  soon  filed 
from  the  direction  of  New  Washington — which  they  had  ju.st  burned 
— and  formed  their  camp  near  the  southern  edge. 

Early  in  the  afternoon  Santa  Anna  advanced  his  artillery — one 
six-pounder — under  cover  of  the  cavalry,  and  fired  a  shot  at  the 
Texans,  but  this  was  immediately  returned  from  the  "Twin  Sisters," 
and  the  cannon  was  hastily  withdrawn  to  the  protection  of  a  cluster 
of  timber,  from  which  it  continued  to  be  fired  at  intervals  throughout 
the  afternoon.  A  few  hours  later  Colonel  Sherman,  according  to  his 
own  account,  asked  and  obtained  permission  to  advance  with  mounted 
volunteers  and  attempt  to  capture  it.  But  he  got  into  a  rather  lively 
skirmish  with  the  Mexican  cavalr)  ,  creating  a  good  deal  of  excitement 
in  the  Texan  camp  thereby,  and  returned  with  two  men  seriously 
wounded,  one  of  whom  afterwards  died.  Nothing  else  of  interest 
occurred  during  the  rest  of  the  afternoon. 

In  the  light  of  a  subsequent  event — the  arrival  of  reinforcements 
to  Santa  Anna  on  the  21st — it  would  have  been  better  for  General 
Houston  to  fight  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  on  the  20th ;  but  his  delay 
was  natural.  The  army  had  made  forced  marches  from  Harrisburg, 
had  slept  little  the  previous  night,  and  the  men  were  necessarily 
greatly  fatigued ;  a  complete  rest  for  them,  therefore,  might  well  have 
been  considered  desirable.  It  is  by  no  means  certain,  either,  that,  as 
has  been  charged,  the  dispatches  captured  at  Harrisburg  gave  the 
Texans  definite  information  that  Santa  Anna  was  expecting  rein- 
forcements, though  they  did,  perhaps,  afford  ground  for  suspecting  it. 

On  the  morning  of  the  21st  General  Cos  arrived  with  some  four 
hundred  men,  and  increased  Santa  Anna's  strength  to  eleven  hun- 
dred and  fifty  or  twelve  hundred.*  This  gave  the  latter  considerable 
advantage  over  Houston,  who  had  but  783  men. 

♦Texas  hi.storians  generally.  followinR  Houston's  official  report  of  the  battle 
of  San  Jacinto,  place  this  number  much  higher,  varying  it  from  sixteen  hundred 
down  to  thirteen  hundred  men.  Houston  says  (Report,  3 — published  also  in 
Brown,  II,  18-23;  Yoakum.  II,  498-502;  Kennedy.  II.  222-227;  and  elsewhere) 
concerning  the  whole  number  of  the  enemy.  Cos  came  up,  "increasing  their 
efltective  force  to  upwards  of  1.500  men":  and  again,  after  the  battle,  he  reports, 
"The  enemy's  loss  was  630  killed  *  »  *  wounded,  208,  *  •  •  prisoners, 
730."  But  all  Mexican  authority,  accepted  by  Yoakum  (II,  122)  and  Bancroft 
(II,  250),  agrees  that  Santa  Anna  left  Fort  Bend  with  no  more  than  750  men, — 
though  Brown  (II.  11).  counting,  perhaps.  Sesma's  whole  division,  a  part  of 
which  remained  on  the  the  Brazos,  says  he  "had  with  him  between  eleven  and 
twelve  hundred."  And  Texan  writers  almost  imiformly  put  Cos's  reinforcements 
at  500  about  100  of  whom,  as  we  know  from  both  Mexican  (Verdadcra  Idea. 
87;  Filisola:  Memorias  para  la  Histnria  dc  la  Gucrra  de  Tcjas,  II,  473)  and  Texan 
authority  were  left  at  Harrisburg.  Houston  himself,  unless  he  counted  the 
wounded  twice,  disposed  of  only  1,360,  and  it  is  well  established  that  scarcely 
40  escaped. 


HTSTDRV  OF  TEXAS  315 

Sometime  during  the  forenoon  Deaf  Smith  left  camp  to  destroy 
V'ince's  bridge — not,  as  is  popularly  believed,  for  the  purpose  of  making 
the  approaching  conflict  a  death  struggle,  but  to  obstruct  the  march 
of  additional  Mexican  reinforcements.*  And  about  midday  Houston 
called  a  council  of  war  in  which  it  was  decided  to  attack  the  enemy  at  day 
break  the  following  morning ;  hut  this  decision  being  rather  sullenly 
received  by  the  majority  of  the  army,  most  of  which  opposed  delay, 
the  question  was  submitted  directly  to  the  men  through  their  respec- 
tive captains,  and  settled  in  favor  of  immediate  attack. 

About  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  April  21.  therefore,  Houston 
gave  the  order  to  prepare  for  action.  The  line  having  been  formed, 
an  advance  was  made  upon  the  enemy  which  took  them  almost  com- 
pletely by  surprise,  most  of  the  officers — Santa  .Anna  included — being 
asleep.  The  Mexicans  made  one  confused  effort  to  sustain  the  charge, 
then  broke  and  fled  in  utter  panic.  The  Texans  pursuing,  the  rout 
became  a  slaughter  which  only  stopped  at  nightfall,  though  the  battle 
proper  lasted  perhaps  not  more  than  thirty  minutes.  Practically  the 
entire  Mexican  force  was  either  killed  or  captured,  and,  of  the  Texans, 
two  were  killed  and  twenty-three  wounded — six  mortally.  The  fol- 
lowing day  Santa  Anna  was  captured  and  brought  into  camp,  when 
an  armistice  was  arranged  between  him  and  Houston  providing  for  a 
cessation  of  hostilities  until  a  ])ermanent  peace  could  be  negotiated. 
And  in  the  meantime  Filisola  was  to  fall  back  from  Fort  Bend  to  San 
Antonio,  and  cause  Urrea  to  do  the  same  from  Victoria. 

From  San  Jacinto  Santa  Anna  was  taken  with  the  other  prisoners 
to  Velasco,  and  there  on  Ma}'  14  the  treaty  of  that  name  was  arranged 
between  himself  and  the  government  of  Texas.  The  public  treaty  pro- 
vided, among  other  things,  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities ;  the  immedi- 
ate withdrawal  of  the  Mexican  forces  beyond  the  Rio  Grande  ;  the 
restoration  of  property  taken  by  the  Mexicans  ;  and,  finally,  that  the 
Texan  army  should  not  approach  nearer  than  five  leagues  to  the 
retreating  Mexicans.  At  the  same  time  a  secret  agreement  was  made 
with  the  captive  dictator  in  which  the  government  promised,  in  return 
for  his  solemn  pledge  to  use  his  influence  in  securing  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  Texan  independence,  to  immediately  liberate  him  and  send 
him  to  Vera  Cruz. 

On  May  26  General  Filisola  ratified  the  public  treaty  and  fulfilled 
its  provisions  by  abandoning  Texas;  but  through  the  interference 
of  the  enraged  army  the  Texan  government  was  compelled  to  break 
the  secret  articles,  and  Santa  Anna  was  detained  a  prisoner  until  late 
in  1836,  when  he  was  sent  to  Washington,  D.  C.  Quite  naturally  he 
felt  himself  absolved  from  his  jiromise  to  labor  for  Texan  inde- 
pendence. And  though  this  was  practicallv  established  by  the  battle 
of  San  Jacinto,  it  was  not  until  the  settlement  of  the  Mexican  war 
by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  in  1848  that  Mexico  formally 
renounced  her  claims  to  Texas. 


♦The  whole  episode  of  Vince's  bridRC  has  received  an  einpha.sis  from  the  his- 
torians which  is  probably  far  beyond  its  real  importance.  The  bayou  does  not 
exceed  three  miles  in  IcnKth.  and  conld  have  l)een  "headed"  by  either  reinforce- 
ments or  fugitives  with  the  loss  of  but  a  few  hours  at  the  most. 


316  HISTORY  UF   lEXAS 

The  ofticial  reports  of  Houston  and  Santa  Anna  which  follow  give 
additional  details  concerning  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto. 

"Headcjuarters  of   the   Army, 
"San  Jacinto,  April  25,  1836. 
"'J\)  His  Excellency  David  G.  Burnet,   President  of  the  Republic 

of  Texas. 

'"Sir:  I  regret  extremely  that  my  situation,  since  the  battle 
(if  the  21st,  has  been  such  as  to  pre\ent  m}  rendering  you  my 
ofticial  report  of  the  same,  previous  to  this  time. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you,  that  on  the  e\-ening  of  the 
18th   inst.,   after  a   forced   march   of   fifty-five   miles,    which   was 
effected  in  two  days  and  a  half,  the  army  arrived  opposite  Har- 
risburg.     That  evening  a  courier  of  the  enemy  was  taken,  from 
whom   I   learned  that  General  Santa  Anna,  with  one  division  of 
choice    troops,    had    marched    in    the    direction    of    Lynch's    Ferry 
on    the    San   Jacinto,    burning    Harrisburg    as    he    passed    down. 
The  army  w-as  ordered  to  be  in  readiness  to  march  early  on  the 
next  morning.     The  main  body^  effected  a  crossing  over  Buffalo 
Bayou,  below  Harrisburg,  on  the  morning  of   the   19th,   having 
left  the  baggage,  the   sick,  and   a   sufficient   camp  guard   in    the 
rear.     We   continued   the   march   throughout   the   night,    making 
but  one  halt  in  the  prairie  for  a  short  time,  and  without  refresh- 
ments.   At  daylight  we  resumed  the  line  of  march,  and  in  a  short 
distance    our   scouts   encountered   those   of    the    enemy,    and    we 
received    information    that    General    Santa    Anna    was    at    New 
Washington,  and  would  that  day  take  up  the  line  of  march  for 
Anahuac,  crossing  at   Lynch's   Ferry.     The  Texan   army   halted 
within  half  a  mile  of  the  ferry  in  some  timber  and  were  engaged 
in  slaughtering  beeves,  when  the  army  of  Santa  Anna  was  dis- 
covered to  be  approaching  in  battle  array,  having  been  encamped 
at  Clopper's  Point,  eight  miles  below.     Disposition  was  immedi- 
ately made  of  our  forces,  and  prej)aration  for  his  reception.     He 
took  position  with  his  infantry  and  artillery  in  the  center,  occu- 
pying an   island  of   timber,   his  cavalry   covering  the   left   flank. 
The  artillery,   consisting  of   one   double    fortified   medium    brass 
twelve-pounder,  then  o])ened  on  our  encampment.     The  infantry, 
in  cfilumn,  advanced  with  the  design  of  charging  our  lines,  but 
were   repulsed   by   a   discharge   of   grape   and   canister   from   our 
artillery,   consisting   of    two    six   pounders.     The    enemy   had   occu- 
pied a  piece  of  timber  v^-ithin  rifle  shot  of  the  left  wing  of  our 
army,  from  which  an  occasional  interchange  of  small  arms  took 
place  between  the  troops,  until  the  enemy  withdrew  to  a   posi- 
tion on  the  bank  of  the  San  Jacinto,  about  three-quarters  of  a 
mile   from   our   encampment,   and    commenced    fortifications.      A 
short   time   before   sunset,   our   mounted    men,    about   eighty-five 
in    number,    under    the    special    command    of    Colonel    Sherman, 
marched    out    for    the    purpose    of    reconnoitering    the    enemy. 
Whilst   advancing   they    received   a    \olley   from    the   left   of   the 
enemy's   infantry,  and   after   a   shar])    encounter   with   their   cav- 
alry,  in    which   ours   acted    extremely    well   and    performed    some 


IIISIORV  OK    ll'.XAS  317 

feats  of  daring  chi\alr\ .  the)  retired  in  guud  order,  having  liad 
two  men  severely  woundid  and  several  liorses  killed.  In  the 
meantime,  the  infantry,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Millard,  and  Colonel  Burleson's  regiment  with  the  artil- 
lery, had  marched  out  for  the  purpose  of  covering  the  retreat 
of  the  cavalry,  if  necessary.  ,^11  then  fell  back  in  good  order  to 
our  encampment  about  sunset,  and  remained  without  any  ostens- 
ible action  until  the  21st,  at  half  past  three  o'clock,  taking  the 
first  refreshment  they  had  enjoyed  for  two  days.  The  enemy 
in  the  meantime  extended  the  right  flank  of  their  infantry  so  as 
to  occupy  the  extreme  point  of  a  skirt  of  timber  on  the  bank 
of  the  .San  Jacinto,  and  secured  their  left  by  a  fortification  about 
five  feet  high,  constructed  of  packs  and  baggage,  leaving  an 
opening  in  the  center  of  the  breastwork  in  which  their  artillery 
was  ])laced,  their  cavalrv  ui)un  their  left  wing. 

".About  nine  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  21st.  the  enemy  were 
reinforced  by  500  choice  troops,  under  the  command  of  General 
Cos.  increasing  their  effective  force  to  upwards  of  1,500  men, 
whilst  our  aggregate  force  for  the  field  numbered  783.  .'\t  half 
past  three  o'clock  in  the  evening.  I  ordered  the  officers  of  the 
Texan  army  to  parade  their  resjjective  commands,  having  in 
tlie  meantime  ordered  the  bridge  on  the  only  road  communicat- 
ing with  the  Rrazos.  distant  eight  miles  from  our  encampment, 
to  be  destroyed,  thus  cutting  off  all  possibility  of  escape.  Our 
troops  paraded  with  alacrity  and  s])irit.  and  were  anxious  for 
the  contest.  Their  conscious  disjiarity  in  numbers  seemed  (Jiih- 
to  increase  their  enthusiasm  and  confidence  and  heighten  their 
anxiety  for  the  conflict.  Our  situation  afforded  me  the  oppor- 
tunity for  making  the  arrangements  preparatory  to  the  attack, 
without  exposing  our  designs  to  the  enemy.  The  first  regi- 
ment, commanded  by  Colonel  Rurleson,  was  assigned  the  center. 
The  second  regiment,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  .Sherman, 
formed  the  left  wing  of  the  army.  The  artillery  under  the  sjje- 
cial  command  of  Colonel  George  W.  Hockley.  Inspector  General, 
was  ]>laced  on  the  right  of  the  first  regiment ;  and  four  companies 
(if  infantry,  under  the  command  of  I.ieut-Col.  Henry  Millard, 
sustained  the  artillery  upon  the  right.  Our  cavalry,  sixty-one 
in  number,  commanded  by  Colonel  Mirabeau  R.  Lamar,  whose 
gallant  and  daring  conduct  on  the  previous  day  had  attracted 
the  admiration  of  his  ctnnrades  and  eallid  him  to  that  station. 
|)laced  on  our  extreme  right.  com|)leted  our  line.  Our  cav;ilr\- 
was  first  disjiatched  to  the  front  of  the  enemy's  left,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  attracting  their  ntjtice.  whilst  an  ixtensi\-e  island  ol 
timber  afforded  us  an  opportunity  of  concentrating  our  forces 
,ind  deploying  from  that  point,  agrii-ably  to  the  previous  design 
of  the  troops.  Kvcr\  e\(jlution  was  perlonned  with  alacrity, 
the  whole  :idvancing  rapidly  in  line  and  througii  an  o\>v\\  prairie, 
without  ;in\'  ])rotection  w  li.ite\er  for  our  men.  The  artillery 
advam-rd    ;niil    took    st.atioii     witliin     twn    liundred    3ards    iii    the 


318  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

enemy's  breastwork,  and  commenced  an  effective  fire  with  grape 
and   canister. 

"Colonel  Sherman  with  his  regiment,  having  commenced  the 
action  upon  our  left  wing,  the  whole  line  at  the  center  and  on  the 
right,  advancing  in  double-quick  time,  rung  the  war  cry,  'Re- 
member the  Alamo !'  received  the  enemy's  fire  and  advanced 
within  point  blank  shot  before  a  piece  was  discharged  from  our 
lines.  Our  lines  advanced  without  a  halt,  until  they  were  in 
possession  of  the  woodland  and  the  breastwork,  the  right  wing 
of  Burleson's  and  the  left  of  Millard's  taking  possession  of  the 
breastwork ;  our  artillery  having  gallantly  charged  up  within 
seventy  yards  of  the  enemy's  cannon,  when  it  was  taken  by  our 
troops.  The  conflict  lasted  about  eighteen  minutes  from  the 
time  of  close  action  until  we  were  in  possession  of  the  enemy's 
encampment,  taking  one  piece  of  cannon  (loaded),  four  stands 
of  colors,  all  their  camp  equipage,  stores  and  baggage.  Our 
cavalry  had  charged  and  routed  that  of  the  enemy  upon  the  right, 
and  given  pursuit  to  the  fugitives,  which  did  not  cease  until  they 
arrived  at  the  bridge  which  I  have  mentioned  before.  Captain 
Karnes,  always  among  the  foremost  in  danger,  commanding  the 
pursuers.  The  conflict  in  the  breastwork  lasted  but  a  few 
moments ;  many  of  the  troops  encountered  hand  to  hand,  and 
not  having  the  advantage  of  bayonets  on  our  side,  our  riflemen 
used  pieces  as  war  clubs,  breaking  many  of  them  off  at  the 
breech.  The  rout  commenced  at  half  past  four,  and  the  pursuit 
by  the  main  armv  continued  until  twilight.  A  guard  was  then 
left  in  charge  of  the  enemy's  encampment,  and  our  army  returned 
with  their  killed  and  wounded.  In  the  battle  our  loss  was  two 
killed  and  twenty-three  wounded,  six  of  them  mortally.  The 
enemy's  loss  was  630  killed,  among  whom  was  one  general  officer, 
four  colonels,  two  lieutenant-colonels,  five  captains,  twelve  lieu- 
tenants. Wounded :  208,  of  which  were :  five  colonels,  three 
lieutenant-colonels,  two  second  lieutenant-colonels,  seven  cap- 
tains, one  cadet.  Prisoners,  730;  President-General  Santa  Anna, 
General  Cos,  four  colonels,  aides  to  General  Santa  Anna,  and 
the  Colonel  of  the  Guerrero  battalion  are  included  in  the  num- 
ber. General  Santa  Anna  was  not  taken  until  the  22nd,  and 
General  Cos  on  yesterday,  very  few  having  escaped. 

"About  six  hundred  muskets,  three  hundred  sabres  and  two 
hundred  pistols  have  been  collected  since  the  action.  Several 
hundred  mules  and  horses  were  taken,  and  near  twelve  thousand 
dollars  in  S])ecie.  For  several  daxs  previous  to  the  action  our 
troops  were  engaged  in  forced  marches,  exposed  to  excessive 
rains,  and  the  additional  inconvenience  of  extremely  bad  roads, 
illy  supplied  with  rations  and  clothing ;  yet.  amid  every  difficulty, 
they  bore  up  with  cheerfulness  and  fortitude,  and  performed  their 
marches  with  spirit  and  alacrity.     There  was  no  murmuring. 

"Previous  to  and  during  the  action,  my  staff  evinced  ever\ 
disposition  to  be  useful,  and  were  actively  engaged  in  their 
duties.     In    the    conflict    I    am    assured    thev    demeaned    themselves 


HISTOKV  OF  TEXAS  319 

in  such  manner  as  proved  them  wurth}-  members  of  the  Army 
of  San  Jacinto.  Colonel  Thos.  J.  Rusk.  Secretary  of  War,  was 
on  the  field.  For  weeks  his  services  had  been  highly  beneficial  to 
the  army ;  in  battle  he  was  on  the  left  wing,  where  Colonel  Sher- 
man's command  first  encountered  and  drove  the  enemy.  He 
bore  himself  gallantly,  and  continued  his  efforts  and  activity, 
remaining  with  the  pursuers  until  resistance  ceased. 

"I  have  the  honor  of  transmitting  herewith  a  list  of  all  the 
officers  and  men  who  were  engaged  in  the  action,  which  I  respect- 
fully request  may  be  published  as  an  act  of  justice  to  the  indi- 
viduals. For  the  commanding  general  to  attempt  discrimination 
as  to  the  conduct  of  those  who  commanded  in  the  action,  or  those 
who  were  commanded,  would  be  impossible.  Our  success  in  the 
action  is  conclusive  proof  of  such  daring  intrepidity  and  cour- 
age :  every  officer  and  man  proved  himself  worthy  of  the  cause 
in  which  he  battled,  while  the  triumph  received  a  lustre  from  the 
humanity  which  characterized  their  conduct  after  victory,  and 
richly  entitles  them  to  the  admiration  and  gratitude  of  their 
general.  Xor  should  we  withhold  the  tribute  of  our  grateful 
thanks  from  that  Being  who  rules  the  destinies  of  nations,  and 
has  in  the  time  of  greatest  need  enabled  us  to  arrest  a  powerful 
invader,  whilst  devastating  our  country. 

"I   have  the  honor  to  be,  with   high   consideration, 

'"Your  obedient  servant.  Saoi  Houston. 

"Commander-in-Chief." 

Santa  Anna's  report  is  dated  March  11.  1837,  after  his  return  to 
Mexico  from  his  imprisonment  in  Texas.     He  says: 

"Earlv  on  the  morning  of  the  19th,  I  sent  Captain  Barragan. 
with  some  dragoons,  to  a  point  on  the  Lynchburg  road,  three 
leagues  distant  from  New  Washington,  in  order  that  he  should 
watch  and  communicate  to  me,  as  speedily  as  possible,  the 
arrival  of  Houston  :  and,  on  the  20th.  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing, he  informed  me  that  Houston  had  just  got  to  Lynchburg. 
It  was  with  the  greatest  joy  that  all  the  individuals  belonging 
to  the  corps,  then  under  my  immediate  orders,  heard  the  news ; 
and  they  continued  the  march,  already  begun,  in  the  best  spirit. 

"At  mv  arrival,  Houston  was  in  possession  of  a  wood  on  the 
margin  of  Buffalo  Bayou,  which,  at  that  point,  empties  itself 
into  the  San  Jacinto  Creek.  His  situation  rendered  it  indis- 
pensable to  fi'iht;  and  my  troops  manifested  so  much  enthusiasm, 
that  I  immediately  began  the  battle.  Houston  answered  our 
firing,  but  refused  to  come  out  of  the  cover  of  the  wood.  I 
wished  to  draw  him  into  a  field  of  battle  suited  to  my  purpose, 
and  in  consequence  withdrew  about  one  thousand  yards  dis- 
tance, to  an  eminence  affording  a  favorable  position,  with  abund- 
ance of  water  on  my  rear,  a  thick  wood  on  my  right,  and  a  large 
plain  on  my  left.  Upon  my  executing  this  movement  the 
enemy's  fire  increased,  particularly  that  of  his  artillery,  bv  which 
Captain  Fernando  Urriza  was  wounded.  About  one  hundred 
cavalrv  sallied  out   of  the  wood,  and  holdlv  attacked  m\   escort. 


320  lllSTOKV  OF  TEXAS 

whicli  was  posted  on  llif  left,  causing  it  to  fall  back  for  a  few 
moments  and  wounding  a  dragoon.  I  commanded  two  com- 
panies of  cazodores  to  attack  them,  and  they  succeeded  in  repell- 
ing them  into  the  wood. 

"It  was  now'  five  in  the  evening,  and  our  troops  wanted  rest 
and  refreshment,  which  I  permitted  them  to  take.  Thus  was  the 
remainder  of  the  day  spent.  We  lay  on  our  arms  all  night,  dur- 
ing which  I  occupied  myself  in  posting  my  forces  to  the  best 
advantage,  and  procuring  the  construction  of  a  parapet  to  cover 
the  position  of  our  cannon.  I  had  posted  three  companies  in  the 
wood  on  our  right,  the  permanent  battalion  of  Matamoras  formed 
our  body  of  battle  in  the  centre,  and  on  our  left  was  placed  the 
cannon,  protected  by  the  cavalry,  and  a  column  of  select  com- 
panies (de  preferencia).  under  the  orders  of  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Santiago   Luelmo,   which  composed   the   reserve. 

"On  the  21st,  at  nine  in  the  morning.  General  Cos  arrived 
with  four  hundred  men  belonging  to  the  battalions  of  Aldama, 
Guerrero,  Toluca.  and  Guadalaxara,  having  left  one  hundred  men 
under  the  orders  of  Colonel  Mariano  Garcia,  with  their  loads 
in  a  swampy  place,  near  Harrisburg;  and  these  never  joined 
me.  I  then  saw  that  my  orders  had  been  contravened ;  for  I 
had  asked  five  hundred  select  infantry,  and  they  sent  me  raw 
recruits,  who  had  joined  the  army  at  San  Luis  Potosi  and  Sal- 
tillo.  I  was  highlv  displeased  with  this  act  of  disobedience, 
and  considered  the  new  reinforcement  as  trifling,  whereas  I  had 
before  its  arrival  entertained  well-founded  hopes  of  gaining  some 
decisive  advantage  7cith  the  neti'  succor.  •zi'/nV/i  -was  to  hai'C 
(jh'cn  me  the  superiority  of  numbers.  I  disposed  myself,  how- 
ever, to  take  advantage  of  the  favorable  disposition  which  I  per- 
ceived in  our  soldiers  on  the  arrival  of  General  Cos:  but  the  lat- 
ter represented  to  me  that  having  made  a  forced  march  in  order 
to  reach  my  camp  early,  his  troojis  had  neither  eaten  nor  slept 
during  twenty-four  hours,  and  that  while  the  baggage  was  com- 
ing up.  which  it  would  do  within  two  more  hours,  it  was  indis- 
pensable to  grant  some  refreshment  to  the  soldiers.  I  consented 
to  it,  but  in  order  to  keep  a  watch  over  the  enemv  and  protect 
the  said  baggage.  I  posted  my  escort  in  a  favorable  place,  rein- 
forcing it  with  thirty-two  infantry,  mounted  on  officer's  horses. 
Hardly  one  hour  had  elapsed  since  that  operation,  when  General 
Cos  begged  me.  in  the  name  of  Don  Miguel  .\guirre,  the  com- 
mander of  the  escort,  that  I  would  permit  his  soldiers  to  water 
their  horses,  which  had  not  drunk  for  twenty-four  h(nirs,  and  let 
ihe  men  take  some  refreshment.  Being  moved  liy  the  pitiable 
tone  in  which  this  request  was  made.  I  consented,  commanding 
at  the  time  that  .^guirre  and  his  men  should  return  to  occupy 
their  position  as  soon  as  they  should  have  satisfied  their  neces- 
sities; and  his  disobedience  to  this  order  concurred  to  favor  the 
surprise  which  the  enemy  effected. 

"Feeling  myself  exceedingly  fatigued  from  having  spent  the 
wliole   morning  on   horseback,   and    the   ]>rt'ceding  night    without 


lllSrulvV  Ul-   TEXAS     ■  321 

sleep.  1  lay  duwn  under  the  shade  uf  some  trees,  while  tlie  .sul 
diers  were  prepariiij^  llieir  iiu'al.  Calling  (jeneral  Castrillon,  \vlii> 
acted  as  major-general,  1  reconiniended  him  U>  be  watchful  and 
til  give  nie  notice  of  the  least  movement  of  the  enemy,  and  also 
to  inform  me  when  the  ic]iast  of  the  soldiers  would  he  over,  he- 
cause  it  was  urgent  to  act  in  a  decisive  manner. 

"I  \va.s  in  a  deej)  slee])  when  I  was  awakened  by  the  tiring 
and  noise;  I  immediately  perceived  we  were  attacked,  and  had 
fallen  into  frightful  disorder.  The  enemy  had  surprised  our 
advance  jiosts.  One  of  their  wings  had  driven  away  the  three 
companies  (de  preferencia  )  |)Osted  in  the  wood  on  our  right,  and 
from  among  the  trees  were  nov\  doing  much  execution  with  tluir 
rifles.  The  rest  of  the  ('nemy's  infantr\'  attacked  us  in  front  with 
two  pieces  of  cannon,  and  their  cavalry  did  the  same  on  cmi 
right. 

"Although  the  mischief  was  alread)'  done,  1  thought  I  could 
repair  it,  and  with  that  view  sent  the  battalion  of  .\ldama  to  rein- 
force the  line  of  battli'  formed  by  that  of  Matamoras,  and  organ- 
ized a  column  of  attack  under  the  orders  of  Don  Manuel  Ces- 
pedes,  composed  of  the  permanent  battalion  of  (iuerrero,  and  the 
piquets  of  Toluca  and  Ciiiadalaxara,  which  irio\ed  to  the  front 
with  the  company  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Luelmo,  in  order  to 
check  the  advance  of  the  enemy;  but  my  efforts  were  vain.  The 
line  was  abandoned  by  the  two  battalions  that  w^ere  covering  it : 
and.  notwithstanding  the  fire  of  our  cannon,  the  two  columns 
were  thrown  into  disorder.  Colonel  Cespedes  being  wounded  and 
Colonel  Luelmo  killed.  General  Castrillon,  who  ran  to  and  fro 
to  re-establish  order  in  our  ranks,  fell  mortallv  wounded  ;  and  the 
new  recruits  threw  everything  into  confusion,  breaking  their 
ranks  and  preventing  the  \eterans  from  making  use  of  their 
arms,  whilst  the  enemy  was  rapidly  advancing  with  loud  hurrahs, 
and  in  a  few  minutes  obtained  a  victcjrv  which  they  could  not, 
some  hours  before,  even  ha\e  dreamed  of. 

"All  hopes  being  lost,  and  everv  oni'  flying  as  fast  as  he  could. 
1  found  myself  in  the  greatest  danger,  when  a  servant  of  my 
aid-de-cam().  Colonel  Don  |uan  I'ringas,  offered  me  his  horse, 
anri  with  the  tenderest  and  most  urging  expressions,  insisted 
upon  my  riding  off  the  field.  I  looked  for  my  escort,  and  two 
dragoons,  who  were  hurriedlv  saddling  their  horses,  told  me  thai 
their  officers  and  fellow-soldiers  had  ;ill  made  their  escai)e.  I 
remembered  that  General  Filisola  w.is  only  seventeen  leagues 
off,  and  I  took  m\-  direction  towards  him,  darting  through  the 
enemy's  ranks,  The\-  pursued  me,  and  after  a  ride  of  one  league 
and  a  half,  overtook  me  on  the  banks  of  ;t  largi'  criek,  the  bridge 
over  which  was  burned  by  the  enemy  /"  retard  our  pursuit.  1 
alighted  from  my  horse  and  with  much  difficulty  succeeded  in 
concealing  myself  in  a  thicket  of  dwarf  i)ines.  Night  coming  on. 
r  escaped  them,  .ind  tlu  liope  of  reaching  the  arinv  gave  me 
strength.  I  crossed  the  cnek  with  the  water  n]>  to  ni\  breast 
and  continued  mv  roiUe  on  foot.     1    found,  in  a  house  which  had 


MIL.    I      21 


322  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

been  abandoned,  some  articles  of  clothing,  which  enabled  nie  to 
change  my  apparel.  At  eleven  o'clock  A.  M.,  while  I  was  cross- 
ing a  large  plain,  my  pursuers  overtook  me  again.  Such  is  the 
history  of  my  capture.  On  account  of  my  change  of  apparel 
they  did  not  recognize  me,  and  inquired  whether  I  had  seen  Santa 
Anna  ?  To  this  I  answered  that  he  had  made  his  escape ;  and 
this  answer  saved  me  from  assassination,  as  I  have  since  been 
given  to  understand. 

"By  what  has  been  already  explained  Your  Excellency  will 
see  at  a  glance  the  principal  causes  of  an  event  which  with  good 
reason  was  a  surprise." 


CHAPTER  XXII 
THI-:  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS 

Tlie  (k)mfstic  histor}-  of  the  Republic  niav  be  briefly  silinmarized. 
President  Burnet's  administration  was  inaugurated  at  the  gloomiest 
moment  of  the  war.  The  Alamo  had  fallen,  and  Santa  Anna's  main 
division  was  advancing^  toward  the  heart  of  the  colonies ;  Urrea,  after 
tlestroying  Johnson  and  Grant's  forces,  was  pushing  toward  Fannin 
at  Goliad ;  TTonston  was  retreating  from  Gonzales  ;  and  the  roads  cast 
of  the  Guadalupe  were  thronged  with  fugitives,  seeking  a  refuge  in 
Eastern  Texas  or  across  the  Sabine.  Considering  Washington  on  tin- 
Rrazos  too  exposed  for  the  seat  of  government,  President  P.urnet 
established  himself  at  Harrisburg.  From  there  the  approach  of 
Santa  .Anna  drove  him  about  the  middle  of  April  to  Galveston  Island  : 
but  there  were  no  accommodations  at  Galveston,  and  after  the  battle 
ot  -San  Jacinto  the  government  made  its  third  shift  to  Velasco. 
Finally,  the  close  of  the  administration  in  October  found  the  govern- 
ment at  Columbia.  In  the  midst  of  such  confusion  definite  policies 
were  not  to  be  exjiected.  The  president  simply  met  problems  as 
they  arose  and  dealt  with  them  as  he  could. 

Prior  to  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  such  time  as  the  wanderings 
of  the  government  permitted  was  employed  in  efforts  to  calm  the 
fugitives,  strengthen  the  army,  and  obtain  supplies.  These  efforts 
were  not  conspicuously  successful.  The  people  were  panic-stricken, 
and  paid  little  attention  to  Burnet's  reassuring  proclamations :  vol- 
unteers came  but  slowly  to  the  army;  and  the  substitution  of  Thomas 
Toby  and  brother  in  New  Orleans  for  William  Bryan  as  purchasing 
agent  of  Texas  was  all  but  disastrous.  Bryan  had  been  appointed 
by  the  general  council  in  the  fall  of  1835,  and  had  used  his  personal 
credit  for  nearlv  eighty  thousand  dollars  in  the  Texan  cause :  while 
the  Toby  brothers  were  said  to  be  on  the  verge  of  bankruptcy  at  the 
time  f)f  their  appointment,  and  proved  themselves  far  less  efficient 
than    Bryan   had   been. 

Following  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  the  execution  of  the  Treaty  of 
Velasco  became  an  issue.  According  to  the  secret  treaty,  the  Texan 
government  was  to  release  Santa  .A.nna  and  send  him  back  to  Mexico, 
where  be  agreed  to  use  his  influence  to  induce  his  government  to 
recognize  the  independence  of  Texas.  On  June  1  .Santa  .\nna  was 
lilaccd  rm  board  a  government  vessel  destined  for  Vera  Cruz,  but 
before  it  got  under  way,  on  June  3,  a  jiartv  of  immigrant  volunteers 
arrived  from  X^ew  Orleans,  and  on  learning  that  it  was  the  intention 
to  liberate  the  author  of  the  .\laiTio  and  Goliad  massacres  demanded 
that  he  be  surrendered  to  them.  In  the  end  the  civil  authorities 
were  compelled  to  recall  Santa  Anna  and  hand  him  over  to  the  army. 
He  protested  against  this  breach  of  the  treaty  and  complained  of 
the  hardships  to  which  he  was  exposed:  but  to  this  Burnet  somewhat 
sharply  replied  that  Santa  .Anna's  \-isit  among  them  had  caused  the 
Texans   some    privntir)ns    and    that    for    that    reason    they    were    little 

323 


324  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

inclined  to  regret  that  he  should  share  them.  In  July  Santa  Anna 
appealed  to  President  Jackson  to  offer  intervention  in  adjusting  the 
relations  between  Texas  and  Mexico,  but  the  Mexican  government 
had  disavowed  the  treaty  of  Velasco  and  had  notified  the  powers  that 
it  would  not  recognize  as  binding  upon  it  any  act  of  Santa  Anna,  so 
that  President  Jackson  took  no  action.  After  the  failure  of  an  attempt 
to  rescue  the  distinguished  prisoner  he  was  placed  in  a  very  rigorous 
confinement,  and  it  was  not  until  the  inauguration  of  President 
Houston  in  October  that  he  was  released.  He  then  visited  Wash- 
ington and  again  proposed  intervention  to  President  Jackson,  who 
still  declined  to  act.  In  February,  1837,  he  returned  to  ^lexico,  being 
carried  to  Vera  Cruz  by  a  naval  vessel  of  the  United  States.  The 
other  Mexican  prisoners  captured  at  San  Jacinto  were  liberated  early 
in  Houston's  administration,  after  detention  first  at  Galveston  and 
later  at   Liberty. 

The  interference  of  the  army  in  the  case  of  Santa  Anna  reveals 
another  source  of  confusion  during  the  period  of  the  ad  interim  gov- 
ernment. The  refusal  of  Mexico  to  accept  the  verdict  of  San  Jacinto 
and  its  evident  determination  to  renew  the  invasion  of  Texas  made 
it  necessary  to  maintain  a  strong  defensive  force.  This  was  com- 
posed chiefly  of  volunteers  from  the  United  States,  many  of  whom 
did  not  yield  patiently  to  discipline.  When  General  Houston  went 
to  New  Orleans  to  obtain  treatment  for  his  ankle,  wounded  at  San 
Jacinto,  the  command  devolved  on  Gen.  Thomas  I.  Rusk,  secre- 
tary of  war,  and  when,  shortly  afterward.  Rusk  resigned  and  the 
caliinet  appointed  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar  to  succeed  him,  the  men 
refused   to  receive   him    and  elected   instead   Gen.    I""elix   Houston. 

By  mid-summer  order  was  sufficiently  restored  for  the  peo])le  to 
give  .some  attention  to  the  establishment  of  a  regular  government. 
On  July  2,^  President  Rurnet  issued  a  prt)clamation  calling  an  elec- 
tion for  the  first  Monday  in  September.  The  congress  tlien  elected 
was  to  meet  at  Columbia  the  first  Monday  in  October.  Resides  the 
election  of  officers  the  peo])le  were  asked  to  vote  on  two  other  mat- 
ters: (1)  whether  congress  should  be  given  authority  to  amend  the 
constitution,  and  (2)  whether  Texas  should  seek  annexation  tu  the 
United  States.  Three  candidates  for  the  presidencv  appeared,  .\us- 
tin,  Henry  Smith,  and  General  Houston.  Houston  was  elected  by 
a  large  majority  and  immediately  appointed  .\ustin  secretarv  of  state 
and  Smith  secrctar\-  of  the  treasury.  The  constitution  was  ratified 
and  the  power  of  amendment  was  withheld  from  congress,  and  the 
vote  in  fa\or  of  annexation  stood  3,277  to  ^1. 

President    Burnet's   message   to   the   first   congress   on    October   4 
reviewed  the  troubled  career  of  the  ad  interim  government  and  indi- 
cated the  subjects  which  in  his  opinion  required  the  immediate  atten 
tion  of  congress.     Concerning  his  administration  he  said: 

"It  will  be  recollected  that  the  ])owers  conferred  on  the  gov- 
ernment, 'ad  interim,'  were  extraordinary,  that  they  comprised 
the  plenal  .-ittributes  of  sovereignty,  the  legislative  and  judicial 
functions  excepted.  The  circumstances  imder  which  that  gov- 
ernment  h.is  lieen  administered  lia\e  been   equalK-   extraordinary 


IIISIORV  ()!•    li'.XAS  325 

"Sonietinifs.    w  lun    'I't-xas   \v;is   a    moving    mass   of    fugitives, 
they  have  been  without  'a  local  habitation'  and  scattered  to  the 
cardinal  points;  again  they  have  been  on  Galveston  Island,  with- 
out a  shelter,  and   almost   without   subsistence,  and   never   have 
they  been  in  circumstances  of  comfort  and  convenience  suitable 
to  the  orderly  conducting  of  the  grave  and  momentous  business 
committed  to  their  charge.       Ihat  errors  siiould   ha\e  lieen  com- 
mitted   under    such    circumstances    will    not    sur])rise    those    who 
have    an    honest    consciousness    of    their    own    fallil)ilitics.      Hut 
that  those  extraordinary  jjowers  have  not  been  perverted  to  any 
sinister    juirpose,    to    the    damage    of    the    country,    to    personal 
aggrandisement,   or   to  the  creation   or  advancement   of   a   ])arty, 
or  to  the   success  of  a   speculation.    I    assert    with   a   modest   hut 
tirm   and   .assured   confidence." 
First,  and   most   pressing,   of   the   problems    with    which    congress 
must   deal   was   the   organiz.ation   of   a   system   of   finance.       The   debt 
incurred  during  the  revolution  was  more  than  a  million  and  a  quar- 
ter, and  the  danger  of  renewed  invasion  b\    Me.xico  ent;iiled  :i  con- 
tinuance  of   heavy    expense    in    the    army.     .\s    a    Mexican    prt)vince 
Te.xas  had  had  no  system  of  taxation,  .-mrl  congress  must  attack  the 
subject  de  novo.        Burnet  recommended  a   tarifT  as  the  mC)St   ready 
means  of  revenue.      For  the  arm\    he  recommended  :\  continuance  of 
the   land  bounty   law   which   had  expired   in   Jul\'.    18,^6.   and   the   dis- 
couragement   of    short    terms    of    enlistment.       Tiie    ii,i\  \     was    inade- 
quate and  an  additional   l.-irge  vessel  was  neeiled.       The  judicial  sys- 
tem   should    be    organized,    a    jiostal    system    established,    and    some 
internal  improvements  begun — such  as  the  bridging  of  small  streams 
and  the  estal)lishiuent  of  ferries  on  the  larger  ones.     ( )n  October  22 
President  Burnet   resigned  his  office  .-nid  (lener;il    ilouston   was  inau- 
gurated. 

The  most  im])(>rtant  laws  |)asse(i  by  this  congress  were  those 
dealing  with  the  subjects  suggested  in  Burnet's  nu'ssage.  To  meet 
tinancial  needs  a  loan  was  authorized  for  five  million  dollars,  to  be 
secured  by  the  |)ubiic  lands  and  a  pledge  of  the  i)ublic  faitli.  This 
was  passed  November  18.  18.¥).  On  December  20.  1836,  a  larilT  act 
was  passed;  on  July  7,  1837,  an  issue  of  ten  per  cent  interest  bear- 
ing refunding  stock  was  authorized,  which  w;is  to  be  excli;inged  for 
certificates  of  government  indebtedness,  redeemable  after  1842;  and 
on  June  17.  1837,  :i  direct  ])ro]>erty  tax  of  one-half  of  one  |)er  cent 
ad  valorem  was  authorized.  .'\t  the  same  time  a  system  of  occupa- 
tion taxes  was  inaugurated.  The  ])ost  office  department  and  the 
judiciary  were  established;  jind  on  neceiul)er  19,  1836.  ;in  important 
;ict  was  passed  fixing  the  boundarx  of  Texas  at  the  Rio  (Ir.ande  from 
its  mouth  to  its  source,  and  thence  northward  to  the  fortx-secoud 
l)arallel  of  latitude.  .\  law  establishing  ;i  gener.il  land  office  was 
vetoed  by  President  Houston,  hut  was  jiassed  b\  ,i  constitutional 
m.ijorit}-.  and  ultimately  became  effective. 

Houston's  inaugural  message  was  purely  formal,  lli.s  message  of 
.May  5,  1837,  to  the  second  session  of  the  first  Congress  was  of  greater 
interest.     The  United  States  had  recognized  the  independence  of  Texa> 


326 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 


on  March  .5,  1837,  and  in  referring  to  this  the  president  said,  "We  now 
occupy  the  proud  attitude  of  a  sovereign  and  independent  repubhc,  which 
will  impose  upon  us  the  obligation  of  evincing  to  the  world  that  we  are 
worthy  to  be  free.  This  will  only  be  accomplished  by  wise  legislation, 
the  maintenance  of  our  integrity,  and  the  faithful  and  just  redemption 
of  our  plighted  faith  wherever  it  has  been  pledged.  Nothing  can  be 
better  calculated  to  advance  our  interests  and  character  than  the  estab- 
lislinient  of  a  liberal  and  disinterested  policy,  enlighted  by  patriotism. 
;ind  guided  by  wisdom.'" 

Concerning  the  finances  there  was  nothing  encouraging  tu  report. 
Agents  appointed  to  sell  land  scrip  in  the  United  States  had  failed  to 
report,  and  commissioners  appointed  to  negotiate  the  five  million  dollar 


TiiK  rKL.siiiKM'.s  Home  at  Houston  .\s  li   Was  ix  1859 


loan  had  found  financial  conditions  so  unsteady  in  the  United  States  that 
they  had  l)ecn  unable  to  jilace  any  ])ortion  of  the  loan.  Congress  should 
devi.se  a  land  system  that  would  guard  the  interest  of  the  government 
and  prevent  fraud,  and  at  the  same  time  protect  the  rights  of  bona  fide 
claimants  against  confliction  titles.  .As  to  the  form  of  this  law  the 
president  made  no  suggestion.  The  army  was  in  an  excellent  state  of 
discipline.  It  had  been  reduced  to  about  1.000  men.  and  the  aimual 
expense  now  entailed  by  it  would  fall  below  $230,000.  The  navv  was 
too  small,  and  the  commerce  of  the  country  had  suffered  some  damage 
from  Mexican  vessels  in  the  gulf-  Steps  were  being  taken,  however,  to 
mend  this  deficiency.  In  connection  with  the  navv  President  Houston 
referred  to  the  subject  of  the  .\frican  slave  trade.  "It  cannot  be  dis- 
believed," he  said,  "that  thousands  of  .African.s  have  latelv  been  im- 
ported to  the  island  of  Cuba,  with  a  design  to  transfer  a  large  portion 
of  them  into  this  republic.     This  imholv  and  cruel  traffic  has  called  down 


IIISTURV  OF  TEXAS  327 

the  reprobation  of  Uu-  humane  and  jusi  of  all  civilized  nations.  Our 
abhorrence  to  it  is  clearly  expressed  in  our  constitution  and  laws.  Nor 
has  it  rested  alone  upon  the  declaration  of  our  policy,  but  has  long  since 
been  a  subject  of  representation  to  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
our  ministers  apprising  it  of  every  fact  which  would  enable  it  to  devise 
such  means  as  would  prevent  either  the  landing  or  introduction  of 
.Africans  into  our  country. 

"The  naval  force  of  Texas  not  being  in  a  situation  to  be  diverted 
from  our  immediate  defense,  will  be  a  sufficient  reason  w-hy  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  and  England,  should  employ  such  a 
portion  of  their  force  in  the  gulf  as  will  at  once  arrest  the  accursed 
trade    and    redeem     this     republic     from     the    suspicion     of     con- 
nivance which  would  be  as  detrimental  to  its  character  as  the  prac- 
tice is  repugnant  to  the  feelings  of  its  citizens.     Should  the  traffic 
continue,  the  odiimi  cannot  rest  upon  us,  but  will  remain  a  blot  upon 
the  escutcheon  of  nations  who  have  power  and  withhold  their  hand 
from  the  work  of  humanity." 
Toward  the  Indians  the  president  declared  it  to  be  the  policy  of  the 
government  "to  pursue  a  just  and  liberal  course     *     *     *     and  to  pre- 
vent all  encroachments  upon  their  rights."      In  his  second  annual   mes- 
sage of  November  21,  18.?7.  he  went  into  this  subject  more  fully.      It  had 
been   the   policy   of   the  administration,   he   said,   to   seek   every   possible 
means  to  establish  relations  with  the  Indians  upon  a  basis  of  lasting  peace 
and   friendship.     "At  this  time    1    deem  the  indications  more    favorable 
than  they  have  been  since  Texas  assumed  her  ])resent  attitude.     *     *     * 
The  undeviating  opinion  of  the  executive  has  been,  that  from  the  estab- 
lishment of  trading  hf)uses  on  the  frontier   ("under  prudent  regulations  I, 
;md  the  appointment  of  capable  and  honest  agents  the  happiest  results 
might  be  antici])ated   for  the  country.     The  intercourse  lietween  the  cit- 
izens and  Indians  should  be  regulated  by  acts  of  Congress  which  experi- 
ence will  readily  .suggest."     In  neither  of  these  messages  did  the  presi- 
dent make  important  specific  recommendations,  and  few  measures  of  a 
general  character  were  passed  during  the  remainder  of  his  term. 

The  constitution  provided  that  the  first  president  should  serve  two 
years  and  shoukl  be  ineligible  for  immediate  reelection.  Houston's  term 
ex|)ired.  therefore,  in  December.  1838.  To  succeed  him  the  vice-presi- 
dent. Mirabeau  B.  Lamar,  was  almost  unanimously  elected.  Despite  a 
policy  of  peace  with  Mexicans  and  Indians  and  careful  economy  in  all 
departments  of  the  government,  the  public  debt  had  increased  to  nearly 
S2.0(Y).000  during  Houston's  term.  No  progress  had  been  made  toward 
placing  the  S.S.000,000  loan,  and  the  government  had  begun  the  issue  of 
|)aper  money.  The  subject  of  the  finances  Houston  recognized  as  the 
most  serious  problem  confronting  the  government,  but  he  indulged  strong 
hope  that  the  orijanization  of  the  lantl  office  and  the  o]H'ning  of  the 
jiublic  lands  would  specflilv  yield  "a  boundless  revenue." 

President  Lamar's  inaugural  address  was  modeled  to  some  e.Ktenl  (}n 
that  of  Thomas  Jeflferson  when  he  assumed  the  presidency  of  the  United 
States  in  1801.  It  would  he  his  |)olicv  to  foster  "agriculture,  commerce, 
.-md  the  useful  arts  as  the  true  basis  of  national  strength  and  glory"; 
"and  at  the  satne  time  to  lav  the  fmnulation  of  those  hisj-her  institutions 


328  HISTURV  UF   lEXAS 

for  moral  and  mental  culluri-,  without  which  no  government,  on  demo- 
cratic principles,  can  prosper,  nor  the  ])eople  long  preserve  their  liber- 
ties. In  foreign  policy  we  should  "deal  justly  with  all  nations,  aggres- 
sively to  none" ;  and  we  should  '"court  free  and  unrestricted  commerce 
wherever  it  may  be  the  interest  of  our  people  to  carry  the  national  flag." 
He  was  less  wedded  to  the  ways  of  peace,  however,  than  Jefferson  had 
been,  and  while  declaring  that  he  preferred  peace,  he  was  "not  averse 
from  war."  "1  shall  be  ever  ready  to  adjust  all  differences  with  our 
enemies  by  friendly  discussion  and  arrangement,  and  at  the  same  time 
equally  to  adopt  either  offensive  or  defensive  operations  as  their  disposi- 
tion and  our  own  safety  may  render  necessary.'  He  was  opposed  to  the 
annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States,  and  the  address  pictured  elo- 
quently and  at  length  the  advantages  of  independence. 

The  annual  message  of  December  20,  1838,  tills  nearly  thirty  closely 
jjrinted  pages.  It  began  with  a  brief  discussion  of  our  foreign  relations. 
The  United  States  had  recognized  our  independence  and  the  relations 
between  the  two  countries  was  most  cordial.  To  England  and  France, 
loo,  the  independence  of  Texas  could  not  be  a  matter  of  indifference, 
and  recognition  from  them  was  soon  to  be  expected.  "With  Mexico  our 
posture  is  unchanged ;  she  seems  still  to  cherish  the  illusive  hop;  of  con- 
(|ut'st,  without  adopting  any  means  for  its  realization.  .\  final  abandon- 
ment of  such  hopes,  or  a  more  vigorovis  prosecution  of  the  measures 
which  would  at  once  determine  their  worth,  would  be  more  consistent 
with  true  glory  and  wisdom  than  this  attitude  of  supine  and  sullen  hos- 
tility. While  we  would  meet  with  alacrity  the  first  indication  of  a  desire 
for  a  just  and  honorable  peace,  we  should  compel  a  more  active  pros- 
ecution of  the  war.  If  peace  can  only  be  obtained  by  the  sword,  let  the 
sword  do  its  work."  This  .suggests  a  more  aggressive  policy  than  Pres- 
ident Houston  had  favored. 

Toward  the  Indians,  too,  Lamar  was  less  patient  than  Houston  had 
l)een,  which  may  be  partly  explained,  perhaps,  by  the  fact  that  he  en- 
tered political  life  as  the  private  secretary  of  Governor  George  IM.  Troup 
of  Georgia.  "As  long  as  we  continue  to  exhibit  our  mercy  without 
showing  our  strength,  so  long  will  the  Indians  continue  to  bloody  the 
tomahawk  and  move  onward  in  the  work  of  rapacity  and  slaughter." 
The  Indians  who  emigrated  from  the  United  Slates — such  as  the  Chero- 
kees  and  their  allies — had  never  acquired  fmm  Mexico  any  title  to  the 
lands  that  they  occupied,  and  the  treaty  which,  by  the  authority  of  the 
consultation  and  the  provisional  government,  was  negotiated  with  these 
Indians  in  February,  1836,  had  never  been  ratified  by  any  competent 
Texan  authority.  This  absolved  us  of  anv  legal  responsibility  in  the 
matter,  and  the  conduct  of  the  Indians  had  left  us  under  no  moral  obliga- 
tion toward  them.  "I  would  respectfully  offer  the  following  sugges- 
tions: That  there  be  established,  as  early  as  practicable,  a  line  of  mili- 
tary posts,  competent  to  the  protection  of  our  frontier  from  incursions 
of  the  wandering  tribes  that  infest  our  borders;  and  that  all  intercourse 
between  them  and  our  citizens  he  made  under  the  eye  and  subject  to  the 
control  of  the  government.  In  order  to  allay  the  apprehensions  of  the 
friendly  tribes,  and  prevent  anv  collision  between  them  and  our  citizens, 
I  would  recommend  that  each  Indian  family  be  permitted  to  enjoy  such 


HlSTUin    ^Jl■    ri'lXAS  329 

iinproveniciUs  as  ihcy  occup) ,  to^cthir  witli  a  >nitablc  jjurtion  of  land, 
without  inteiTuptiun  or  annoyance,  so  long  as  they  choose  to  remain 
upon  it,  and  shall  deport  themselves  in  a  friendly  manner,  being  sub- 
ordinate to  our  laws  m  all  criminal  matters,  and  in  matters  of  contract 
to  the  authorized  agents  of  the  government.  To  this  end,  the  appoinl- 
inent  of  suitable  agents  to  reside  among  the  located  tribes  would  be  nec- 
essary. wlu)>c  duty  it  should  be  to  keep  u\>  a  vigilant  espionage,  cultivate 
friendh  relations,  and,  as  far  as  practicable,  prevent  all  causes  of  inter- 
ruption and  collision  between  the  Indians  and  our  own  people.  Com- 
missioner>  might  be  apjjointed  to  make  treaties  to  this  effect  with  such 
tribes  a>  are  disposed  to  peace  and  friendship,  while  those  who  reject 
the  terms  should  be  viewed  as  enemies,  and  treated  accordingly.  These 
gratuitous  and  liberal  concessions,  on  our  part,  are  jierhaps  due  to  the 
regard  which  we  all  entertain  for  peace.  If,  unhappily,  they  should  be 
found  inadequate  to  seciue  that  desirable  object,  and  the  Indians  shall 
jiersist  in  their  extravagant  demands,  and  resolve  u])on  war,  then  let 
them  feel  that  there  are  terrors  also  in  the  eiunity  of  the  white  inan,  and 
that  the  blood  of  our  wives  and  children  cannot  be  shed  without  a 
righteous  retribution."  I""or  this  reason  the  president  was  moved  to  rec- 
ommend the  strengthening  of  the  armv  and  navy,  while  at  the  same  time 
organizing  the  militia. 

There  had  not  been  time  since  his  inauguration  for  the  president  to 
enquire  into  fiscal  affairs.  The  success  of  the  loan,  however,  he  con- 
sidered very  problematical,  and  for  that  reason  he  was  unable  to  recom- 
mend a  reduction  of  taxes  or  of  the  tariff'.  He  thought  that  the  de- 
velopment of  agriculture,  commerce,  and  the  mineral  resources  of  the 
country  would  soon  put  the  government  in  easy  condition,  and  recom- 
mended the  passage  of  a  law  reserving  mineral  rights  to  the  state.  In 
the  meantime,  he  recommended  the  establishment  of  a  national  bank, 
owned  and  controlled  bv  the  republic.  Rased  on  a  hypothecation  of  the 
national  lands,  the  jjlighted  faith  of  the  government,  and  an  adequate 
specie  dejjosit,  such  a  bank  would  be  safe  and  would  inspire  confidence. 
The  sjjecie  deposit  would  not  need  to  be  so  large  as  in  a  privately  owned 
l)ank,  btit,  unfortunately,  as  Gouge  remarked  in  his  Fiscal  History  of 
Texas,  Lamar  did  not  indicate  where  ;in\  s])ecie  was  to  come  from, 
l-'ew  banks  in  the  United  States  were  makini;  any  specie  payments  at  the 
time,  and  coin  was  very  rare  in  Texas. 

This  message  has  become  jusiK  famous  for  its  strong  advocacy  of 
public  education  : 

"If  we  desire  to  establish  a  re|niblican  government  upon  a  broad 
and  permanent  basis,  it  will  become  our  duty  to  adopt  a  comprehen- 
sive and  well  regulated  svstem  of  mental  and  moral  culture.  Edu- 
cation is  a  subject  in  which  every  citizen  and  especially  every  parent 
feels  a  deep  and  lively  concern  It  is  one  in  which  no  jarring  inter- 
ests are  involved,  and  no  ricrinionious  nolitical  feelings  excited,  for 
its  benefits  are  so  universal  that  all  ))artics  can  cordially  unite  in  ad- 
vancing it.  It  is  admitted  by  all  that  cultivated  mind  is  the  guardian 
genius  of  democracy,  .and  while  guided  and  controlled  by  virtue  is 
the  noblest  attribute  of  man.  ft  is  the  only  dictator  that  freemen 
desire     *    .*     *     T,e(    ,-,^(.    therefore,   nrgt'   it    upon  you,  gentlemen. 


660  HlSiUKV  Ul'    iliXAS 

not  to  postpone  the  matter   too  long.     The  present  is  a  propitious 
moment   to    lay   the    foundation   of   a   great   moral   and   intellectual 
edifice,  which  will  in  after  ages  be  hailed  as  the  chief  ornament  and 
blessing  of   Texas.     A  suitable  appropriation  of   lands  to  the  pur- 
pose of  general  education  can  be  made  at  this  time  without  incon- 
venience  to  the  government  or  the   people;  but  defer   it  until   the 
public   domain  shall  have  passed  from  our   hands,  and  the  unedu- 
cated youths  of  Texas  will  constitute  the  living  monuments  of  our 
neglect   and   remissness.     To  commence  a   liberal   system  of  educa- 
tion a  few  years  hence  may  be  attended  with  many  dititiculties.     The 
imposition    of    taxes    will    be    necessary.     Sectional    jealousies    will 
spring  up,  and  the  whole  plan  may  be  defeated  in  the  conflict  of 
selfishness,  or  be  suffered  to  languish  under  a  feeble  and  inefficient 
support;  a  liberal  endowment  which  will  be  adequate  to  the  general 
diffusion  of   a  good  rudimental  education  in  every   district  of   the 
republic,  and  to  the  establishment  of  a  university  where  the  highest 
branches  of  science  may  be  taught,  can  now  be  effected  without  the 
expenditure  of  a  single  dollar.     Postpone  it  a   few  years  and  mil- 
lions will  be  necessary  to  accomplish  the  great  design." 
President  Lamar's  Indian  policy  was  well  received  by  Congress.     On 
the  day  the  message  was  delivered   a  bill   was   passed  authorizing  the 
organization  of  a  regiment  of  840  men  for  the  protection  of  the  fron- 
tiers, and  $.^00,000  in  promissory  notes  was  appropriated  for  the  pur- 
pose.    On    December   29    the    president   was   empowered    to   accept    the 
service  of  eight  companies  of  mounted  volunteers  for  use  chiefly  against 
ihe  Comanches  and  $75,000  was  apiirojM-iated.     January  26.  1839,  three 
additional  companies  were  approved;  and  on  January  24.  SI, 000.000  was 
appropriated  for  protection  of  the  northern  and  western  frontiers.    Dur- 
ing 1839  evidence  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  government  that  the  Mex- 
icans  were   endeavoring  to  invite   the   Indians  to  war — particularly   the 
Cherokee  Indians.     The  growth  of  po])ulation   and  the   rapid  extension 
of  the   frontier  into  the  Indian   settlements  caused   constant  broils   and 
kept  the  Indians  in  an  ugly  mood.     In  1839  the  Cherokees.  after  fierce 
resistance,   were   driven   from  their   settlement   in   East   Texas,   and   the 
next  year  the  Comanches  were  greatly  weakened  in  three  notable  engage- 
ments.    The  first  of  these  was  the  Council  House  fight  at  San  Antonio 
in  March,  in  which  the  Indians  lost  a  number  of  their  chiefs;  in  August 
(Sen.  Felix  Houston  defeated  a  large  force  at  Plum  Creek,  near  Gon- 
zales; and  in  October   Col.  John  H.  Moore  led  an  expedition   that  de- 
stroyed the   chief   Comanche  village  on   the   upper   Colorado   and   killed 
more  than  100  warriors,  and,  by  mistake,  it  was  claimed,  some  women. 
Ry  the  close  of  Lamar's  term  the  Indians  were  undoubtedly  in  a  more 
submissive  mood  than  thev  had  previouslv  been  since  the  declaration  of 
independence,  and  it  seems  likely  that  his  atrgressive  methods  must  be 
credited  with  some  share  of  the  success  tbnt   followed  Houston's  gentler 
policv  between   1842  and  1845.     Houston   found  ihem  at  the  beginning 
of  his  second  term  willing  for  a  time  to  embrace  the  comforts  of  peace. 
Lamar's  educational  view.  too.   met    the   aonroval   of   Congress,   and 
modest  provi.sion  was  made  for  the  endowment  of  schools  and  colleges. 
January  2f),   18.39,  a  law  provided  that  three  leagues  of -land  should  he 


HlbiUkV  OF  TEXAS  331 

surveyed  in  each  county,  and  devoted  to  the  establishment  of  primary 
schools  or  academies.  If  there  was  not  enough  good  vacant  land  in  a 
county  for  this  purpose,  the  survey  was  to  be  made  from  public  land 
elsewhere.  The  president  was  to  have  survevr-d  also,  fifty  leagues  of 
land  "for  the  establishment  and  endowment  of  two  colleges  or  univer- 
sities hereafter  to  be  created."  The  following  vear — February  5,  1840 — 
an  additional  league  was  appropriated  ''  -  the  schools  of  each  county, 
anil  at  the  same  time  provision  was  made  for  certificating  teachers.  No 
teacher  was  to  be  given  a  certificate  who  was  not  capable  of  teaching 
reading,  writing,  English  grammar,  arithmetic  and  geography. 

Other  important  legislation  of  Lamar's  administration  was  the  first 
■"homestead  law,"  approved  January  26,  1839,  a  law  granting  640  acre 
headrights  to  immigrant  families  who  arrived  in  Texas  before  1840,  a 
law  for  the  permanent  location  of  the  capital,  and  various  acts  for  the 
increase  of  the  revenues. 

The  homestead  law  "reserved  to  every  citizen  or  head  of  a  family 
in  this  republic,  free  and  indejjendent  of  the  power  of  a  writ  of  fieri 
facias  or  other  execution  issuing  from  any  court  of  competent  jurisdic- 
tion whatever,  fifty  acres  of  land  or  one  town  lot,  including  his  or  her 
homestead  and  improvements  not  exceeding  $500  in  value,  all  household 
and  kitchen  furniture  (provided  it  does  not  exceed  in  value  $200),  all 
implements  of  husbandry  (provided  they  shall  not  exceed  fifty  dollars  in 
value),  all  tools,  apparatus,  and  books  belonging  to  the  trade  or  profes- 
sion of  any  citizen,  five  milch  cows,  one  yoke  of  work  oxen,  or  one 
horse,  twenty  hogs,  and  one  year's  provisions ;  and  that  all  laws  and 
parts  of  laws  contravening  or  opposing  the  provisions  of  this  act  be  and 
they  are  hereby  repealed:  provided,  the  i)assage  of  this  act  shall  not 
interfere  with  contracts  between  ]«rties  heretofore  made."  "This,"  says 
the  late  judge  C.  W.  Raines,  "appears  tn  be  the  first  linnicstead  act  ever 
])assed  in  any  country." 

On  January  14,  18v^9,  Lamar  signed  an  act  creating  a  commission  of 
five  to  select  a  site  for  the  permanent  location  of  the  government.  As 
chosen  by  Congress,  the  commissioners  were  A.  C.  Horton  of  Mata- 
gorda, J.  W.  I'urton  of  Nacogdoches,  William  Menifee  of  Colorado, 
Isaac  Cam|)bcll  of  San  .\ugustine,  and  Louis  P.  C'ooke  of  Brazoria.  The 
only  restriction  u])0n  their  freedom  was  that  the  site  must  be  between 
the  Brazos  and  Colorado  rivers  and  west  of  the  San  Antonio  road — in 
other  words,  it  must  be  on  the  extreme  western  edge  of  settlement.  The 
act  provided  that  the  cai)ital  should  be  named  .■\ustin.  On  .'\])ril  L5tli 
the  commissioners  rejwrted  that  they  had  selected  the  village  of  Water- 
loo on  the  east  bank  of  the  Cfiloradn  as  the  most  available  location.  Tin 
president  had  already  ajjpointcd  lulwin  Waller  to  supervise  the  survey 
of  town  lots  and  the  erection  of  jniblic  buildings,  and  so  well  did  he 
discharge  these  duties  that  the  government  was  transferred  to  the  new 
capital  in  October,  18.^9.  At  the  time  there  was  a  good  deal  of  opposi- 
tion on  the  ])art  of  jealous  towns  and  localities  to  the  estahjishinent  nf 
the  cajMtal  in  the  western  wilderness,  but  it  jiroved  an  exceliiiit  choice, 
and  undoubtedly  h.istened  the  extension  of  the  western  and  northwest- 
ern  frontier  and    furthered  the  development   of  the  country. 


332  iilSruRV  Ub   TEXAS 

Lamar's  was  an  extremely  busy  administration.  The  country  was 
actually  developing  very  rapidly.  The  Indian  wars  and  a  more  active 
policy  toward  Mexico  than  Houston  had  found  it  necessary  to  pursue 
were  costly.  The  country  had  been  compelled  to  resort  to  the  issue  of 
paper  money  before  Lamar  came  in,  and  this  was  already  beginning  to 
depreciate.  The  $5,000,000  loan  authorized  by  the  first  Congress  could 
be  negotiated  neither  in  the  United  States  nor  in  Europe.  Tax  laws  and 
tariff  laws  occupied  much  of  the  attention  of  every  congress,  but  since 
taxes  and  tariff  duties  were  payable  in  the  paper  of  the  government  they 
vielded  nothing  in  real  money.  As  paper  issues  increased  depreciation 
continued,  and  at  the  close  of  Lamar's  term  in  December,  1841.  the 
debt  had  grown  to  more  than  $7,000,000,  and  the  value  of  government 
paper  had  declined  to  from  fifteen  to  twenty  cents  on  the  dollar.  Lamar 
has  generally  been  condemned  for  his  extravagance,  and  certainly  some 
of  his  policies — notably  the  .Santa  Fe  expedition,  to  be  described  later, 
were  lacking  in  judgment ;  but  it  is  difficult  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that 
much  of  his  so-called  extravagance  was  justified  in  the  end  by  its  results. 
In  considering  the  $5.000,0(X)  addition  to  the  public  debt  during  the 
three  years  of  his  term  it  must  be  remembered  that,  on  account  of  the 
depreciation  of  funds,  the  value  received  by  the  government  was  hardl\ 
more  than  a  third  of  that  amount. 

For  some  months  during  1840  and  1841  President  Lamar  was  on 
a  leave  of  absence  for  medical  treatment  in  the  United  States,  and  the 
duties  of  the  office  were  discharged  by  the  vice-president.  David  G. 
Burnet. 

Burnet  and  Houston  were  candidates  for  the  presidency  in  1841,  and 
Houston  was  elected.  His  message  of  December  30  announced  that  his 
policy  would  be  a  continuation  of  that  developed  during  his  first  term, 
and  almost  the  opposite  of  that  followed  bv  Lamar.  One-fourth  of  the 
money  consumed  by  the  wars  would  have  been  sufficient,  he  thought,  to 
make  our  borders  safe,  if  it  had  been  employed  in  cultivating  friendl) 
relations  with  the  Indians.  He  advised  the  conclusion  of  treaties  with 
as  many  of  the  tribes  as  possible,  and  the  establishment  of  a  line  of 
tradiitg  posts  from  the  frontier  to  Red  River,  with  one  or  more  traders 
.il  each,  and  with  twenty-five  or  thirty   men  to  jjrotect  them. 

"I  do  not  doubt  that  this  system,  once  established,  would  con- 
ciliate the  Indians,  open  a  lucrative  conmiercc  with  them,  and  bring 
continued  peace  to  our  entire  frontier.  Their  intercourse  with  us 
would  enable  them  to  obtain  articles  of  convenience  and  comfort 
which  they  could  not  otherwise  procure,  unless  by  a  very  indirect 
trade  with  more  renujle  tribes  who  have  commerce  with  traders  of  the 
United  .States.  Finding  a  disposition  on  our  own  part  to  treat  them 
fairly  and  justly,  and  dreading  a  loss  of  the  advantages  and  facilities 
of  trade,  they  would  be  powerfully  affected,  both  by  feelings  of 
confidence  and  motives  of  interest,  to  preserve  peace  and  maintain 
good  faith." 

Mexico  had  rejected  our  ()vcnure>  for  recognition,  and  lie  was  ot 
the  opinion  that  no  further  advances  should  be  made  to  the  government. 
But  there  was  not  the  slightest   danger  of  conquest   from  that  quarter. 


HISTORY  OF   TEXAS  333 

and  he  recoiiiniended  the  cultivation  of  commercial  relations  with  Mex- 
icans on  the  border. 

On  the  subject  of  the  finances  the  message  spoke  plainly: 

"There  is  not  a  dollar  in  the  treasury ;  the  nation  is  involved 
from  ten  to  fifteen  millions.     The  precise  amount  of  its  liabilities 
has   not   been   ascertained.      *      *      *      We   are   not   only    without 
money,  but  without  credit,  and,  for  want  of  jjunctuality,  without 
character.     At    our    first    comnuncement    we    were    not    without 
credit,  nor  had  a  want  of  punctuality  then  impaired  our  charac- 
ter   abroad    or    confidence    at    home.     Patriotism,    industry,    and 
enterprise   are   now   our   onl}'   resources,   ajiart   from    our    public 
domain    and    the    precarious    revenues    of    the    country.     These 
remain  our  only  hope,  and    must   lie   improved,   husbanded,   and 
properly    employed." 
To   meet    the    situation    President    Houston    advised    the    jjassage 
of    stay    laws    postponing    llu-     redeni])tion    of    outstanding    debts    "to 
a  period  sufficienth'  remote  to  enable  the  government  to  redeem,  in 
good    faith,    such    as   it   ought    to    redeem."     To    attempt    to    ta.x    the 
l>resent  population  for  the  liquidation  of  the  debt  would  be  ruinous. 
For  the  future  maintenance  of  the  government  he  recommended  the 
issue  of  $350,000  in  exchequer  bills,  secured  by  a  specific  appropria- 
tion of  a  million  acres  of  land  in  the  Cherokee  district;  and  a  loan  of 
.S.^C)0,000  secured   by   specific   assigTinients  of   the   ])ublic   land,   which 
the  bondholders  were  to  accpiire  upon  the  failure  (jf  the  government 
to    meet    the    sti])ulations    of    its    contract.     The    direct    property    tax 
should   be   reduced  one  half,   the   remainder   and   all   other   jniblic   dues 
to  be   receivable  only  in  gold  and   silver,   "or   equivalent   currency." 
The  exchequer  bills  were  to  be  accepted  as  "equivalent  currency." 

The  situation  was  all  but  desijeratc,  and  congress  was  in  the 
mood  for  economy.  It  abolished  a  number  u{  offices  and  reducc'd 
the  salaries  of  others,  but  did  not  follow  e.xactly  the  ]iresident's  rec 
ommendations.  Instead  fif  reducing  taxes  one-half,  Houston  com- 
])lained  that  it  almost  aliolishcd  them,  and  post])oned  payment  for  six 
months  of  those  that  it  continued  :  it  refused  to  authorize  the  new 
loan  and  rejiealed  the  five  million-dollar  act  passed  by  the  first  con- 
gress: and  though  it  authorized  the  issue  of  exche(|uer  bills,  it  failed 
to  secure  them  by  specific  allotments  of  ])ublic  land,  and  they  rajMdly 
depreciated,  as  other  paper  had  done.  The  subject  remained  a 
troublesome  one  throughout  the  remainder  of  the  life  of  the  republic, 
and  at  the  close  of  IS45  tlu  ]}nblic  debt  was  estimated  at  nearh 
$12,000,000. 

At  the  same  time  llouston  compl;iined  of  the  inefiticiencv  and 
expense  of  the  ])ost  office  de])artment.  I'oth  of  these  he  attributed 
in  some  degree  to  the  location  of  the  capital  on  the  edge  of  the 
western  wilderness.  In  the  spring  of  1842,  therefore,  when  the  Mex- 
icans made  a  foray  anrl  held  San  .\ntonio  for  a  few  days,  he  decided 
that  the  seat  of  government  was  too  exposed,  and,  acting  in  accord- 
ance with  his  constitutional  right,  transferred  it  to  Houston.  An 
attempt  to  move  the  archives,  however,  was  violentiv  and  success- 
fully  resisted  b\    the  citizens  of  Austin.      Congress   met   at    Houston 


334  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

in  the  winter  of  1842,  but  thereafter  the  government  was  removed 
to  Washington  on  the  Brazos,  where  it  remained  during  the  rest  of 
Houston's  term.  This  defense  of  the  archives  by  the  peoylc  of 
Austin  has  been  dubbed  the  "Archive  War." 

Tn  December,  1844.  Houston  was  succeeded  by  Anson  Jones,  who 
liad  been  serving  as  secretary  of  state.  Annexation  was  the  all- 
absorbing  issue  at  the  time,  and  during  the  following  year  the 
domestic  affairs  of  the  republic  were  of  small  importance. 

During  Houston's  second  term  the  active  career  of  the  lexas 
navy  came  to  an  end.  During  the  revolution  four  vessels  were  ])ur- 
chased  and  put  in  commission — the  Invincible,  the  Brutus,  the  Lib- 
erty, and  the  Independence.  They  rendered  a  valuable  service  in 
]irotecting  the  coast  and  in  annoying  the  enemy  on  his  own  shores, 
but  various  casualties  overtook  them  and  bv  the  fall  of  1837  all  were 
gone.  The  Invincible  ran  aground  at  Galveston  in  trying  to  escape 
the  Mexicans  and  was  destroyed,  and  Independence  was  captured, 
the  Liberty  was  sold  for  debt  at  New  Orleans,  and  the  Brutus  was 
destroyed  in  Galveston  harbor  by  a  storm.  President  Houston's 
message  of  May  5,  1837,  reminded  congress  that  the  commerce  of 
Texas  had  suffered  for  want  of  an  adequate  navy.  One  of  the  first 
acts  of  the  second  congress,  which  met  at  Houston  in  November, 
1837,  was  for  the  purchase  of  "a  500-ton  ship  mounting  eighteen  guns, 
two  300-ton  brigs  of  twelve  guns  each,  and  three  schooners  of  130 
tons,  mr)unting  five  or  seven  guns  each."  For  this  purpose  $280,000 
was  appropriated.  The  president  appointed  Samuel  M.  Williams  of 
the  firm  of  McKinnev  and  Williams  at  Quintana  to  place  the  contract. 
In  November,  1838,  Williams  closed  a  contract  with  Frederick  Daw- 
son of  Baltimore  for  six  vessels  conforming  to  the  above  description, 
and  during  the  summer  and  fall  of  1839  they  were  delivered.  As 
recliristened  by  the  Texans.  thev  were  the  Austin,  the  Wharton,  the 
.•\rclier,  the  San  Bernard.  San  Jacinto  and  San  Antonio.  In  addition 
to  these.  Gen.  James  Hamilton  had  purchased  for  the  government  the 
Zavala.  As  the  French  fleet  had  in  the  meantime  destroyed  the  Mexi- 
can navy,  the  Texan  vessels  were  for  the  moment  not  needed  for 
defense,  and  congress  passed  an  act  in  Februarv,  1840.  requiring  the 
jjresident  to  retire  from  the  service  temporarilv  all  except  those  needed 
as  revenue  cutters.  The  act  provided,  however,  that  "should  Mexico 
make  any  hostile  demonstration  upon  the  gulf,  the  president  may 
order  any  number  of  vessels  into  active  service  that  he  mav  deem 
necessary  for  the  public  security."  Lamar  received  informati(jn  tliat 
Mexico  was  trying  to  obtain  vessels  in  England  for  an  attack  on 
Texas,  and  tliereforc  exercised  the  discretion  which  the  law  allowed 
him  to  kee])  the  Texan  fleet  in  service.  Five  of  the  vessels,  com- 
manded b\-  Commodore  E.  W.  Moore,  he  sent  on  a  cruise  to  Yucatan, 
which  was  in  reI)ellion  against  Mexico,  and  the  following  year  (1841) 
a  temporary  alliance  was  made  with  Yucatan  by  which  that  state 
agreed  to  ])ay  Texas  $8,000  for  jiutting  to  sea  three  of  its  vessels  and 
$8,000  for  evcrv  month  of  their  active  service  against  the  common 
enemy.  By  the  spring  of  1842  the  fleet  was  back  in  New  Orleans 
undergoing  rcjiairs   ])reparati>r\-   to   enforcing  Houston's   blockade   of 


HISTOKN'  Ol'"  TEXAS  335 

Mt-.\ic;iii  i)orts.  lU-tun.-  tlu-  ncssuIs  were  rt-acly  for  Sfa,  huwincv,  the 
l)K)ckade  wcis  withdrawn,  lii  January,  1843,  congress  passed  a  secret 
act  ordering  the  sale  of  the  navy,  but  the  commissioners  sent  1)\  tin 
president  to  New  Orleans  to  carry  out  the  sale  were  persuaded  by 
Commodore  .Moore  to  sail  with  liini  to  Yucatan,  the  government  of 
which  had  agreed  to  pay  liberally  for  the  assistance.  Mis  chief  motive 
seems  to  lia\e  been  to  ol)tain  money  with  which  to  pay  debts  in  New 
Orleans  incurred  in  fitting  out  the  vessels,  and  for  which  he  felt  a 
perstjnal  responsibility.  .\  violent  cpiarrel  arose  between  .Moore  and 
the  president,  who  hnally  issued  a  proclamation,  declaring  that  .Moore 
was  guiltv  of  •'disobedience,  contumacy,  and  mutiny."  'i'lie  ipiarrel 
had  the  effect  of  making  public  the  law  for  the  sale  of  the  navy,  and 
tliis  aroused  such  strong  ])opular  opposition  that  the  act  was  repealed 
I'ebruary  5,  1844.  When  Texas  was  annexed  to  the  United  States 
its  remaining  vessels,  four  in  number,  were  incorporated  in  the  United 
States  navy. 

In  contrast  with  the  government,  the  people  of  Texas  were  coming 
to  be  fairlv  prosperous  during  the  closing  years  of  the  re])ublic. 
Immigration  had  been  rapid  since  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  and  by 
1846  there  were  probably  100,000  white  inhabitant.s^  ^lost  of  tlieni 
came  from  the  United  States,  where  the  i)anic  of  183/  and  subseciurnt 
\ears  of  dejjression  turned  the  attention  of  many  to  the  free  lands  ot 
Texas  as  a  lield  in  which  to  rebuild  their  broken  fortunes.  .Xext  in 
numl)er  to  the  .\mericans  were  the  (lennan  immigrants,  with  here  and 
there  an  occasional  Englishman  or  l-"rencliman.  .\  revival  of  the 
emi)resario  system  had  been  instrumental  in  hastening  the  settlement 
of  the  western  and  northwestern  frontier.  Crops  were  good  and  conij 
nierce  was  increasing,  and  indications  were  not  lacking  that  in  184.i 
tlu-  hardest  da\s  of  the  republic  were  over. 

A--  a  subject  of  international  politics  the  rejiublic  of  'I'e.xas  occu- 
pied no  small  jdace  in  the  diplomacy  of  three  of  the  i)rincipal  jjowers 
of  the  world — tlie  I'nited  States,  luigland,  and  Erance.  not  to  men- 
tion Mexico.*  This  was  largely  due  to  the  refusal  of  Mexico  to  recog- 
nize Texan  indejjcndence.  On  May  20,  1836,  as  has  already  Ijeen  said, 
the  Mexican  congress  ]);issed  a  resolution  declaring  that  Santa  Aiin.i 
liad  no  power  to  bind  the  nation  in  the  treaty  of  Velasco.  and  notif\  ing 
the  world  that  ^le.xico  wmild  recognize  no  action  taken  liy  him  while  .i 
lirisoner.  .At  the  same  time  it  w:is  annmmced  that  the  go\-ernnu'nt 
was  determined  to  reduce  the  relullinu-  Texans  and  was  preparing 
an  e.\])edition  for  that  purpose. 

In  fact,  the  government  exerted  itself  strenuously  to  iire\i-nt  the 
evacuation  of  Texas  liv  Eilisola.  wlm  sticee'  (led  to  the  command  of  the 
Mexican  arm\-  after  the  captm"e  of  S.-mta  Ann.a.      lie  was  instructed  at 


*On  the  furciKii  rcl;itioii>  uf  tlu'  Kr|uil)lK-  oi  'I'lxas  -ifviral  ifcciil  piibliiatiun- 
(Iciuaiul  mention:  Gcorjit-  P.  (iarrisoii  (F.ilitnr),  Pi/'limuilic  Corrrslunutciic,-  of  tlu 
Rrpuhlic  uf  Tr.riT.f,  ^  volunu<  (published  I)y  the  .Xnicrican  Historical  .Assoriation, 
Washington,  1908-1011);  Kphraiin  Donglass  Adams,  Hritish  Interests  niui  .lilivitics 
in  Texas.  18.38-1846  (Johns  Hopkins  Pruss.  I'.altimorc.  1910)  ;  Justin  H.  .Smith,  Thi 
Aiiiiexation  of  Texas  (The  Baker  and  Tavlor  Company.  New  York.  1911  )  ;  and  K. 
W.  Winkler  (^Kditor).  The  Seeeet  Jciinia'ls  of  the  Senate  of  the  h'e/^uhlie  of  Texas. 
18.?(i-184.T  (pnblishcd  hv  the  'ri-\:iN  l.ihrarv  Mini  Historical  t'oinniission.  .\ustin. 
1911). 


,536  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

;ill  cost  to  retain  Bexar,  and  was  told  that  a  division  of  4,000  men  was 
being  prepared  to  reinforce  him.  Filisola  was  already  on  the  retreat 
to  J\Iatamoras  when  this  dispatch  reached  him,  and  lie  continued  his 
retreat.  The  next  communication  from  the  government  relieved  him 
of  the  command  and  appointed  General  Urrea  to  the  ])lace,  but  Urrea 
was  now  in  Matamoras,  whither  he  had  preceded  Filisola,  and  Filisola 
surrendered  the  command  to  General  Andrade.  Despite  orders  from 
Urrea  to  halt,  Andrade  continued  the  march  to  Matamoras,  and  before 
the  end  of  July  every  Mexican  soldier  had  crossed  the  Rio  Grande. 

Mexico  continued  to  threaten  invasion,  and  the  Texans  expected  an 
expedition  during  the  fall  of  1836.  On  June  25,  1836.  Mr.  Powhatan 
F.llis,  charge  d'aiifaires  of  the  United  States  in  Mexico,  wrote  his  gov- 
ernment that  Mexico  seemed  determined  to  push  the  war,  and  that 
nun  were  being  impressed  daily  in  the  streets  of  the  capital  to  swell 
the  army  of  invasion.  More  important,  from  the  point  of  view  of 
the  United  States,  was  the  rumor  whigh  Ellis  had  heard  on  good 
authority  that  ]\Iexico  had  appealed  to  England  for  assistance  in 
reducing  Texas.  On  August  3  Ellis  wrote  more  definitely  on  this 
subject.  He  said  that  the  IMexican  minister  at  London  had  been 
instructed  to  appeal  to  England  for  aid  in  restricting  the  spread  of 
slavery,  and  then,  if  their-  overtures  were  cordially  received,  to  ask 
help  directly  in  putting  down  the  revolted  colonists  in  Texas  who  were 
disobeying  the  Mexican  laws  and  introducing  slaves.  On  October  26 
lillis  wrote  that  the  troops  that  had  been  collecting  in  the  capital 
took  up  the  march  for  Texas  the  week  lieforc  imder  the  command  of 
General  Nicolas  Bravo.  They  were  all  raw  levies,  he  said,  and  proba- 
bly did  not  exceed  4,000.  Bravo  seemed  confident  of  success,  and 
declared  that  the  force  would  be  increased  to  12,800  men  before  it 
reached  Texas.  But,  said  Ellis,  "however  confident  the  officers  may 
be  of  their  success  in  the  ensuing  campain.  there  is  no  doubt  that  a 
]ianic  already  prevails  among  the  soldiers." 

Eong  before  these  troops  reached  Texas  part\-  conriicts  between 
the  Centralists  and  the  Federalists  made  it  necessarv  for  the  govern- 
ment to  turn  them  aside  for  service  nearer  home,  and  the  danger  to 
Texas  passed.  Though  Mexican  vessels  were  able  for  a  time,  on 
account  of  the  weakness  of  the  Texan  na\y,  to  annoy  our  gulf  trade. 
IVesident  liouston  was  wise  enough  to  |ierceive  that  Mexico  was 
|)ractically  lielpless,  and  adopted  the  policy  of  ignoring  it  as  a  source 
of  real  danger.  He  sent  most  of  the  arni\-  Iiome  on  furlough  and 
frowned  uj)On  border  broils. 

In  the  fall  of  1838  the  attention  of  Mexico  was  still  further  diverted 
from  Texas  by  trouble  with  France.  On  .\ovember  27  a  French 
squadron  blockaded  Vera  Cruz,  and  a  state  of  war  ])racticalh-  existed 
until  the  following  spring.  Xotwithstanding  President  Lamar's 
defiant  inaugural  address,  he  was  anxious  enough  for  peace  with 
Mexico,  anfl  seeing  in  the  French  embroglio  a  favorable  occasion  for 
overtures,  he  appointed  Piarnard  E.  Bee  to  open  negotiations.  Bee 
was  ct)urteously  received  at  Vera  Cruz  by  General  N'ictoria,  who  had 
been  instructed  by  the  Mexican  government  to  treat  him  as  a  private 
individual  and  to  get  from  him  in  writing  a  statement  of  his  objects. 


illSIOkN'  Ol'"    ri'AAS  337 

If  he  came  as  a  coniniissiiim-r  from  Mexico's  rebellious  coi(jnists,  the 
gfovernment  might  consick'v  liis  i)roposals;  but  if  he  came  to  treat  for 
recognition,  the  government  would  ignore  him,  and  \'ictoria  should 
request  him  to  depart.  Ree  acconii)lished  nothing,  and  sailed  from 
\  era  Cruz  on  June  1  in  a  French  \essel  boimd  for  Havana.  He  was 
encouraged  by  his  experience  and  thought  the  day  not  distant  "when 
a  definite  treaty  boundary  will  be  established  between  ^Texico  and 
Texas,  consecrated  as  it  must  be  by  a  lasting  peace."  .\s  for  an 
invasion  of  Texas.  Ree  thought  it  was  preposterous: 

"The^•  have  no  navy  :  thev  have  not  a  dollar  in  the  treasury ; 
they  have  not  paid  their  cjfficers  or  men  for  vears ;  thev  owe  Great 
Rritain  $60,000,000:  they  are  paying  France  $200,000  every  two 
months.  *  *  *  Where,  then,  are  the\-  to  get  money  to  anni- 
hilate Texas?  Sir.  the  question  is  settled." 
Following  Bee's  withdrawal  from  Vera  Cruz  the  Texan  govern- 
ment became  convinced  that  the  government  reallv  desired  peace. 
This  conviction  was  induced  bv  representations  which  James  Treat 
of  New  York  made  to  Gen.  James  Hamilton,  who  was  representing 
Texas  as  a  cominissioncr  in  placing  the  $5,000,000  loan.  Treat  said 
that  he  had  received  information  through  a  friend  in  Alexico,  an  Ital- 
ian gentleman  named  \'italba.  This  friend  later  came  to  New  Orleans 
and  had  a  conference  with  Treat  and  Ree,  who  had  now  reached  that 
place  on  his  return  from  \^era  Cruz.  From  New  Orleans  Treat  w  ent 
to  Texas  and  was  commissioned  to  ])roceed  to  ATexico  and  negotiate 
for  peace  on  the  basis  of  recognition  as  a  sine  qua  noii.  Recognition 
being  granted,  the  only  question  remaining  would  be  that  of  boundary. 
Texas  would  insist  on  the  statutory  boundary  of  December  19.  1836. 
following  the  Rio  Grande  from  its  mouth  to  its  source  and  extending 
thence  northward  to  the  forty-second  i)arallel.  For  this  line  Texas 
was  willing  to  pa\'  Mexico  $5,000,000,  which  Treat  could  disburse  as 
seemed  desirable,  using  as  much  as  might  be  necessary  in  "secret 
service"  work.  .Xt  the  same  time  Mexico  might  be  sounded  on  :i 
boundary  which  would  follow  the  Rio  Grande  tip  to  I'^I  Paso,  and 
thence  proceed  due  westward  to  the  Gulf  of  California  and  the  Pacific 
ocean,  .\fter  the  settlement  of  these  two  questions  the  agent  might 
take  up  the  negotiation  of  a  treatv  of  amity  and  commerce. 

Treat  first  returned  to  New  York,  and  thence  made  his  way  to 
Mexico.  He  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  November  28,  1839.  and  reached 
the  capital  two  weeks  later.  Through  the  Rritish  charge.  Sir  Richard 
Pakenhani.  he  established  unofficial  communication  with  the  govern- 
ment and  placed  his  proposal  before  it.  For  a  time  he  believed  that 
the  ])rospect  of  success  was  good  :  but  after  a  year  of  alternating  hope 
and  discouragement  he  abandoned  his  vain  task  and  embarked  for 
Galveston.  He  died  before  reaching  his  destination  on  November 
.W.  1840. 

Two  weeks  before  Treat's  death  the  British  government  signed  ;i 
convention  with  the  Texan  minister  .-it  London  agreeing  to  offer 
mediation  in  Mexico  for  the  recognition  of  Texas.  Hoping  that  this 
might  induce  .'i  more  conciliatorv  mood  in  the  Mexican  governnu'nt. 
I.amar  commissioned  James  Webb  to  proceed  to  \'era  Cruz  with  full 

\'or,.  I    22 


338 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 


])o\vers  to  negotiate  a  treaty.  At  \'eia  Lru/..  however,  he  was  not 
allowed  to  land,  and  communication  with  Pakenhani  at  Mexico 
revealed  the  fact  that  the  sfovernnunt  had  rejected  the  British  offer  of 
mediation. 

In  the  meantime,  the  l-'ederalists  in  northern  Me.xico  had  been 
making  overtures  to  Texas.  First  they  desired  to  transport  arms 
through  the  republic,  and  later  they  proposed  an  alliance.  They 
planned  to  detach  the  northern  states  from  Mexico,  and  went  so  far 
as  to  declare  the  inde])endcnce  of  the  republic  of  the  Rio  Grande  in 


?$i^:-51isr^ 


Fort  D.-wis  Scene 


Januar}-.  184U.  The  Texan  government  declined  to  ha\e  anything  to 
do  with  this  movement,  but  a  considerable  force  of  Texan  volunteers 
joined  the  Federalists  and  participated  in  several  rather  serious  bat- 
tles. 

Lamar's  administration  saw  the  onlx-  attempt  that  the  Texans  ever 
made  to  realize  the  boundary  fixed  by  the  law  of  December  19.  1836. 
The  chief  city  in  New  Mexico  was  Santa  Fe,  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  and  theref(jre  within  the  limits  claimed  liy  Texas. 
Between  Santa  Fe  and  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  a  valuable  trade  had  long 
existed,  and  the  strongest  motive  influencing  Lamar  seems  to  have 
been  the  desire  to  turn  the  profits  of  this  trade  to  Texas.  On  April 
14.  1840.  he  wrote  a  letter  to  "the  citizens  of  Santa  Fe."  reminding 
them  that  Texas  had  "entered  the  great  family  of  nations"  and  been 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  339 

recogiiizi'd  by  the  L'nitcd  States  aiul  I'rance,  while  r)lher  ])u\\ers  of 
Kurope  were  ready  to  extend  the  right  hand  of  fellowshi]) ;  uur  ])u])ii- 
hition  was  ra])idlv  increasing  b\  immigration  from  liurope  and  the 
United  States;  "and  our  commerce  extending  with  a  power  and  celer- 
ity seldom  equaled  in  the  history  of  nations.  Under  these  auspicious 
circumstances,  we  tender  to  you  a  full  participation  in  our  blessings." 
He  hoped  that  this  communication  would  be  received  in  the  same 
s])irit  of  kindness  and  sincerity  in  which  it  was  dictated  and  expressed 
the  hope  that  he  should  be  able  to  send  commissioners  to  them  in 
.September  "to  explain  more  minutely  the  condition  of  our  country, 
of  the  sea-board,  and  the  correlati\e  interests,  which  so  cm])hatically 
recommend,  and  ought  perpetually  to  cement,  the  perfect  union  and 
identity  of  Santa  Fe  and  Texas." 

No  reply  to  this  communication  was  received,  nor  were  commis- 
sioners sent  in  1840.  The  suggestion  aroused  some  interest  in  Texas, 
however,  and  the  secretary  of  war  recommended  the  construction  of  a 
military  road  to  Santa  Fe.  Congress  refused  to  make  appro])riation 
for  a  commission,  but  in  the  spring  of  1841  President  Lamar  deter- 
mined, nevertheless,  that  one  should  be  sent,  and  on  his  own  authority 
ordered  the  treasurer  and  comptroller  to  honor  drafts  presented  for 
outfitting  the  expedition.  As  finally  organized,  the  expedition  con- 
sisted of  three  commissioners — William  G.  Cooke,  R.  F.  Rrenham,  and 
J.  A.  Navarro — fifty  merchants,  and  a  military  escort,  for  ])rotection 
from  the  Indians,  of  270  men.  commanded  b\-  Gen.  Hugh  McT.eod. 
The  whole  party  organized  near  Austin  and  set  out  toward  the  end  of 
June.  The  commissioners  bore  an  eloquent  address  from  Lamar  to 
the  "inhabitants  of  Santa  Fe  and  other  portions  of  Mexico  east  of  the 
Rio  Grande"  inviting  them  to  cover  themselves  with  the  protection 
of  the  Texan  flag.  The  commissioners  were  instructed  to  try  t( 
secure  the  adhesion  of  the  people  to  Texas,  but  not  to  use  force :  and 
if  the  Texan  proflfer  were  declined,  to  devote  their  efforts  to  establish- 
ing a  commercial  convention.  The  exjiedition  reached  New  ^lexieo 
in  the  last  stages  of  exhaustion  from  starvation  and  thirst  and  surren- 
dered to  Governor  Armijo,  who  refused  to  believe  that  the  Texans 
came  on  an  innocent  mission. 

The  prisoners  were  marched  to  Mexico  and  sent  thence  {>>  \arious 
prisons.  Those  who  were  citizens  of  the  United  States  or  nf  luim- 
pean  countries  were  soon  released  through  the  efforts  of  their  gii\ern- 
ments ;  and  Daniel  Webster,  as  secretary  of  state  of  the  I'nilcd  States. 
interceded  with  the  ^Mexican  government  for  the  humane  treatment  nf 
the  Texans.  On  June  l,'^.  1842,  Santa  Anna  celebrated  his  birthday  hy 
releasing  the  remaining  prisoners,  exce])t  Xax'arro,  w  Im  did  n^t  make 
his  escape  until  1845. 

In  the  meantime  Mexico  had  again  taken  the  aggressive  and  li.id 
made  a  brief  invasion  of  Texas.  On  January  0,  1842,  Gen.  Mariano 
.\rista  issued  from  Monterey  an  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
"Department  of  Texas"  pointing  out  the  hojxdessness  of  their  struggle 
fur  independence  and  promising  amnesty  and  protection  to  all  who 
refrained  from  taking  up  arms  during  his  contemplated  invasion.  .\t 
tlic  s;imc  time  he  warned   them   that    while  his  eoinitrx    held   >int   "the 


.UO  HISTOK^"  OF  TEXAS 

olive  brancli  of  peace  and  C(jncord  witli  one  hand,  she  would  direct 
with  the  other  the  sword  of  justice  against  the  obstinate."  Early  in 
March  Goliad,  Refugio,  San  Antonio,  and  Victoria  were  occupied  for 
a  few  days  by  Mexican  forces.  The  Texans  were  entirely  unprepared, 
and  at  first  great  alarm  was  felt.  Gen.  .\lbert  Sidney  Johnston  wrote 
General  PTamilton  on  I\rarch  11. 

"'ihe  war,  after  great  preparation  on  the  jiart  of  the   enemy, 
is  upon  us  without  the  slightest  effort  iiaving  been  made  by  us. 
Our  people  are,  however,  turning  out  well  and  hastening  west- 
ward, for  the  purpose  of  concentrating  to  meet  the  enemy,  and 
notwithstanding  every  advantage  has  been  given,  we  rely  upon 
the  energy  and  courage  of  our  people  to  achieve  most  brilliant 
results." 
(^n  the  10th  President  Houston  issued  a  proclamation  ordering  the 
militia  to  be  ready  for  a  call,  and  the  next  day  he  wrote  the  Texan 
consul  at  New  Orleans  telling  him  the  conditions  upon  which  the  gov- 
ernment would  receive  emigrants  from  the  United  States :  each  should 
bring  with  him  "a  good  rifle  or  musket,  with  a  cartouch  box.  or  shot 
pouch  and  powder  horn,  with  at  least   100  rounds  of  ammunition,  a 
good   knapsack  and   six  months'  clothing,   and   enter  service   for   six 
months  subject  to  the  laws  of  Texas.     Thev  must  be  landed  for  the 
present  at  some  point  west  of  the  Brazos,  with  eight  days"  provision. 
Xo  number  less  than  fifty-six  in  companies  well   organized  will   be 
received,  and  on  landing  each  commandant  will  report  to  the  secretary 
of  war  for  orders."     P>y  March  15  the  Texan  forces  began  to  collect  at 
.San   Antonio,   but   the   ^lexicans   had    retired   on   the   9th.  and   were 
already  thought  to  be  west  ui  the  Rio  Grande.      Many  of  the  volun- 
teers were  anxious  to  invade  Me.xico,  and  General  Burleson,  who  was 
in  command  at  .San  .\ntonio,  thfiught  the  invasion  jiracticable.     Presi- 
dent Houston,  however,  wiseh-  forbade  such  a  movement  before  July 
20,  which   was  the  earliest  date  at   which   lie   thought   the  necessar\- 
preparations  could  be  made. 

Fearing  that  Austin  would  be  attacked,  the  president  had  trans- 
ferred the  government  to  Houston,  and  thither  he  called  a  special  ses- 
sion of  congress  to  meet  on  Jul\  27.  In  his  message  he  expressed 
I  he  belief  that  Mexico  could  never  conquer  Texas,  but  he  was  con- 
vinced that  it  would  continue  to  harass  the  frontier,  and  he  advised 
a  counter-invasion  to  bring  the  enemy  to  their  senses.  "We  could  at 
least  impress  them  with  the  calamities  which  have  thus  far  been  inci- 
dent to  us  alone,  and  create  in  them  a  desire  for  that  peace  which 
would  be  mutually  advantageous  to  both  parties."  .\s  usual.  hf)w- 
ever,  Houston  refrained  from  ])ushing  his  ^■iews  strongly  on  congress, 
merely  mging  that  a  decisitjn  be  reached  (piickly.  so  that  additional 
emigrant-\-olunteers  could  be  ])revented  from  coming  to  the  country 
if  they  were  not  needed.  Congress  voted  for  a  declaration  of  war, 
and  appropriated  10.000.000  acres  of  land  to  meet  the  expense,  but  this 
Houston  considered  totally  inadequate  and  vetoed  the  bill,  thereby 
abandoning  for  !iis  own  part  the  plan  of  an  aggressive  campaign. 

The  Me.xicans  had  retired  without  doing  anv  considerable  damage, 
and  it  seems  that  the  chief  purpose  of  the  invasion  was  to  counteract 


HISTORY-  (JF  TKXAS  341 

tlic  argument  uf  Mimcxalioiiists  in  the  United  States,  who  contended 
that  since  Mexico  had  never  made  an  official  entrance  into  Texas  since 
1836,  no  attention  need  be  paid  by  the  United  States  to  its  claims.  In 
September,  1842,  another  expedition  penetrated  to  San  Antonio  under 
the  command  of  Gen.  .\drian  Woll.  This  time  some  resistance  was 
otTered  and  the  .Mexicans  lost  a  few  men  before  the  Texans,  tifty-three 
in  number,  surrendered.  The  district  court  was  in  session  at  the  time, 
and  Judge  Hutchinson  and  other  officials  were  among  those  captured. 
As  soon  as  the  news  spread  Texan  forces  began  to  march  to  the  relief 
of  San  Antonio,  and  a  band  of  volunteers  from  Gonzales  under  Cul. 
Matthew  Caldwell  succeeded  in  decoying  a  portion  of  Woirs  division 
into  an  ambush  on  the  Salado  and  inflicting  considerable  loss  upon  it. 
.\t  the  same  time,  however,  a  company  from  La  ( irange  and  Payette 
county,  coming  to  the  relief  of  Caldwell,  was  surrounded  b)-  the  Mexi- 
cans and  cut  to  pieces.  W'oll  occupied  San  Antonio  September  11-20. 
and  then  retired,  being  pursued  for  several  days  by  Colonel  Caldwell. 

Again  the  militia  was  called  out,  and  vohmteers  began  to  collect  at 
.San  .\ntonio,  eager  for  an  invasion  of  Mexico.  About  the  middle  of 
Xovember  some  750  men,  commanded  by  Gen.  Alexander  Somervell, 
started  for  Laredo.  They  took  the  town  on  December  8,  and  part  of 
the  force  then  disbanded  and  returned  home.  The  remainder  con- 
tinued the  march  down  the  Rio  Grande,  but  on  December  19  Somer- 
vell ordered  them  to  retreat  to  Gonzales.  Some  300  of  the  men 
refused  to  obey  his  orders,  elected  Col.  W.  C.  Fisher  to  lead  them, 
and  marched  to  Mier,  where  they  fought  a  desperate  battle  with  Gen- 
eral Ampudia  on  December  25-26.  The  odds  were  hopelessly  against 
them,  and  on  the  26th  they  surrendered.  Gen.  Thomas  Jeliferson 
Green  in  his  "Journal  of  the  Texan  Expedition  .Vgainst  Mier"  says 
that  they  were  promised  the  treatment  of  prisoners  of  war  though  the 
official  capitulation  says  merely  that  the  Texans  will  be  treated  "with 
the  consideration  which  is  in  accordance  with  the  magnanimous  Mexi- 
can nation."  tureen  tells  us  that  there  were  261  Texans  engaged  in 
the  battle  of  Mier,  nearly  forty  having  been  left  in  caniji  to  guard  the 
baggage.  Ten  were  killed,  and  twenty-three  badly  wounded,  while 
the  loss  of  the  Mexicans  was  thought  to  be  more  than  700.  General 
.\mpudia  was  ordered  to  send  the  prisoners  to  the  cajiital.  On  the 
way  they  made  a  break  for  liberty,  killed  some  of  the  guards,  and 
escaped,  but  were  later  recaptured  in  the  mountains  and  a  tenth  of 
their  number  shot.  The  survivors  were  cventuallv  imjjrisoned  in 
Castle  Perote. 

While  the  Mier  prisoners  were  marching  tDW.ird  tlu'  south  ant)ther 
Texan  expedition,  commanded  by  Col.  Jacob  Snivcly.  was  moving 
toward  the  northern  boundary  of  Texas  to  capture  a  train  of  merchan- 
dise which  it  was  known  would  be  carried  during  the  summer  of  1843 
from  St.  Louis  to  Santa  F^e.  The  expedition  had  been  authorized  by 
the  Texan  government  in  F'ebruary,  but  the  force  was  composed  of 
volunteers  who  went  at  their  own  expense  and  who  expected  to  repay 
themselves  by  the  spoils  of  the  caravan.  They  encamped  on  the 
Arkansas  River  to  await  the  train,  but  before  it  arrived  the  party 
divided  and   Snively   was  left   with   onlv   a   few   more  than   100  men. 


342  JiiSTOKY  OF  TEXAS 

When  the-  caravan  arrived  it  was  guarded  by  United  States  soldiers, 
who  disarmed  all  but  ten  of  Snively's  men  and  ordered  them  home. 
The  Texan  government  claimed  damages  from  the  United  States  for 
this  act  and  was  paid  for  the  arms  taken,  but  the  expedition  failed. 

In  the  meantime  President  Houston  had  been  trying  to  bring  pres- 
sure on  Mexico  through  the  mediation  of  the  strong  foreign  powers. 
The  United  States,  as  we  have  seen,  recognized  the  independence  of 
Texas  in  March,  18.^7,  by  accrediting  to  the  republic  a  charge  d'affaires. 
France  recf)gnized  it  by  concluding  a  treaty  of  commerce  and  friend- 
ship on  September  25,  183^,  which  was  ratified  on  February  14,  1840. 
British  recognition  was  obtained  in  a  series  of  treaties  concluded  in 
November,  1840,  but  these  were  not  ratified  until  June  28.  1842.  One 
of  these  British  treaties  was  an  agreement  on  the  part  of  England  to 
urge  upon  ^lexico  the  recognition  of  Texas,  and  Lord  .\berdcen  on 
fuiy  1,  1842,  instructed  the  British  charge  at  Mexico  to  make  the 
necessary  representation  to  the  Mexican  government.  This  was  done, 
but  the  overture  was  rejected.  Immediately  following  the  ratification 
of  the  British  treaties  an  effort  was  made  to  get  France,  England,  and 
the  United  States  to  make  a  joint  demand  on  Mexico  for  recognition, 
but  England  refused  to  become  a  party  to  this  tripartite  action.  .Vt 
the  same  time,  however,  Lord  Aberdeen  suggested  that  the  three  gov- 
ernments might  make  identical  representations  on  the  subject  to  the  Mex- 
ican government.  Appropriate  instructions  were  accordingly  issued  t<i 
the  diplomatic  agents  of  England  and  France  for  making  such  a  repre- 
sentation, but  these  agents,  knowing  the  uselessness  of  such  action,  did 
nothing. 

On  October  15,  1841,  just  after  the  retreat  of  General  W'oll  from 
San  Antonio,  President  Houston  again  appealed  to  the  powers  to  use 
their  influence  to  compel  Me.xico  either  to  recognize  the  independence 
of  Texas  "or  to  make  war  upon  her  according  to  the  rules  established 
and  universally  recognized  by  civilized  nations."  'Tt  has  now  been  nearly 
seven  years  since  the  declaration  and  the  establishment  of  the  independ- 
ence of  this  republic.  During  the  whole  of  this  time  Mexico,  although 
uniformly  asserting  the  ability  and  determination  to  re-subjugate  the 
country,  has  never  made  a  formidable  efTort  to  do  so.  Her  principal 
war  has  consisted  of  silly  taunts  and  idle  threats,  of  braggadocio  bulle- 
tins and  gasconading  proclamations.  All  her  boasted  threats  of  in- 
vasion have  resulted  in  nothing  more  than  fitting  out  and  sending  into 
the  most  expo.sed  portions  of  our  territory  petty  marauding  parties,  for 
the  purpose  of  pillaging  and  harassing  the  weak  and  isolated  .settlements 
on  our  western  border."  Mexico's  object,  he  said,  was  merely  to  keej) 
alive  its  claim  to  Texas  and  to  retard  the  development  of  the  country 
by  threats  that  it  had  neither  the  intention  nor  the  means  to  carry  out. 

Daniel  Webster  was  secretary  of  state  at  this  time  in  the  United 
States,  and  on  November  12,  1842.  he  instructed  W'addy  Thompson,  the 
American  charge  at  Mexico,  to  urge  recognition.  The  United  States 
saw  with  pain  the  preparations  for  war,  and  while  it  disclaimed  any  right 
to  interfere,  it  could  not  be  indifferent  to  a  renewal  of  hostilities.  He 
urged   Mexico  to   accept   the   mediation   of  his  government,   and  at   the 


lllSruKV  Ul""   iliXAS  343 

saiiif  time  asked  Texa.s  lu  suspend  any  invasion  it  might  be  contemplat- 
ing until  the  result  of  this  overture  could  be  learned. 

Nothing  canie  of  this  proposal,  but  on  January  9,  1843,  James  W . 
Robinson,  who  had  been  lieutenant-governor  of  Texas  under  the  pro- 
visional government  in  1835-1836,  and  had  been  captured  at  San  An- 
tonio by  General  W'oll  in  September,  1842,  and  was  now  in  Perote,  made 
a  proposal  to  Santa  Anna  which  led  to  negotiations.  Robinson,  who 
was  anxious  above  all  things  to  get  out  of  prison,  suggested  that  the 
l)eople  of  Texas  were  tired  of  war  and  confusion  and  would  be  willing 
to  be  reunited  with  Mexico.  He  thought  that  if  an  armistice  could  be 
arranged,  peace  could  probably  be  brought  about  by  discussion.  After 
a  conference  with  him  .Santa  Anna  appointed  Robinson  a  commissioner 
to  go  to  Texas  and  open  negotiations.  Reunion  with  Mexico  nuist  be 
the  sine  qua  non  of  any  arrangement,  but  after  acknowledging  the  sover- 
eignty of  Mexico,  Texas  might  conduct  its  local  affairs  through  its  own 
officers  pretty  much  as  it  pleased.  Mexican  troops  would  never  be  sent 
to  the  province. 

President  Houston  had  no  intention  of  acknowledging  the  sover- 
eignty of  Mexico  on  any  terms,  but  he  was  willing  to  play  for  time.  A 
correspondence  was  continued  through  the  British  diplomatic  agents  at 
Mexico  and  at  Houston,  and  it  was  finally  agreed  that  commissioners 
should  meet  and  arrange  the  terms  of  an  armistice  for  the  negotiation  of 
a  permanent  settlement.  Houston  proclaimed  a  truce  on  June  15,  1843. 
and  commissioners  were  appointed  in  the  fall  by  both  Texas  and  Mex- 
ico. They  met  at  Salinas  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  February  15,  1844, 
signed  the  armistice.  Before  following  this  phase  of  the  subject  further 
it  will  be  necessary  to  return  and  trace  briefly  the  movement  for  the 
annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States. 

When  Texas  declared  independence  on  March  2,  1836,  the  Texan 
commissioners,  Austin,  Archer,  and  William  H.  Wharton,  were  in  the 
United  States,  and  Austin  was  of  the  opinion  that  they  could  have  ob- 
tained from  congress  the  recognition  of  the  new  republic,  if  the  ad  interim 
government  had  sent  them  an  official  report  of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto. 
.Austin  may  have  been  mistaken,  but  both  houses  certainly  symjjathized 
deeply  with  the  Texans,  and  before  adjournment  the  senate  commit- 
tee on  foreign  relations  reported  that  Texas  ought  to  be  recognized  as 
soon  as  it  had  in  operation  a  de  facto  government  "capable  of  perform- 
ing the  duties  and  fulfilling  the  obligations  of  an  independent  power." 
On  May  30th  President  Burnet  appointed  James  Collinsworth  and  P.  W. 
Grayson  to  visit  Washington  and  ask  the  mediation  of  the  United  States 
in  securing  from  Mexico  recognition  of  Texan  inde])endence.  At  the 
same  time  the}-  were  to  sound  the  government  on  ihc  subject  of  annexing 
Texas  to  the  United  States.  They  reached  Washington  after  the  ad- 
journment of  congress  and  had  several  conferences  with  Forsyth,  Presi- 
dent Jackson's  secretary  of  slate,  but  received  no  satisfaction.  In  the 
fail  the  Texans,  as  we  have  seen,  voted  ('3.277  to  91)  in  favor  of  an- 
nexation In  the  United  States,  and  one  of  President  Houston's  first 
acts  was  to  send  Willi.-mi  II.  Wh:irtcin  tn  W.-i^hington  to  further  this 
measure. 


344  HISTORY  OF    TEXAS 

ll  was  apparent,  however,  ihal  recognition  (jf  Texan  independence 
must  precede  any  negotiation  for  annexation  and  at  first  President  Jack- 
son showed  himself  unexpectedly  cautious.  He  had  sent  Henry  M. 
Morfit  to  Texas  in  the  summer  of  1836  to  report  on  the  ability  of  the 
new  government  to  maintain  itself.  Morfit  wrote  ten  letters  from 
Tcxa^.  tilled  with  information  that  make  them  a  most  valuable  source 
for  the  history  of  this  time.  On  the  whole  his  opinion  of  Texas  was 
very  favorable,  but  Bravo's  invasion  was  expected  during  the  winter 
and  he  advised  that  the  United  States  withhold  recognition  until  the 
result  of  the  invasion  was  seen.  President  Jackson  accepted  the  advice, 
and  in  a  special  message  of  December  21,  1836,  recommended  that  con- 
gress await  the  outcome  of  the  contemplated  Mexican  expedition.  He 
closed  the  message  by  saying,  however,  that  if  congress  held  a  different 
opinion,  he  would  be  glad  to  co-operate  in  extending  recognition  without 
further  delay.  For  reasons  that  we  have  already  seen  Bravo  did  not 
reach  Texas  during  the  winter,  and  thus  strengthened  the  friends  of 
Texas  in  congress.  On  March  1.  1837,  the  senate  voted  for  recognition, 
and  the  house  made  appropriation  to  pay  the  salary  of  a  diplomatic 
representative  to  Texas  whenever  the  president  thought  it  desirable  to 
send  one.  Jackson  considered  this  equivalent  to  recognition,  and  March 
3,  1837,  appointed  .Alcee  La  Branche  of  Louisiana  charge  d'affaires  to 
Texas. 

This  opened  the  way  for  the  advancement  of  the  annexation  ques- 
tion, and  on  August  4  Hunt,  the  Texan  representative,  formally  offered 
Texas  to  the  United  States.  He  argued  that  the  revolution  had  been 
justified  by  the  treatment  w'hich  Texas  had  received  from  Mexico  and 
by  the  hopeless  political  anarchy  that  had  existed  in  Mexico  since  1821  : 
thai  Texas  was  now  independent  and  free  to  dispose  of  itself  without 
hindrance  from  any  power :  and  that  annexation  would  be  mutually 
beneficial  to  the  United  States  and  to  Texas.  President  Van  Buren  was 
opposed  to  annexation,  however,  and  flatly  declined  the  Texan  offer. 
The  (juesiion  of  slaverv  was  becoming  acute  in  the  United  States,  and 
annexation  was  o])])osed  by  the  anti-slavery  party  chiefly  because  it 
would  extend  slave  territory.  At  the  same  time  it  was  pretty  evident 
that  annexation  would  lead  to  war  with  Mexico.  President  Houston 
withdrew  the  offer  of  annexation  in  October.  1838.  and  there  the  mat- 
ter rested  for  nearly  five  years. 

During  those  five  years  the  government  of  Texas  became  more  and 
more  involved  in  debt,  but  the  countrj'  itself  developed  rapidly  and  its 
commerce  became  an  object  of  some  consideration,  ^^'hen  this  was 
perceived  in  the  United  States  the  annexation  question  ceased  to  be  a 
purely  sectional  issue,  and  it  became  possible  to  consider  the  subject  to 
some  extent  on  its  merits,  .\side  from  the  awakened  economic  inter- 
est, a  general  uneasiness  spread  over  the  country  lest  F.ngland  gain 
ascendency  in  Texas.  England  w^as  known  to  desire  a  source  of  cot- 
ton supply  outside  the  United  States  and  to  be  interested  in  universal 
abolition  of  slavery.  Texas  offered  a  tempting  field  for  British  activity. 
Recent  investigations  have  disclosed  little  evidence  of  a  desire  on  the 
part   of   Fjigland   to  incorporate  Texas  in   the   British   empire,  but  they 


lllS■|'l)K^■  (Jl-    I  l':.\AS  345 

have   clearly   proved    it>   wish   tu   esiahlisii   a   c-iinlinllinL;    mriiiciKc   and    in 
prevent  annexation  by  the  Tnited  States. 

On  October  I6th.  184o,  President  Tyler  opened  negotiations  for  the 
annexation  of  Texas  by  treaty.  He  was  a  slave  owner,  and  was  doubt- 
less not  averse  to  an  extension  of  the  slave  territory  of  the  United 
.Stales,  hut  he  sincerely  believed  that  Great  Britain  was  on  the  point  of 
,i(aininfj  a  foothold  in  Texas,  which  would  be  harmful  lo  the  United 
.States.  He  may  also  have  been  influenced  to  some  extent  by  the  am- 
bition to  have  his  administration  identified  with  a  great  measure  like 
annexation,  but  it  is  now  in  a  fair  way  to  be  conceded  by  students  thai 
his  idea  was  statesmanlike  and  his  motive  patriotic.  The  truce  between 
Texas  and  Mexico  had  just  been  arranged,  and  President  Houston  was 
in  a  position  to  feign  indifference,  if  he  did  nol  feel  it.  Me  would  not 
entertain  Tyler's  [jrojiosal  until  he  was  assured  of  two  things:  (1  I  Thai 
the  treat)-  would  command  ihe  two-thirds  majority  necessary  for  its 
ratification  in  the  senate;  and  (2)  that  the  United  .Stales  would  u.sc  its 
army  and  navy  l<i  protect  Texas  during  the  pendency  of  the  negotia- 
tions, in  case  Mexico  renewed  its  attcm])ts  at  invasion.  When  he  was 
satisfied  on  these  points  the  treaty  was  signed  at  Washington,  .\])ril  12. 
1844.  The  senate  rejected  ii  on  June  8.  The  motives  for  this  were 
varied,  but  most  of  the  senators  were  moved  by  the  desire  to  postpone 
the  issue  until  after  ihe  ])resi(lenifal  election  which  would  take-  place 
the  following  Xovember.  Tyler  immediately  submitted  the  question  to 
the  hou.se  and  pr<)|)Osed  .•umex.-ilion  b\'  joint  resolution,  which  would 
require  merely  a  simple  majiirii\  \(iie.  hut  congress  adjourned  tlie  mid- 
dle of  June  without  action. 

As  Houston  had  foreseen  wnuld  he  the  case,  ]\Iexico  broke  off  the 
armistice  as  soon  as  it  learned  of  the  negotiations  between  the  Unitei! 
.States  and  Texas.  As  a  matter  of  fact  there  had  never  been  a  chance 
of  reaching  an  adjustment,  because  Texas  had  no  intention  of  accept- 
ing less  than  recognition  on  condition  of  its  assuming  a  portion  of  the 
Mexican  debt,  and  Mexico  insisted  on  reunion  as  a  sine  qua  iioii.  On 
June  IT)  General  \\'oll  notified  President  Houston  that  Mexico  had  re- 
sumed hostilities  on  the  lltli  of  that  month.  TTouston  thereupon  called 
on  the  United  .States  to  fulfill  it<  promise  of  protection,  and  on  Sep- 
tember 10  John  C.  Calhoun,  wIki  was  now  Tyler's  secretarv  of  state, 
notified  Mexico  that  the  iiresident  would  regard  the  invasion  of  Texas 
as  "hlghlv  offensive"  lo  the  United  Stales.  The  Mexican  minister  of 
foreigti  relations  replied  that  his  countrv  would  not  be  intimidated  bv 
the  i)rcsident's  threats  lo  desist  from  the  effort  to  regain  what  was  its 
own.  but  the  government  soon  found  reason  to  change  its  policv  in  the 
hope  that  Texas  might  be  indncerl  therebv  to  suspend  further  annexa- 
tion negotiations. 

Durinc  the  suniiiier  (if  1844  annexation  was  the  most  iirominen' 
ipiestion  before  the  neonle  oi  the  I'nited  .Stales.  .Ml  the  presidenti.-il 
candidates  were  renuired  to  define  their  positions  with  regard  to  i'. 
V'nn  Ruren.  the  leadiiv  Demoeratic  candidate,  declared  against  immedi- 
ate .annexation,  .and  f.iilcd  of  nomination  bv  the  national  convention. 
VI  liieb  chosf'  lames  K  I'nlk  .i  "dark  horse"  from  Tennessee  who  had 
franklv    declared    for   immediate   annexation.     Henr\    Clav.   tlie   leadint; 


346  HISTORY  UF  TEXAS 

\\  big  candidate,  was  also  upposcd  tu  inimediale  annexation,  and  this  is 
believed  to  have  been  the  chief  reason  for  the  victory  of  the  Democrats 
in  the  November  election.  Undoubtedly  the  tariff  and  other  questions 
l)layed  a  part  in  Polk's  election,  but  the  country  as  a  whole  interpreted 
his  victory  as  a  demand  for  annexation. 

Tyler  did  not  wait  for  FolkV  inauguration  to  carry  out  this  im- 
portant measure.  He  placed  the  subject  before  congress  in  December, 
1844,  and  a  joint  resolution  was  finally  passed  on  February  28,  1845, 
defining  the  terms  of  annexation.  Texas  was  to  be  admitted  as  a  state 
and  might,  when  qualified,  be  divided  into  as  many  as  five  states. 
Slavery  was  excluded  from  that  portion  of  the  territory  claimed  by 
Texas  north  of  the  parallel  of  36'  30'  north  latitude ;  and  boundary 
disputes  with  Mexico  were  to  be  adjusted  by  the  United  States.  Texas 
was  to  retain  its  public  lands  as  a  means  of  paying  the  debt  of  the  re- 
public. 

England  and  France,  as  well  as  Mexico,  were  greatly  opposed  to  the 
annexation  of  Texas  by  the  United  States,  and  on  January  12,  1844, 
before  the  treaty  was  negotiated.  Lord  Aberdeen  instructed  the  British 
minister  at  Paris  to  sound  the  French  government  and  learn  whether  it 
would  co-operate  with  England  in  "deprecating  all  interference  on.  the 
part  of  the  United  States  in  the  alifairs  of  Texas,  or  the  adoption  of  any 
measure  leading  to  the  destruction  of  the  separate  existence  of  that  State ; 
at  the  same  time,  warning  the  Texan  government  to  look  to  the  preser- 
vation of  their  independence  as  the  best  security  for  their  ultimate 
prosperity,  both  political  and  commercial."  France  was  acquiescent,  and 
on  May  29  Aberdeen  outlined  to  the  Mexican  minister  at  London  a 
plan  of  operations  which  he  proposed  to  .submit  to  France :  ( 1 )  Mexico 
must  recognize  the  inde])endence  of  Texas,  and  thereby  remove,  so  far 
as  Texas  was  concerned,  one  of  the  principal  motives  for  desiring  annex- 
ation;  (2)  England  would  then  oppo.se  annexation,  and  it  was  believed 
that  France  would  join  England  not  only  in  guaranteeing  the  independ- 
ence of  Texas,  but  also  the  boundaries  of  Mexico.  Aberdeen  said : 
"Provided  that  England  and  F'rance  were  perfectly  agreed,  it  would  make 
little  difference  to  England  whether  or  not  the  American  government 
con.sented  to  abandon  the  question  :  that  if  it  were  necessary,  England 
would  be  willing  to  go  to  the  last  extremities  in  supporting  its  opposi- 
tion to  annexation."  There  were  two  important  provisions  here :  Mex- 
ico mint  recognize  Texan  independence,  and  France  must  act  with  Eng- 
land. Before  the  reply  of  either  France  or  Mexico  w'as  obtained  Aber- 
deen received  a  long  and  able  letter  from  the  Britisn  minister  at  Wash- 
ington. In  this  Pakenham  pf)inted  out  that  although  the  Senate  had 
rejected  the  treaty,  the  question  was  before  the  countr}'  as  one  of  the 
principal  issues  in  the  presidential  campaign.  If  Clav  were  elected  by 
the  Whigs  annexation  would  be  postponed  :  but  if  the  Democrats  were 
victorious  it  would  be  pushed  vigorously.  The  American  public  was 
already  very  uneasy  concerning  British  designs  in  Texas,  and  the  surest 
way  to  effect  the  defeat  of  Clay,  and  thereby  ensure  annexation  would 
be  for  England  to  interfere.  This  argument  convinced  Aberdeen,  and 
he  let  the  French  government  know  al  once  that  England  thought  it  best 
to  defer  action  for  the  time. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  .547 

On  Alarch  I'-J,  1845.  alli.T  ihc  passage  uf  ihe  juiiit  resolution,  antl 
when  the  agent  of  the  United  States  was  hourly  expected  at  the  Texan 
capital  to  offer  annexation,  Captain  Charles  Elliot,  the  British  charge, 
and  Count  de  Saligny,  the  I'rench  representative,  made  a  final  effort  to 
prevent  annexation.  They  induced  President  Jones  to  agree  not  to 
accept  annexation  for  ninety  days,  while  b'.lliott  should  go  to  Mexico  and 
attemiJt  to  obtain  a  ri'cognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas  on  condi- 
tion that  Texas  pledged  itself  to  remain  independent.  Mexico  finally 
accepted  this  proposal  after  considerable  delay  on  May  19. 

In  the  meantime  Major  .\.  J.  Donelson  had  submitted  to  the  Texan 
government  the  proposal  for  annexation  on  the  terms  of  the  joint  reso- 
hition.  He  had  received  his  instructions  froni  Calhoun  on  March  ,\  and 
had  been  urged  to  hasten  the  negotiation,  lest  England  exert  influence 
on  Texas  to  reject  the  proposal.  The  next  day  Polk  was  inaugurated 
and  James  Buchanan  became  secretary  of  state.  On  March  10  he  wrote 
Donelson  to  try  to  get  Texas  to  accept  the  proposal  without  amendment, 
so  as  to  avoid  delay.  If  tlie  convention  objected  to  surrendering  the  cus- 
tom duties  of  the  rei)ublic  without  the  assumption  of  the  public  debt 
by  the  United  .States,  he  might  suggest  a  resolution  offering  the  public 
lands  for  sale  to  the  federal  government,  and  lUichanan  expressed  con- 
fidence that  Congress  would  buy.  But  this  should  be  presented  as  an 
independent  proposal,  and  not  as  a  condition  of  accepting  annexation. 

That  Tyler  and  Polk  were  not  over  sanguine  of  the  acceptance  of 
the  joint  resolution  by  Texas  is  manifest  from  this  anxiety,  and  from 
the  arguments  with  which  Donelson  urged  the  proposal.  In  his  letter 
to  the  Texan  secretary  of  state.  I'.benezer  Allen,  on  Alarch  ,^1,  1845,  he 
said : 

"The  undersignt'd  doubts  not  that  there  are  objections  to  the 
terms  proposed,  which  under  ordinary  circumstances  ought  to  be 
obviated  before  a  basis  which  .ulmits  them  is  adopted.  But  the 
circumstances  are  not  ordinary,  and  the  objections  when  weighed 
in  the  scale  of  ini])ortance  with  the  magnitude  of  the  interests  in- 
volved in  the  success  of  the  measure,  become  secondary  in  their 
character,  and  may  be  postponed  until  llie  natural  course  of  events 
removes  them,  if  annexation  sliould  now  be  lost,  it  may  never 
l)e  recovered.  A  patriotic  and  intelligent  ])erson,  in  the  pursuit  of 
a  measure  of  general  utility,  if  tliey  commit  a  partial  mistake,  or 
inflict  temporary  injuries  were  never  known  to  fail  in  making  the 
proper  reparation,  if  they  have  in  this  instance  made  jiroposals 
of  union  to  Texas  on  terms  which  deprive  her  of  means  that  should 
l)e  exclusively  hers  to  enal)le  tier  lo  pay  the  debt  contracted  in  tlie 
war  for  her  independence,  it  has  I)een  accidental  ;  and  no  assurance 
from  the  undersigned  can  be  needed  to  give  value  to  the  anticipa- 
tion that  sucli  an  error  will  be  corrected  wlienever  it  is  communicated 
to  the  government  of  the  United  .States. 

"It  is  ol)jected  that  Texas,  in  surrendering  her  revenue  from 
customs,  parts  with  tlie  ability  to  |)Ut  into  efficient  organization  her 
state  government.  This  objection  must  result  from  an  undue  ex- 
amination of  the  ex]Kn(litures  which  the  Ignited  States,  on  the  other 
hand,   will   m;ike  in  the  manv   improvements  necessarv  on   the  sea- 


.U8  HISTORY  UF  TEXAS 

coast  of  J  exas,  lu  protect  and  facilitate  Iter  coiiinierce,  in  the  re- 
moval of  obstructions  in  her  numerous  bays  and  rivers,  and  in  the 
military  organizations  necessary  to  guard  her  extensive  frontier 
against  the  inroads  of  a  foreign  enemy.  *  *  *  \\'hen  expendi- 
tures for  these  and  many  other  internal  objects  are  drawn  from 
the  Treasury  of  the  Union,  and  not  from  that  of  Texas,  it  will  be 
-.een  that  the  remaining  means  for  the  support  of  the  .State  govern- 
ment will  not  only  be  as  great  as  they  now  are,  hut  rapidly  increased 
by  the  influx  of  population  and  the  growing  capacity  resulting  from 
the  superabundance  of  their  rich  productions. 

"So  also,  on  the  part  of  the  U.  S.,  it  was  objected  that  the  ces- 
sion of  the  unapi)ropriated  lands  ought  to  have  been  made  by  Texas 
for  a  fair  consideration  to  enable  the  Federal  government  to  extend 
iier  Indian  policy  over  the  various  tribes  within  her  limits.  The 
right  to  extinguish  the  Indian  title  to  lands  .seems  almost  a  neces- 
sary consequence  of  the  obligation  to  regulate  the  trade  and  inter- 
course with  them,  and  to  keep  them  at  peace  with  each  other  and 
with  us ;  and  the  absence  of  any  provision  to  this  effect  in  the  terms 
proposed  constituted  a  .serious  obstacle  in  the  minds  of  many  sin- 
cerely friendly  to  the  measure.  Yet  so  strong  was  the  desire  to 
put  the  question  beyond  the  possibility  of  defeat  and  to  leave  with 
Texas  the  means  of  discharging  her  national  debt,  that  they  never- 
theless recorded  their  votes  in  its  favor. 

"But  reference  is  made  to  such  objections,  not  to  ascertain  their 

justness  or  unjustness  on  this  occasion,  but  to  remark,  on  the  part 

of  the  U.  S.,  that  much  was  conceded  to  obtain  the  passage  of  the 

resolution.     .\nd  it  was  al.so  believed  that  a  like  spirit  would  induce 

Texas  to  overlook  minor  considerations,  relying  on  that  high  sense 

of  honor  and  magnanimity  which  governs  both  the  people  and  the 

representatives  of  the  U.  S..  to  .secure  to  iier  hereafter,  all  that  she 

can   reasonably  desire,   to  place  her  on  the  most   favorable   footing 

with  the  other  members  of  the  Union." 

Semi-officially  these  promises  were  scattered  broadcast  and  considcr- 

.■ibly  added  to.     In  a  letter  to  the  Galveston  News,  .\shbcl  Smith,  under 

date  of  January  25.   1876.  said: 

"Major  Donelson  and  other  official  agents  sent  to  Texas  by  the 
l-'ederal  administration,  were  most  lavish  in  their  averments  of  what 
the  Federal  government  would  do  for  Texas,  so  soon  as  the  con- 
summation of  annexation  would  enable  them  to  act.  *  *  *  The 
promises  were,  among  others,  to  clear  out  our  rivers  for  navigation, 
to  deepen  the  entrances  of  our  harbors,  to  l)uild  lighthouses  on  our 
coasts  for  commerce,  to  erect  mililarv  works,  fortifications  for  the 
defense  of  the  coast,  to  execute  imixirtant  works  of  internal  im- 
jirovement,  and  to  do  various  and  sundry  other  good  things  for 
Texas,  which  were  beyond  our  means,  or  which  they  could  and 
would  do  for  us  better  than  we  of  ourselves  could.  Under  the  fos- 
tering protection  of  the  United  States  it  was  vehemently  prophesied 
that  capital  would  flow  into  Texas  in  fertilizing  streams  to  develop 
and  utilize  our  immense  natural  resources.  Employment,  wealth, 
prosperity  would  reign  in   the  land.     It  would  afford  the  adminis- 


IHSTCIRV  OF  TEXAS  349 

tration  at   W  asliiiiglun  llu-   livi'lii'>i   ]ik'a>iirr  tn  dn.  in  diie   word,  all 
goodly   things   for  us.     *     *     *" 

President  Jones  submitted  tiie  question  to  a  convention  at  Austin  on 
July  4,  1845,  along  with  the  Mexican  proposal  to  recognize  Texas  on 
condition  of  its  remaining  independent.  He  had  previously  pointed  out 
that  Texas  was  at  peace  with  the  world,  that  its  Indian  tribes  were  tran- 
i|uil,  that  the  receipts  had  been  sufficient  to  meet  the  expendiures  of  the 
government,  that  the  finances  were  much  improved,  and  congratulated 
"congress  and  the  country  upon  a  state  of  peace,  liappiness  and  pros- 
perity never  before  experienced  in  Texas,  and  rarely  if  ever  equaled 
by  so  young  a  nation."  It  was  plainly  his  purpose  to  show,  what  was 
true,  that  Texas  had  pas.sed  the  period  of  its  greatest  hardships  and  was 
now  <|uite  able  to  take  care  of  itself.  The  peo])le,  however,  were  anxious 
for  union  with  the  United  .States,  and  the  convention  accepted  the  terms 
of  the  joint  resolution  by  an  all  but  unanimous  vote.  .\  constitution 
was  then  adopted  and  submitted  to  Congress  in  December,  1845.  This 
was  approved  on  December  29,  and  February  16,  1846,  President  Jones 
yielded  the  executive  office  to  Governor  J.  Pinckney  Hender.son. 

As  ;i  rule  the  ])ul)lic  men  of  Texas  were  opposed  to  annexation,  <Ii- 
siring  to  link  their  fame  with  the  rise  of  an  inde])endent  nation.  Presi- 
dent Houston's  attitude  is  somewhat  uncertain.  It  has  generally  been 
thought  that  he  assumed  an  indifferent  air  for  the  purpose  of  quickening 
the  interest  of  the  United  States;  Inil  he  repeatedly  told  Fllliot,  the  Brit- 
ish charge,  that  he  wished  the  country  to  remain  independent,  and  Elliot 
and  the  P>ritish  government  believed  him  sincere.  Tn  any  event  his 
fiiplomacv  was  rather  clever.  The  two  most  receiu  studies  of  the  diplo- 
matic historv  of  the  Republic.*  both  based  on  extensive  f.amiliaritv  with 
the  manuscript  sources  of  the  subject,  agree  in  the  opinion  th;it  Houston 
rlesired  independence.  The  ipiestion  is  a  puzzling  one  that  can  hardl\ 
be  definitely  settled. 

Mexico  had  repeatedly  declared   liiat    it    would  consider   the   annexa- 
tion of  Texas  equivalent  to  an  act  of  war.  and  unon  the  i^assage  of  the 
ioint   resolution   it   severed  diplomatic   relations  with   the   United    States. 
A\'hile  annexation  was  not  the  sole  cause  of  the  Mexican  war  which   fol 
lowed,  it  was  one  of  the  most  important  causes. 

*.AHanis.  !•:,  D..  British  liilrrrxts  and  .IrliTilii-s  in  VV.niA.  lX.?8-lS4(i,  l'.altim..rr. 
111(1.      Siiiitli.   Justin    H.,    Till-   .hinrralinii    of   Ti'.ra.f.   \<\v    York. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

THI-:  TRAXSITION  FROM  REPUBLIC  TO  STATE 

Annt-xation  having  Ijeen  assented  to  by  the  conventiun,  the  imme 
(Hate  problem  before  it  was  the  formation  of  a  state  constitution.  Thi; 
task  was  confronted  by  obstacles  serious  as  well  as  unique.  How  go 
about  it  ?  The  existing  constitution  provided  for  no  such  contingency. 
The  calling  of  the  convention  could  not  be  left  to  congress.  Repre- 
sentation in  that  body  had  been  apportioned  in  March.  1836,  while 
.Santa  Anna  was  at  the  Alamo.  His  subsequent  invasion  and  the 
consequent  depopulation  of  the  western  counties  resulted  in  very 
unequal  representation  in  the  earl)-  congresses  of  the  republic,  the 
western  counties  enjoying  more  than  their  fair  share.  It  had  been 
impossible,  however,  to  correct  the  inequalities,  because  the  constitu- 
tion forbatie  a  reapportionment  of  the  representatives  until  a  census 
A\as  taken,  and  this  the  western  members  successfully  opposed.  The 
rcmo\-al  of  the  government  from  Austin  in  1842  increased  the  hostility 
of  the  West.  "The  congress  of  the  reinililic  was  so  constituted,"  said 
President  Jones : 

"That  about  one-third  of  the  population  had  a  majority  in  that 
body    over    the   other    two-thirds.      This    had    always    been    a    most 
exciting  theme.     *     *     *     Soon  after  I  made  the  call  for  the  meet- 
ing  of   congress    (to    consider   the    terms    of   annexation)    I    was 
informed  that  some  highly   respectable   and   influential   members 
of  the  majority  had  declared  'that  they  had  the  power  in  congress, 
and  would  keep  it  in  the  state  government  by  so  apportioning 
the  convention  as  to  perpetuate  the  old  basis.'     If  this  were  so, 
I  was  well  aware  it  would  give  rise  to  a  most  angry  discussion, 
and   perhaps   procrastinate    the    action    of   congress    for    months. 
*     *     *    The  question  of  a  basis  of  representation  carried  with  it 
the  question  of  the  seat  of  government,  a  cjuestion  which  at  one 
time  came  very  near  dissolving  the  government  itself.     The  East, 
North  and  Middle  were  willing  to  let  Austin  remain  the  seat  of 
government  if  the  apportionment  of  representation  could  be  made 
equal.     To  this,  however,  it  was  understood,  or  at  least  feared 
the   majority   might   not   agree.     In   this   situation    I    determiner! 
uj)on   calling  the  convention   myself.     I   fixed  an   ec|uitable  basis 
of  representation,  and  the  people  throughout  the  countr}'  gener- 
ally acquiesced  in  the  measure." 
Like  the  convention  that  formed  the  constitution  of  the  re])ul)lic  in 
1836.  the  convention  of  1845  met  at  a  ])oint  on  the  frontier  of  Te.xas. 
.\bout  the  only  con\enience  .\ustin  possessed  was  a  ne\\  s]iaper  print- 
ing office.     Even  the  indispensable  records  of  the  government,  except 
those  of  the  land  office,  were  at  Washington.     There  was  no  library. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  may  be  seriously  doubted  whether  at  the  present 
time  a  body  of  delegates  could  be  selected  who  would  represent  an 
e(|ual  variety  of  leg;il  knowledge  and  an  cf|u;illy  extensive  experience 

350 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  351 

ill  the  administration  of  laws  as  did  those  of  the  convention  nf  1845. 
Over  half  of  the  states  of  the  Union  had  sons  in  this  convention. 

The  terms  of  annexation  laid  down  the  broad  conditions  that  the 
constitution  must  provide  for  a  republican  form  of  government,  that 
it  must  be  adopted  by  the  people,  and  be  acceptable  to  the  congress 
of  the  United  States'.  The  peoi)le  back  home  and  the  enemies  of 
Texas  in  the  United  States  congress  were  constantly  kept  in  mind, 
;md  many  doubtful  matters  were  discarded  to  avoid  opposition. 

The  bill  of  rights  followed  closely  the  declaration  of  rights  of  the 
constitution  of  1836.  However,  .several  of  the  provisions  of  the  latter 
were  severelv  questioned :  .\  provision  that  in  prosecutions  for  libel 
"the  truth  may  be  given  in  evidence"  was  struck  out,  and  the  prohibi- 
tion of  imprisonment  for  debt  was  retained  only  after  much  debate, 
because  it  helped  to  put  down  the  credit  system. 

The  legislature  was  directed  to  provide  for  enumerations  of  the 
free  inhabitants  and  of  the  qualified  electors  in  1846,  1848  and  1850. 
The  number  of  representatives  was  to  be  apportioned  in  proportion  to 
the  number  of  free  inhabitant.* — minimum  number,  forty-five;  maxi- 
mum, ninety.  The  number  of  senators  was  to  be  apportioned  in  pro- 
portion to  the  number  of  qualified  electors — minimum  number,  nine- 
teen;  maximum,  thirty-three.  The  convention  fixed  the  number  of 
representatives  for  the  first  legislature  at  sixty-six,  and  the  number  of 
senators  at  twenty.  The  per  diem  of  members  of  the  legislature  was 
fixed  at  $3.00;  the  sessions  were  to  be  biennial  and  were  not  restricted 
as  to  length  of  duration.  The  first  apportionment  of  the  members  o' 
the  legislature  stirred  the  feelings  of  hostility  between  the  West  and 
East ;  a  compromise  was  reached  bv  letting  each  county  have  at  least 
one  re])rcsentative.  The  separate  b;isis  for  apii<jrtionment  for  repre- 
sentatives and  senators  caused  much  debate.  The  presence  of  a  con- 
siderable Mexican  population  and  of  large  numbers  of  newcomers 
who  had  immigrated  at  the  invitation  of  the  government,  made  it 
difficult  to  set  forth  the  qualifications  of  electors.  The  delicate  ques- 
tion in  regard  to  the  location  of  the  seat  of  government  was  solved 
by  designating  .\ustin  as  such  until  1850.  when  the  question  should  be 
settled  bv  a  vote  of  the  people.  Ministers  of  the  gospel  were  declared 
ineligible  to  the  legislature. 

The  judicial  powers  were  vested  in  a  supreme  court,  district  courts 
and  such  infericjr  courts  as  the  legislature  might  create.  The  supreme 
court  had  ai)i)ellate  jurisdiction  only  and  was  constituted  by  three 
judges.  The  iudges  of  the  supreme  and  district  courts  were  ajjpointed 
in-  the  governor  for  terms  of  six  years.  l-i\-  an  aniendnunt  a<lopted 
in  1850  the  judges  were  made  elective.  The  salaries  nf  the  judges 
of  the  su])remc  and  district  courts  were  fixed  by  the  constitution  for 
ten  years  at  $2,000  and  $1,750,  respectively.  At' the  exjjiration  of  the 
ten  years  the  salaries  were  raised  to  $3,000  and  $2,250.  The  attorney 
general  was  appointed  by  the  governor,  and  the  district  attorneys 
were  elected  by  the  legislature.  In  1850  these  officers  were  made 
elective  bv  the  (|nalificd   voters.      .Sheriffs   were  eligible  only    fnnr  years 


352  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

out  of  every  six.  Thf  extension  of  trial  by  jur\  in  causes  of  equity 
was  debated  at  length ;  some  regarded  it  as  an  innovation  that  threat- 
ened the  independence  of  the  judiciary  :  the  establishment  of  courts 
of  chancery  was  strongly  urged.  But  the  friends  of  the  system  of 
administering  justice  in  the  same  court,  according  to  the  principles  of 
both  law  and  equity,  or  either,  as  the  circumstances  of  the  controversy 
might  demand,  won  their  point. 

The  governor  was  made  the  chief  officer  of  the  executive  department. 
He  was  elected  biennially  and  was  not  eligible  for  more  than  four  years 
in  any  term  of  six  years.  His  salary  was  fixed  by  the  constitution  for 
ten  years  at  $2,000:  in  1855  it  was  increased  to  $3,000.  He  possessed 
power  to  convene  the  legislature  in  extra  session,  and,  under  certain 
circumstances,  could  adjourn  it,  but  he  had  no  control  over  the  subjects 
to  be  considered  by  the  legislature  other  than  the  veto.  He  was  for- 
bidden to  hold  "any  other  office  or  commission,  civil  or  military."  while 
s;overnor.  Nevertheless.  Governor  Henderson  led  the  Texan  Volunteers 
to  victory  at  Monterey.  The  lieutenant-governor  was  elected  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  governor.  The  secretary  of  state  was  appointed  by 
the  governor.  .\  treasurer  and  a  comptroller  of  public  accounts  were  to 
be  elected  biennially  by  the  legislature.  These  two  last  named  officers 
were  made  elective  in  1850. 

Besides  framing  the  government,  numerous  other  subjects  demanded 
the  attention  of  the  convention.  .\  body  blow  was  dealt  dueling  by  the 
adoption  of  the  oath  of  office :  it  is  retained  by  the  present  constitution. 
Never  elsewhere,  perhaps,  has  the  desire  for  public  office  been  seized 
upon  with  greater  ingenuity  to  mitigate  a  social  evil. 

Following  the  course  recently  pursued  by  the  Democrats  in  the  United 
States,  the  creation  of  banks  was  prohibited.  The  legislature  was  for- 
bidden to  issue  treasury  warrants,  treasury  notes  or  paper  of  any  kind 
intended  to  circulate  as  money.  Individuals  were  prohibited  from 
issuing  bills,  checks,  promissory  notes  or  other  paper  to  circulate  as 
money.  The  state  debt  was  never  to  exceed  $100,000.  except  in  case 
of  war,  invasion  or  in.'^urrection. 

Equal  and  uniform  taxation  of  property  in  proportion  to  its  value 
was  provided  for.  Only  by  a  majoritv  of  two-thirds  of  the  legislature 
could  property  be  exempted  from  taxation :  however,  the  constitution 
exempted  S250  worth  of  household  eoods  or  other  property  for  each 
family.  An  income  tax  and  occupation  taxes  were  authorized.  With 
annexation,  the  principal  source  of  revenue,  the  customs  duties,  was  .sur- 
rendered to  the  United  States.  Direct  taxes  had  never  been  popular 
in  Texas.  To  relieve  the  annexation  measure  of  the  odium  of  causing 
•lirect  taxes,  the  convention  adopted  the  penurious  salaries  indicated  in 
the  foregoing  paragraphs. 

The  measures  adopted  for  the  protection  of  the  family  deserve  men- 
tion. Besides  exempting  from  taxation  $250  worth  of  household  goods, 
the  homestead  exemption,  introduced  by  an  act  of  the  Republic  in  1830. 
was  embodied  in  the  constitution.  It  was  defined  as  200  acres  of  land, 
or  town  or  citv  lot  or  lots  in  value  up  to  $2,000.     This  homestead  was 


llIs^ok^■  of  tkxas  35.5 

exempted  from  forced  sale,  nor  could  the  husband  sell  the  same  without 
the  consent  of  the  wife,  'rhcc  Ifuncstead  e.xemptions  were  the  most 
liberal  in  existence  anywhere  at  thai  time.  They  have  been  widely 
copied  and  their  beneficial  efl'ects  iiavc  been  generally  recognized.  ".■-Ml 
property,  both  real  and  personal,  of  the  wife,  owned  or  claimed  by  her 
before  marriage,  and  that  acc|uired  afterwards  *  *  *  shall  be  her 
separate  property."  Jhis  recognition  of  the  property  rights  of  married 
women  was  far  more  liberal  than  that  enjoyed  in  states  where  the  com- 
mon law  prevailed,  yet  Texas  tlid  not  go  as  far  as  did  Louisiana's  laws 
on  the  same  subject. 

The  legislature  was  directed  as  early  as  practicable  to  establish  free 
schools  throughout  the  state  and  lo  furnish  means  for  their  su[)port  bv 
taxation.  .Ml  public  lands  heretofore  granted,  or  to  be  hereafter  granted, 
for  public  school  purposes  were  not  to  be  sold  until  the  lapse  of  twenty 
years,  but  leased.  Every  new  county  was  to  receive  a  quantity  of  school 
land  equal  to  that  granted  to  counties  then  existing.  One-tenth  of  the 
annual  revenue  of  the  state,  derived  from  taxation,  was  set  apart  for  a 
perpetual  .school  fund. 

Some  of  the  most  intricate  prol)leni>  coming  before  the  convention 
related  to  land  claims.  Lengthy  debates  were  indulged  in  upon  the 
propriety  of  inquiring  into  forfeitures  of  lands  under  the  laws  of  Coa- 
huila  and  Texas,  lands  escheated  under  the  laws  of  the  republic,  and 
lands  forfeited  by  the  failure  of  their  owners  to  take  part  in  the  war 
for  Texan  independence.  The  constitution  of  18.36  had  taken  positive 
ground  in  repudiating  some  of  these  claims,  and  it  was  concluded  simply 
to  reaffirm  the  law  as  it  stood  before  the  convention  as.sembled.  A  pro- 
posal to  .suspend  all  colonization  contracts  made  by  the  president  of  the 
republic  produced  much  angry  discussion.  It  was  contended  that  these 
contracts  were  illegal  from  the  beginning,  since  the  government  had 
no  right  to  grant  lands  for  colonization  purposes  while  there  were  out- 
standing large  numbers  of  unlocated  headright  claims,  donation  war- 
rants and  land  scrip,  the  holders  of  which  had  an  implied  right  of  first 
choice  of  location,  hut  had  been  prevented  from  making  such  location 
by  the  un])rotected  condition  of  the  frontier.  It  was  feared  that  the 
inclusion  of  any  |)rovision  on  this  subject  might  jeo])ardize  the  apjiroval 
of  the  constitution  by  the  United  States  congress,  and  a  separate  ordi- 
nance ordering  the  forfeiture  of  these  contracts  was  submitted  to  a 
vote  of  the  pco])le  at  the  same  time  that  the  constitution  was  voted  U])on. 

The  constitution  is  short  and  exhibits  many  successful  efforts  at  self- 
restraint  on  the  ()art  of  the  convention.  Contemporary  estimates  of  the 
constitution  declared  it  "the  best  and  most  conservative  document  which 
has  been  adopted  by  any  of  the  southern  states  for  ten  years  past;" 
another  said  of  it:  "It  breathes  throughout  a  s])irit  of  honesty  and  pa- 
triotism, and  *  *  *  contains  such  essential  principles  of  govern- 
ment as  will  tend  to  advanct-  the  immcdi.atc  interests  and  prosperity  of 
the  state." 

President  Jones's  friendliniss  toward  annexation  ua-.  in  ^nmc  (|uar- 
ters   regarded   with   much    '-us|>ii-io!i.      '{"his   .-uid   the    ini]icirlani    steps   vet 

VI II,.   I-   i-i 


354  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

to  be  taken  to  complete  annexatiun  gave  rise  to  a  tentative  project  on 
the  part  of  some  members  of  the  convention  for  abolishing  the  existing 
government  and  establishing  in  its  place  a  provisional  one  to  endure 
until  annexation  had  been  completed.  On  being  apprised  of  these  facts, 
President  Jones,  with  a  portion  of  his  cabinet,  repaired  from  Washing- 
ton to  Austin,  for  he  feared  that  for  the  convention  to  attempt  such  a 
course  would  lead  to  anarchy  and  perhaps  defeat  annexation.  Some 
delegates  honestly  believed  that  the  adoption  of  the  state  constitution 
would  put  an  end  to  the  republic ;  others  argued  in  favor  of  the  change 
because  it  would  reduce  expenses.  Delegate  Francis  Moore,  in  an 
address,  showed  the  inexpediency  as  well  as  the  danger  of  such  a  course, 
and  it  was  abandoned.  That  no  inconvenience  might  result  from  the 
change  from  national  to  state  government,  ample  provision  was  made 
for  the  .succession  of  the  latter  to  the  enduring  functions  of  the  former. 
The  president  was  directed  to  order  an  election  to  be  held  on  the  second 
Monday  in  October  for  the  purpose  of  adopting  or  rejecting  the  consti- 
tution and  for  voting  for  or  against  annexation.  The  returns  of  this 
election  were  to  be  compared  on  the  second  Monday  in  November,  and  if 
it  was  favorable  he  was  directed  to  proclaim  that  fact  and  to  transmit 
copies  of  the  constitution  to  the  president  of  the  United  States.  The  con- 
sitution  thus  adopted  was  to  go  into  effect  from  and  after  the  organi- 
zation of  the  state  government.  On  the  second  Monday  of  November 
President  Jones  was  directed  also  to  order  elections  to  be  held  on  the 
third  Monday  in  December  for  governor,  lieutenant  governor  and  mem- 
bers of  the  legislature.  Immediatel)-  upon  receipt  of  notice  of  the  accept- 
ance of  the  state  constitution  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  he 
was  directed  to  issue  his  proclamation  convening  "at  an  early  day"  the 
legislature.  As  soon  as  the  legislature  shall  have  organized  it  shall  can- 
vass the  vote  for  governor,  and  after  the  inaugural  of  the  governor  the 
president  shall  turn  over  to  him  ''all  records,  public  money,  documents, 
archives  and  public  property  of  every  description  whatsoever,  under 
control  of  the  executive  branch  of  the  government." 

Candidates  for  the  several  offices  to  be  filled  did  not  await  the  presi- 
dent's proclamation  to  make  their  announcements.  J.  P.  Henderson,  of 
San  Augustine  County,  had  consented  to  become  a  candidate  for  gover- 
nor even  before  the  convention  adjourned;  later  he  was  formally  nomi- 
nated by  mass  meeting  in  East  Texas.  No  one  was  put  forward  in  that 
section  for  lieutenant  governor,  it  being  considered  expedient  to  leave 
to  West  Texas  the  naming  of  such  a  candidate.  A.  C.  Horton,  of  Mata- 
gorda County,  soon  entered  the  field.  After  these  names  had  been  before 
the  public  for  some  time.  Dr.  James  R.  Miller,  of  Washington  County, 
and  N.  H.  Darnell,  of  San  Augustine  County,  were  put  forward  as  can- 
didates by  a  meeting  held  at  Rrenham.  Very  little  interest  was  shown 
in  the  campaign.  The  newspapers  urged  that  since  the  democrats  had 
secured  the  admission  of  Texas  to  the  Union,  the  members  sent  to  the 
legislature  should  be  particularly  cautious  in  their  election  of  United 
.States  senators,  in  order  that  only  men  might  be  chosen  whose  records 
as  democrats,  both  in  and  out  of  the  Union,  were  unassailable,  and  thus 
assure  to  Texas  a  due  proportion  of  influence  in  the  national  councils. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  355 

President  Polk  signed  the  joint  resolution  admitting  Texas  to  the 
Union  on  December  29,  1845.  On  January  12,  President  Jones  con- 
vened the  legislature  to  assemble  on  February  16.  The  retirement  of 
President  Jones  was  fittingly  celebrated  as  an  event  unique  in  history. 
.Mthough  not  permitted  to  complete  the  full  term  for  which  he  had  been 
elected,  he  had  the  pleasure  of  presenting  a  picture  of  the  favorable  con- 
ditions of  Texas  such  as  none  of  his  predecessors  had  ever  been  able  to 
make ; 

"I  am  hap]))  to  congratulate  you,  gentlemen,  upon  the  universally 
(prosperous  condition  of  our  country  at  the  present  time.     Our  for- 
eign relations  have  been  closed  in  a  manner  satisfactory,  1  believe, 
to  all  the  governments  with  which  we  have  had  intercourse.     The 
frontier  is  quiet  and  secure,  and  the  husbandman  sows  and  reaps 
his   harvest  in   peace.     Industry   and  enterprise   have   received  new 
guarantees  and  a  new  impulse  ;  a  market  is  found  at  home  for  nearly 
everything  our  citizens  have  to   dispose  of,   and   a  large   and  very 
desirable  immigration  to  the  country  is  now  taking  place.     The  ex- 
penses of  the  government  since  I  have  been  in  office  have  been  paid 
in  an  undepreciated  currency,  a  very  considerable  amount  of  debt 
incurred  by  previous  administrations  has  been  paid  off,  and  a  sur- 
plus of  available  means  sufficient  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  gov- 
ernment, economically  administered,  for  the  next  two  years  at  least. 
is  left  at  the  disposal  of  the  state."     *     *     * 
With  this  pleasing  picture  of  the  present,  with   fancy's  portrayal  of 
the  future,  and  with  the  glamour  of  an  exciting  past,  in  which  a  nation's 
independence  had  been  won,  haunting  their  memory,  and  the  pride  and 
satisfaction  welling  up  in  their  bosoms  that  they  had  helped  to  create  it 
all,  is  it  to  be  wondered  at  that  tears  trickled  down  the  furrowed  cheeks 
of    many   of   his    silent   auditors    when   the   president    hauled    down    the 
emblem  of  the  Lone  Star  and  declared  "the  Republic  of  Texas  is  no 
more?"     And  is  it  strange  that  when  the  times  became  troubled,   some 
remembered  the  days  of  the  re]niblic  and  sought  to  return  to  them? 

Governor  Henderson  approached  the  occasion  from  a  different  view- 
point. To  him  annexation  signified  the  termination  of  ten  years  of 
privation  and  suffering.  "If  there  has  heretofore  existed  any  cause  for 
dispute  or  difference  between  the  different  sections  of  our  country  in 
regard  to  the  policy  most  proper  to  be  pursued,"  he  said  in  his  inaugural 
address,  "surely  now  there  is  no  cause  for  disunion,  since  we  have  the 
protecting  arm  of  the  United  States  thrown  around  us.  *  *  *  j^gt 
us  then.  I  beseech  you,  commence  our  existence  as  a  state  of  this  great 
Union  in  the  sjjirit  of  harmony  and  forbearance,  and  act  our  parts 
throughout  as  becomes  the  agents  of  a  free,  enlightened.  Christian 
people."  The  governor  appointed  the  judges  of  the  supreme  and  dis- 
trict courts,  a  secretary  of  state,  and  attorney  general  and  an  adjutant 
general.  The  legislature  elected  Sam  Houston  and  Thomas  J.  Rusk 
United  States  senators,  a  comptroller,  a  treasurer  and  the  district  attor- 
neys, and  provided  by  law  for  the  election  of  two  congressmen.  Laws 
were  passed  organizing  the  various  executive   departments   and  defining 


356  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

the  duties  of  their  officers;  other  laws  cstahhshed  and  organized  the  sev- 
eral grades  of  courts  and  defined  the  administration  of  justice.  Thirty- 
one  new  counties  were  created  and  there  was  much  additional  legislation 
devoted  to  the  fixing  of  county  boundaries,  locating  county  seats,  appor- 
tioning debts  of  counties,  etc.  .\  provision  of  the  constitution  of  1836 
had  been  seized  upon  by  the  representatives  of  the  depopulated  western 
counties  to  prevent  any  alteration  of  the  representative  districts,  and  in 
this  way  thev  had  prevented  the  creation  of  new  counties.  The  removal 
of  this  obstacle  by  the  state  constitution  resulted  in  this  rush  of  new 
counties ;  the  delay,  no  doubt,  left  its  impress  upon  history  in  the  names 
selected  for  them.  Laws  were  also  enacted  regulating  taxation,  elec- 
tions, the  taking  of  the  census  and  making  appropriations  for  the  support 
i)t  the  state  government. 


CHAPTF.R  XXIV 
TEXAS  IX  THE  MEXICAN  WAR 

While  the  war  with  Mexico,  following  annexation,  was  primarily  a 
contest  between  the  United  States  and  that  country,  the  part  that  Texas 
played  in  it  was  notable.  The  results  of  the  war  to  Texas  were  of  very 
great  importance.  In  his  work  entitled  "Westward  Extension,"  Doctor 
Garrison  summarizes  the  causes  of  the  war  under  four  heads ;  ( 1  i 
"Claims  of  the  United  States  citizens  on  the  government  of  Mexico;  (2) 
assistance  given  the  Texans  by  the  people  of  the  United  States;  (3) 
violation  of  Mexican  territory  by  United  States  troops,  and  (4)  the 
annexation  of  Texas."  In  1843  the  Mexican  government  had  notified 
the  government  of  the  United  States  that  it  would  declare  war  as  soon 
as  it  learned  of  the  annexation  of  Texas.  The  threat  was  repeated  on 
several  occasions  afterwards,  but  the  United  States  regarded  Texas  as 
an  independent  nation  and  in  no  wise  res])onsible  to  Mexico  for  its  acts. 
The  joint  resolution  offering  annexation  to  Texas  was  approved  by 
President  Tyler  on  March  I.  1845,  and  on  March  6  .Mnionte.  the  Mex- 
ican minister  at  Washington,  demanded  his  jiassports. 

In  view  of  these  hostile  demonstrations  and  the  fear  of  Indian  hostili- 
ties, Texas  requested  the  j^rotection  of  the  United  States  while  annexa- 
tion was  being  concluded.  General  Zachary  Taylor  was  ordered  to 
advance  into  Texas.  His  force,  however,  was  so  small  that  he  informed 
President  Jones  that  he  could  give  no  protection  against  the  Indians. 
General  Taylor  established  his  cam])  on  the  Nueces  River,  near  Corpus 
Christi,  and  remained  at  that  point  from  .\ugust.  1845.  until  March  11. 
184f).  when  he  moved  to  the  Kio  (Irande  oi)])osite  Matainoras.  On  April 
25  a  party  of  his  troops  was  ambushed  and  captured  on  the  Texas  side 
of  the  river  by  a  large  force  of  Mexicans.  This  act  marked  the  begin- 
ning of  the  war.  The  next  day  General  Taylor  made  a  requisition  on 
the  governor  of  Texas  for  four  regiments  of  volunteers.  Captain 
Samuel  H.  Walker's  Texas  rangers  encamped  midway  between  Point 
Isabel  and  Matamoras,  were  surprised  by  a  party  of  rancheros  on  the 
28th,  and  ten  men  lost.  Ca])tain  Walker  was  absent  at  the  time  ;  he  is 
spoken  of  in  General  Taylor's  disjjatches  as  "a  tried  frontier  soldier." 
Before  any  of  the  Texan  volunteers  could  be  brought  into  the  field,  the 
engagements  at  Palo  .\lto  (May  8)  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma  (May  9) 
occurred — both  were  fought  on  Texas  soil  and  resulted  in  victories  for 
the  Americans.  The  rangers  mider  Captain  Walker  received  com- 
mendation. 

The  First  Texan  Volunteers  joined  ( ieneral  Tavlor  at  Matamoras. 
In  a  dispatch,  dated  Matamoras,  July  31,  he  said:  "The  Texas  regi- 
ment of  foot  under  Col.  .'\.  S.  Johnston,  formerly  of  the  army,  is  an 
excellent  corps,  inured  to  frontier  service.  .Ml  the  Texan  troops  are 
.mxious  to  go  forward ;  they  are  hardy  and  can  subsist  on  little,  and  I 
trust  I  shall  be  allowed  to  retain  them."  By  the  time  (ieneral  Taylor 
reached  Camargo,  the  three  months  term  of  enlistment  of  the  Louisiana 
and   Texas  Volunteers  had  exjiirod.     "Rut   owing  to  the  great   scarcitx 

357 


338  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

of  regular  cavalry,"  wrote  General  Taylor,  "1  felt  compelled  to  retain 
the  two  mounted  regiments  *  *  *  remustering  them  at  the  end  of 
their  term  for  another  three  months.  Their  term  expires  about  this 
time  [August  31].  *  *  *  All  individuals  claiming  discharge  are,  of 
course,  at  liberty  to  quit  service,  but  nearly  all  the  men  seem  willing  to 
remain  for  another  term."  The  regiment  of  infantry,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  three  or  four  companies,  preferred  to  go  home.  Among  these 
who  advanced  were  the  regiments  of  Cols.  George  T.  '\\'ood  and  John 
C.  Hays,  commanded  by  Slajor  Cieneral  Henderson.  The  Texans  ex- 
hibited unbounded  courage  in  the  battle  of  Monterey,  and  had  not  only 
the  satisfaction  of  defeating  the  Mexicans  on  Mexican  soil  and  taking 
one  of  their  important  cities,  but  also  of  having  their  commander  ap- 
pointed one  of  the  commissioners  to  arrange  the  articles  of  capitulation. 
"They  had  been  engaged  for  many  years  in  a  fierce  border  warfare  with 
the  Mexicans,  marked  with  mutual  and  extreme  exasperation,  as  is  usual 
in  such  contests.  They  remembered  the  wrongs  which  they  had  suf- 
fered, the  deadlv   strife  in  which   their   friends  had   fallen,  and   the  ter- 


FoRT  Brown,  Cameron  County 

rible  vengeance  which  had  sometimes  overtaken  captive  Texans."     How 
the  tables  had  been  turned ! 

The  terms  of  capitulation  provided  for  an  armistice  of  eight  weeks. 
There  was  some  prospect  of  permanent  peace.  Reinforcements  under 
General  Wool  were  close  at  hand.  Under  these  circumstances  the  Texans. 
with  Taylor,  expressed  a  desire  to  return  home,  and  they  were  mus- 
tered out  October  2,  1846.  Order  No.  124,  directing  the  discharge  of 
these  troops,  concluded  with  the  following  words  of  appreciation : 

"The    commanding   general    takes   this    occasion    to    express    his 
satisfaction  with  the  efificient  service  rendered  by  the  Texas  Volun- 
teers during  the  campaign,  and  particularly  in  the  operations  around 
Monterey  ;  and  he  would  especially  acknowledge  his  obligations  to 
General    Henderson,    Generals    Lamar   and    Burleson    and    Colonels 
Hays   and   Wood    for   the   valuable   assistance   they   have   rendered. 
He  wishes  all  the  Texas  Volunteers  a  happy  return  to  their  families 
and  homes." 
During  November  and  December,   1846,  a  large  portion  of  Taylor's 
force  was  ordered  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande  to  join  General  Scott. 
In   February.   1847,  Santa  Anna  advanced  against   Taylor  with  a   large 
force,  and  the  position  of  the  latter  became  critical,  until  the  achieve- 
ment  of    the   brilliant    victorv    at    Buena    Vista.      There    were    but    few 


HISIDKV  UF   IKXAS  359 

Texans  with  Taylor  in  this  haltle  ;  these  he  coin])liiiiented  in  his  dispatch 
of  June  8th  :       ' 

"Major   McCulloch  joined   me   with   some   twenty   picked  men  a 

very  short  time  before  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista,  and  when  his  own 

valuable  services  as  a  partizan  and  spy  were  greatly  needed.     His 

men,  however,  were  unwilling  to  engage  even  for  twelve  months,  and. 

after  much  hesitation.  I  determined  to  accept  them  for  the  period  of 

six.     *     *     *     'phe  services  rendered  by  I\lajor  McCulloch  and  his 

men,   particularly   in  reconnoitering  the   enemy  V  camp   at   Encarna- 

cion   and  advising  us  certainly   oi   his  ])resence  there,   were  of   the 

highest  importance." 

A  company   under   Captain   Conner   were   the   only   other   Texans  at 

Buena  Vista ;  of  the  fifty-seven  men  of  this  company  engaged,  fourteen 

were  killed,  two  woimded  and  seven  missing. 

Soon  after  the  battle  at  Buena  Vista.  Taylor  sent  orders  to  Texas 
for  a  battalion  of  cavalry.  It  was  organized  with  Major  Chevallie  in 
conmiand,  but  he  resigned  to  join  Hays  under  General  Scott  and  was 
succeeded  by  Walter  V.  Lane,  '{"his  battalion  continued  in  the  service 
until  the  United  States  forces  evacuated  northern  Mexico,  and  was 
accorded  the  honor  of  bringing  up  the  rear  when  the  troops  were  with- 
drawn. On  one  of  his  scouts  toward  .San  Luis  Potosi,  Major  Lane  passed 
the  hacienda  of  Salado.  and  while  there  collected  the  bones  of  the  Mier 
prisoners  who  had  drawn  the  black  beans  and  been  shot  at  that  place 
in  1843.  General  Wool  granted  permission  to  Captain  Dusenherry  and 
a  private  to  escort  those  relics  tfi  Texas.  They  were  taken  to  La  Grange, 
where  several  of  the  victims  had  relatives.  The  |)eopIe  gathered  and 
laid  them  beneath  the  sod  of  their  adojited  country  beside  their  comrades 
who  fell  with  Daw.son. 

.Several  extracts  from  General  Taylor's  despatches  and  orders  have 
been  made  to  show  the  high  esteem  in  which  he  held  the  Texas  Volun- 
teers. There  were  occasions,  however,  when  the  general  used  very  harsh 
language  concerning  them.  One  who  reads  the  "Personal  Recollections 
of  Walter  P.  Lane"  will  learn  the  circumstances  that  provoked  these 
criticisms,  and  much  to  extenuate  the  conduct  of  the  Texans.  No  doubt 
there  was  truth  in  the  remark  attributed  to  General  Taylor : 

"On  the  day  of  battle  1  am  glad  to  have  Texas  soldiers  with  me. 
for  they  are  brave  and  gallant,  but  T  never  want  to  see  them  before 
or  afterwards,  for  thev  are  too  hard  to  control." 
In    July,    1847,    Hays   mustered    into    service    his    third    regiment   of 
Texas   Rangers  at  San  Antonio.     His  orders  were  to  proceed  to   Vera 
Cruz  "for  the  purpose  of  dispersing  the  guerillas  which  infest  the  line 
between    that    place    and    the    interior    of    Mexico."      The    Texans    had 
demonstrated  their  ability  to  cope  with  that  class  of  bandits  in  protect- 
ing General  Taylor's  line  between  Monterey  and  his  base  of  supplies  at 
Camargo.     The  regiment   was  attached  to  General   Joseph   Lane's  com- 
mand and  rendered  good  service.     The  Texans  became  the  terror  of  the 
Mexican   guerillas,    and    received    praise    from    General    .Scott    for    their 
daring   achievements.     Lieut.    Col.    Samuel   H.   Walker   was   killed   near 
Huamantla  while  engaged  in  discharging  a  hazardous  duty  :  he  was  widely 
known  as  a  brave  and  gallant  officer. 


360  lilSrok^'  ()!•    I'KXAS 

Jhe  readiness  with  which  tlu-  Toxans  entered  into  the  war  becomes 
apparent  from  the  followini;  faft> :  'i'he  call  for  volunteers  received 
a  prompt  response,  considering  the  wide  expanse  from  which  they  had 
to  be  collected  and  the  great  distance  and  the  character  of  the  country 
intervening  between  the  settled  portion  of  Texas  and  the  seat  of  war.  Of 
all  the  states  participating,  Texas  furnished  the  highest  proportion  of 
troops  to  total  population.  She  furnished  more  men  to  aid  the  United 
States  in  this  war  than  she  was  herself  able  to  bring  into  the  field  to 
achieve  her  independence  ten  years  before.  The  total  number  of  enlist- 
ments from  Texas,  according  to  official  reports,  were  as  follows :  Volun- 
teers, 8,018;  regulars.  222:  total,  8,240. 


CHAPTER  XXV 

IHl-.    I  i:X  AS-NEW    MI'.XICO   BOUNUAKV 

Ihc  reiniblic  of  Texas,  in  1836,  had  designated  the  Rio  Grande  from 
lis  mouth  to  its  source  as  its  western  boundary.  The  Texans,  in  1845, 
did  not  doubt  their  ability  to  maintain  their  claim  to  this  boundary 
should  Mexico  care  to  contest  it.  Moreover,  Mexico  at  that  time  ex- 
pressed a  readiness  to  concede  this  boundary  if  Texas  would  decline  an- 
nexation. The  state  of  Texas  inherited  a  large  debt  from  the  republic. 
The  only  resource  that  it  had  with  which  to  pay  this  debt  was  to  public 
domain.  This  was  guarded  with  jealous  care  from  encroachment.  Even 
before  news  of  the  outbreak  of  the  war  with  Mexico  reached  Austin, 
the  Texan  legislature  had  adopted  a  joint  resolution  declaring: 

"That  the  exclusive  right  to  the  jurisdiction  over  the  soil  in- 
cluded in  the  limits  of  the  late  republic  of  Texas  was  acquired  by 
the  valor  of  the  people  thereof,  and  *  *  *  is  now  vested  in  and 
belongs  to  the  state." 
Confidential  instructions  from  the  secretary  of  war  to  General  Kear- 
ney, dated  June  3,  1846,  informed  him  that  "it  has  been  decided  by  the 
president  to  be  of  the  greatest  importance  in  the  pending  war  with 
Mexico  to  take  the  earliest  possession  of  Upper  California.  An  expedi- 
tion with  that  end  in  view  is  hereby  ordered,  and  you  are  designated 
to  command  it."  The  occupation  of  Santa  Fe  became  part  of  the  initial 
steps  of  this  plan,  since  the  most  i)racticable  route  to  California  lay 
through  that  region.  On  August  22.  1846,  General  Kearney  reported 
from  Santa  Ee  "that  on  the  18th  instant,  without  firing  a  gun  or  spilling 
a  drop  of  blood,  I  took  possession  of  this  city.  *  *  *  and  have  this 
day  issued  a  proclamation  claiming  the  whole  department  [of  New 
Mexico] ,  with  its  original  boundaries,  for  the  United  States."  Soon 
thereafter  General  Kearnev  (proclaimed  an  organic  law  for  the  Territory 
of  New  Mexico.  His  whole  proceeding  was  in  marked  contrast  to  that 
of  General  Taylor  during  May,  1846,  on  the  lower  Rio  Grande,  when- 
he  was  compelled  to  fight  several  battles  tn  expel  the  Mexicans  from 
within  the  limits  claimed  by  Texa>. 

At  the  time  these  events  occurred  in  New  Mexico  the  governor  of 
Texas,  at  the  head  of  a  force  of  Texans  larger  than  the  entire  command 
under  General  Kearney,  contributed  effectively  to  the  victory  gained  at 
Monterey.  .As  .soon  as  he  learned  of  tlie  events  in  New  Mexico,  Governor 
Henderson  addressed  a  letter  to  the  secretarv  of  state  of  the  United 
States,  ])rotesting  against  the  course  of  General  Kearney  in  violating  the 
rights  of  Texas,  and  asserting  the  exclusive  and  unquestionable  right  of 
Texas  both  to  the  soil  and  to  the  jurisdiction  in  that  region.  He  received 
assurances  that  the  rights  of  Texas  would  be  respected  and  that  the 
provisional  government  was  temporary  in  its  character. 

By  the  treaty  of  Guadalu])c  Hidalgcj.  concluded  Eebruary  2,  1848. 
Mexico  ceded  to  the  United  Slate>  all  claim  to  territory  east  of  the  Rio 
(irande  from  its  mouth  to  the  southern  boundary  of  New  Mexico,  and 
thence  westward  and  northward   to  the   first    branch  of   the  Gila  River 

,?61 


362  HISTORY  UF  TEXAS 

it  might  cross,  and  thence  with  the  course  of  the  Gila  to  the  Colorado, 
etc.  Thus  all  the  territory  claimed  by  Texas  and  more  was  relinquished 
by  Mexico.  Thenceforth  the  boundary  of  Texas  was  no  longer  open  to 
diplomatic  negotiations,  but  it  also  passed  beyond  the  control  of  the 
president.  Appended  to  the  treaty  with  Mexico  was  a  map  on  which 
the  western  boundary  of  Texas  was  traced  as  claimed  by  that  state. 

The  acquisition  of  Mexican  territory  had  been  anticipated  by  con- 
gress before  the  conclusion  of  peace.  The  disposition  to  be  made  of  it 
furnished  the  occasion  for  the  impassioned  debates  on  the  W'ilmot  Proviso, 
which  paved  the  way  for  the  angry  contest  over  the  Te.xas-New  Mexico 
boundary.  The  contest  became  important  because  it  assumed  the  pro- 
portions of  a  national  problem.  Texas  had  been  admitted  as  a  slave 
state ;  however,  that  portion  of  its  territory  lying  north  of  36"  30',  when 
erected  into  a  separate  state,  was  to  become  a  free  state.  As  it  was 
not  probable  that  Texas  would  create  a  new  state  out  of  the  territory 
north  of  36°  30'  for  many  years,  it  was  possible,  if  the  limits  claimed 
by  the  state  were  not  changed,  to  carry  slavery  as  far  north  as  the 
forty-second  parallel  of  north  latitude,  thus  repealing  so  far  as  Texas 
was  concerned  the  Missouri  Compromise  line.  The  very  fact  that  restric- 
tions were  placed  around  the  admission  of  Texan  territory  north  of 
36°  30'  was  an  admission  of  Texan  claims  in  that  region.  But  the  anti- 
slavery  forces  in  congress  availed  themselves  of  the  issues  growing  out 
of  the  Mexican  cession  not  only  to  forbid  the  extension  of  slavery  into 
the  territory  thus  acquired,  but  also  to  cut  down  the  area  of  Texas  as 
much  as  ])Ossible.  thereby  converting  to  free  soil  a  portion  of  the  area 
acquired  by  annexation.  It  was  this  activity  of  the  anti-slavery  men 
to  keep  Texas  out  of  New  Mexico  that  lent  momentary  importance  to  the 
feeble  effort  made  early  in  1850.  by  a  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Cameron  county,  to  procure  the  organization  of  the  region  between  the 
Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande  into  the  Rio  Grande  territory.  The  efforts 
of  the  anti-slavery  forces  brought  to  the  support  of  Texas  the  slave  states. 
The  second  legislatvire  of  Texas  created  the  county  of  .Santa  Fe. 
designated  it  as  the  eleventh  judicial  district,  and  Judge  Spruce  M. 
Baird  was  sent  there  to  discharge  his  official  duties.  He  met  with  oppo- 
sition from  the  officers  of  the  United  States,  who  claimed  exclusive 
authority  in  that  region.  Governor  Wood  addressed  protests  to  Presi- 
dent Polk  and  to  General  Taylor,  but  received  no  reply.  As  the  spokes- 
man of  a  sovereign  state,  the  governor  became  very  much  incensed  at 
their  treatment  of  his  communications.  In  his  message  to  the  third  legis- 
lature. November  6.   1849,  he  said  : 

"The  bare  denial  of  justice  involved  in  an  attempt  to  wrest  from 
us  this  portion  of  our  state  is  reproach  enousjh  :  to  succeed  in  that 
attempt  would  be  a  reproach  still  deeper ;  and  ff>r  Texas  passively 
to  submit  to  such  despoilment  would  be  the  deepest  reproach  of 
all.  ♦  *  *  I  would  therefore  recommend  that  ample  power  be 
conferred  on  the  executive  of  the  state,  and  ample  means  be  placed 
at  his  disposal,  and  that  it  be  expressly  required  of  him  to  raise  the 
proper  issue  and  contest  it,  not  bv  demonstrating  in  argument  the 
justness  of  our  claim,  nor  by  reference  to  our  statutes,  but  \\itli 
the  whole  power  and  resources  of  the  state." 


HISTORY  OF  'iKXAS  363 

The  Telegraph  (Houston;,  the  oldest  and  perhaps  most  extensively 
read  newspaper  in  Texas,  in  commenting  on  this  fiery  message,  said : 

"Texas  must  assert  her  claim  to  her  whole  limits,  as  defined  by 
her  statutes  previous  to  annexation,  or  she  can  no  longer  be  entitled 
to  the  rank  of  a  sovereign  state.  If  her  domain  is  to  be  severed  and 
formed  into  separate  states  without  her  consent,  she  sinks  into  the 
rank  of  a  mere  territory.  If  such  was  the  desire  of  the  general 
government  previous  to  annexation,  the  fact  should  have  been  made 
public,  and  the  people  of  Texas  in  voting  for  "annexation  and  its 
contingencies'  would  have  rejected  a  territorial  government  even 
with  a  union  to  the  mother  country  with  utter  contempt.  +  *  ♦ 
The  title  of  Texas  to  Santa  Fe  was  as  valid  as  its  title  to  Point 
Isabel,    Laredo    and    the    intermediate    towns    on    the    Rio    Grande. 

*  *  *  Texas  will  maintain  her  rights.  *  *  *  if  (he  general 
government  will  place  itself  in  the  position  that  Mexico  occupied 
before  annexation,  Texas  will  be  forced  by  circumstances  beyond 
her  control  to  resume  her  old  position.  She  was  then  at  war  with 
Mexico,  and  if  the  general  government  assumes  the  position  of 
Mexico,  Texas  will  be  at  war   with  her.     The   result   is  inevitable. 

*  *  *  We  hope  that  the  legislature  will  promptly  comply  with 
the  recommendations  of  Governor  Wood,  and  we  are  confident  that 
the  people  of  Texas  will  to  a  man  sustain  them  with  the  whole 
resources  of  the  state.  The  banner  of  the  Lone  Star  shall  again  be 
unfurled — not  for  offense,  but  for  defense,  and  those  who  were  fore- 
most to  cry  aloud  for  annexation  will  be  foremost  to  sever  the 
country   from  the  LTnion  that  embraces  but  to  crush  and  destroy." 

A  change  of  executives  occurred  on  December  21st.  The  third  gov- 
ernor of  the  state,  P.  H.  Bell,  also  owed  his  elevation  largely  to  his 
(jualities  as  a  soldier.  But  Governor  Bell  did  not  court  danger.  He  was 
equally  emphatic  that  the  rights  of  Texas  must  be  maintained,  and  he 
was  not  averse  to  an  early  settlement  by  force  if  there  was  no  other  way 
of  adjusting  the  difficulty.  But  meanwhile  he  asked  that  authority  be 
conferred  on  the  executive  to  negotiate  with  the  general  government 
for  the  sale  and  transfer  of  the  right  of  sovereignty  to  the  United  States 
of  all  that  portion  of  Texas  north  of  36°  30'.  The  legislature  instructed 
the  governor  to  appoint  a  commissioner  to  organize  the  counties  of 
Presidio,  EI  Paso.  Worth  and  Santa  Fe.  It  also  passed  a  resolution 
asserting  the  claim  of  Texas  to  her  western  boundary  and  that  "Texas 
will  maintain  the  integrity  of  her  territory."  The  Texan  commissioner, 
R.  S.  Neighbors,  visited  Santa  Fe  in  April,  1850,  but  was  opposed  in 
his  efforts  by  the  officers  of  the  United  States  at  every  point.  In  fact, 
the  military  commander  issued  his  proclamation  for  a  convention  to 
organize  a  state  government  while  the  Texan  commissioner  was  at 
.Santa  Fe.  The  commissioner  made  his  report  to  the  governor  on  June 
4th,  and  the  latter  immediately  laid  il  before  the  |)ublic.  It  caused 
great  indignation,  but,  since  the  legislature  was  not  in  session  and  had 
made  no  provision  for  aggressive  measures  before  adjournment,  no  imme- 
diate steps  of  any  .sort  could  be  taken.  The  governor  again  protested  to 
the  president,  but,  receiving  no  reply  within  a  reasonable  time,  he  con- 
vened the  legislature  to  meet  about  the  middle  of  .August.     In  his  message 


364  lllSIOkV  ()!•    TI'.XAS 

he  recommended  the  adoption  of  "such  measures  as  are  necessary  for  the 
occupation  of  Santa  Fe  with  a  force  ample  to  quell  the  rebellious  spirit 
now  prevailing  there,  and  to  enable  us  to  firmly  establish  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  state  over  it."  Governor  Bell  also  referred  to  the  measures  pend- 
ing in  Congress  for  the  establishment  of  a  government  for  New  Mexico, 
with  a  boundary  extending  south  to  the  thirty-second  parallel  and  east 
to  the  100th  meridian,  and  that  it  was  proposed  to  pay  a  certain  sum  to 
Texas  for  her  claims  to  the  territory  so  unceremoniously  lopped  oflF. 
"However  willing  Texas  may  have  been  and  may  still  be  to  dispose  of 
a  portion  of  her  northwestern  territory,  upon  fair,  equitable  and  honor- 
able terms,"  he  said,  "I  cannot  believe  that  any  party  respectable  for  its 
numbers  or  intelligence  will  be  found  amongst  us  who  would  be  willing 
to  accept  a  proposition  so  degrading  to  the  character  and  dignity  of  the 
state." 

A  joint  committee  of  the  legislature  recommended  maintaining  the 
rights  of  the  state  and  the  enforcement  of  its  jurisdiction  over  Santa  Fe 
territory,  the  use  of  the  entire  resources  of  the  state  for  this  purpose 
and  the  raising  and  equipping  of  at  least  3,000  rangers,  and  marching 
without  delay  to  the  scene  of  the  insurrection.  These  recommendations 
were  accompanied  by  appropriate  bills.  "In  the  whole  course  of  our  long 
residence  in  Texas,"  said  the  editor  of  the  State  Gazette  (Austin),  "we 
have  never  seen  among  the  people  so  much  unanimity  and  enthusiasm 
as  prevails  at  this  time  ♦  *  *  upon  the  subject  of  the  enforcement 
of  our  jurisdiction  over  Santa  Fe."  However,  at  the  time  matters  were 
thus  approaching  a  climax  at  home,  the  forces  of  compromise  in  Con- 
gress, which  had  floundered  for  months  through  interminable  debate, 
began  to  make  definite  progress.  On  July  9,  General  Taylor  died.  His 
policy  was  regarded  by  Texans  as  inimical  to  their  interests;  his  criti- 
cism of  Texans  had  engendered  resentment.  President  Fillmore 
promptly  replied  to  Governor  Bell's  protest,  and  sent  a  message  to  Con- 
gress urging  immediate  settlement  of  the  boundary  question.  Daniel 
Webster,  the  secretary  of  state,  in  conveying  the  president's  message  to 
Governor  Bell,  argued  in  a  masterful  way  for  moderation.  Both  he  and 
the  president  asserted  that  the  president  was  powerless  to  settle  the 
dispute — that  the  matter  rested  wih  Congress.  The  senate  without  delay 
passed  the  Pearce  bill.  Both  Houston  and  Rusk  voted  for  this  bill.  Its 
provisions  began  to  occupy  public  attention.  Preparations  for  resistance 
by  the  legislature  ceased  and  it  adjourned. 

As  soon  as  the  governor  received  official  notice  of  the  passage  of  the 
Pearce  bill,  he  ordered  an  election  at  which  the  people  were  to  express 
their  approval  or  disapproval  of  the  propositions  contained  in  this  bill. 
.'\nother  extra  session  of  the  legislature  was  called,  which  met  November 
18.  "I  have  much  pleasure,"  said  Governor  Bell,  "in  congratulating 
you  on  the  improved  auspices  under  which  we  meet  for  the  tranquillity 
and  peace  of  the  state,  and  the  amicable  adjustment  of  all  matters  of 
difference  which  were  likely  to  arise  with  the  federal  government  in 
respect  to  our  territorial  limits."  The  governor  was  enabled  to  adopt 
this  positive  tone  of  assurance  because  a  majoritv  of  the  voters  had  been 
favorable  to  the  acceptance  of  the  terms  submitted  by  Congress.  The 
legislature  lost   no  time  in  ratifying  their  decision.     Texas  gave  up  her 


JllSTORV  UF  TEXAS  365 

claims  to  territory  lying  north  and  west  of  the  present  boundary  of  the 
Panhandle,  and  received  in  exchange  therefor  $10,000,000  in  United 
States  bonds,  bearing  five  per  cent  interest  and  payable  after  fourteen 
years.  The  far-reaching  benefits  of  this  act  will  appear  in  the  succeed- 
ing chapters  on  the  public  debt,  prosperity  and  frontier  troubles. 

As  defined  by  statute  the  Texas-New  Mexico  boundary  begins  where 
the  parallel  of  36°  30'  north  latitude  is  intersected  by  the  103d  meridian 
of  west  longitude,  "thence  her  boundary  shall  run  due  south  to  the  32d 
degree  of  north  latitude,  thence  on  said  parallel  of  32  degrees  of  north 
latitude  of  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  and  thence  with  the  channel  of  said 
river  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico."  .\  survey  of  this  line  was  provided  for 
by  an  act  of  Congress  passed  in  1858,  and  actual  work  began  the  follow- 
ing year  under  the  supervision  of  John  H.  Clark,  commissioner  of  the 
United  States.  Starting  on  the  Rio  Grande,  Clark  marked  the  32d 
parallel  a  distance  of  211  miles  to  the  point  where  his  measurements  told 
him  it  crossed  the  103d  meridian.  There  he  established  a  corner.  He 
surveyed  north  from  this  corner  a  distance  of  twenty-four  miles,  but 
•.vas  prevented  from  proceeding  farther  by  want  of  water.  Therefore, 
he  began  at  the  northwest  corner  of  Texas  and  ran  south  156  miles  along 
ihe  103d  meridian.  An  interval  of  130  miles  between  the  nearest  ter- 
minal points  of  the  lines  marked  by  Clark  remained  unsurveyed.  The 
war  between  the  states  caused  final  action  on  the  .survey  to  be  delayed 
until  1891,  but  during  that  year  both  the  United  States  and  Texas 
accepted  the  same. 

.Since  Clark  had  not  established  the  principal  points  of  his  survey  by 
astronomical  observation,  doubt  had  always  existed  whether  or  not  he 
had  determined  the  true  103d  meridian.  The  federal  general  land  office 
in  1903  caused  the  103d  meridian  to  be  established  by  astronomical 
observation.  The  result  showed  that  the  Clark  line  intersected  the  par- 
allel of  36°  30'  a  fraction  over  two  miles  west  of  the  true  meridian  and 
that  it  intersected  the  32d  parallel  ,i  little  over  three  and  three-fourths 
miles  west  of  the  103d  meridian. 

This,  then,  was  the  situation  in  1910:  the  act  of  1850  defined  the 
boundary  as  the  103d  meridian  :  the  acts  of  the  United  States  and  the 
state  of  Texas  in  1891  accepted  the  Clark  survey  as  the  boundary;  the 
two  were  by  no  means  identical.  The  jieople  of  New  Mexico  naturally 
objected  to  Clark's  survey  because  it  encroached  upon  their  territory, 
and  in  the  constitution  adopted  for  the  --tale  of  New  Mexico  in  January, 
1911,  the  103d  meridian  wa>.  (-al'eH  fnr  i--  the  eastern  boundary  of  the 
state  from  the  37th  to  the  .>2d  ii-inllcK.  The  cf)nstitution  was  submitted 
to  Congress  for  approval  on  Febnr"-v  10.  To  rietermine  the  matter 
finally  Congress  passed  a  joint  resolution  reaffirming  the  boundary  line, 
because   the  United   .States  and   tlv   <'•''■•  nf   Texas  had   patented   lands 

ha.sed   upon   the   Clark   linos.   (It ".iJnn   ,,f   the   constitution   of   New 

Mexico  in  conflict  with  ihi-  r'- c'li'''  •'  ■•  ■'•;  r'<''-l;ircd  to  be  of  no  force, 
and  provision  was  made  for  remarking  the  Clark  lines  and  completing 
the  survev  bv  nmning  a  straight  line  between  the  nearest  terminal  points. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 
THE  PUBLIC  DEBT 

At  the  time  of  annexation  Texas  owed  between  eight  and  ten  mil- 
lions of  dollars.  The  interest  on  this  debt  had  never  been  paid,  hence 
it  was  growing  rapidly.  The  only  resource  Texas  had  with  which  to 
pay  the  debt  was  the  public  lands,  which,  by  the  terms  of  annexation, 
were  dedicated  to  this  purpose. 

At  the  session  of  the  first  legislature  a  committee  was  appointed  to 
consider  ways  and  means  for  paying  the  debt.  In  its  report,  dated  March 
1,  1846.  it  said:  "Your  committee  are  confident  the  people  of  Texas 
feel  keenly  the  vs'eight  of  this  obligation,  and  are  anxious  to  meet  it. 
*  *  *  Unfortunately,  however,  for  Texas  *  *  *  her  population 
has  not  increased  with  the  rapidity  which  might  have  been  anticipated 
from  the  salubrity  of  her  climate  and  the  fertility  of  her  soil.  Her 
resources  and  ability  for  raising  revenue  from  direct  taxation  cannot, 
for  many  years  to  come,  exceed  the  urgent  and  indispensable  wants  of 
her  domestic  administration.  Nor  can  it  be  denied  that  annexation, 
however  important  and  advantageous  to  the  country  in  other  respects, 
has,  by  destroying  the  revenue  arising  from  the  customs,  taken  from  us  a 
growing  source  of  revenue,  which  might  in  a  short  time  have  afforded 
efficient  means  of  providing  for  the  public  creditors.  However  strong, 
therefore,  may  be  the  desire  of  the  country  to  provide  for  its  creditors, 
it  has  no  ability  of  doing  so  except  through  the  means  of  public  lands." 
Sale  of  the  public  lands  to  the  United  .States  was  recommended,  but  the 
latter  probably  did  not  care  to  buy. 

The  committee  commented  on  the  character  of  the  debt ;  they  said : 
"The  fact  that  the  debt  was  contracted  during  a  revolutionary  struggle 
constitutes  no  reason  *  *  *  why  we  should  not  pay  it  in  honesty 
and  good  faith.  They,  nevertheless,  think  that  she  should  be  bound  to 
return  to  the  public  creditors  only  what,  according  to  just  average,  they 
paid  her  for  her  securities,  with  the  rate  of  interest  stipulated  in  the 
bond  or  other  evidence  of  debt."  Here  is  a  suggestion  for  reducing  or 
scaling  the  debt  which  evoked  protests  from  the  creditors,  and  of  which 
we  shall  hear  more  in  tracing  this  subject : 

An  act  was  approved  March  20.  1848.  "to  provide  for  ascertaining 
the  debt  of  the  late  republic  of  Texas."  The  holders  of  claims  were 
required  to  lay  them  before  the  comptroller  and  auditor,  and  the  latter 
were  directed  to  classify  them  and  reduce  them  to  the  actual  par  value 
which  the  republic  realized.  By  another  act  it  was  provided  that  the 
creditors  might  exchange  their  claims,  as  determined  by  the  auditorial 
board,  for  land  certificates  at  ilie  rate  of  fiftv  cents  an  acre.  Land 
certificates,  however,  were  at  that  date  selling  for  much  less  than  fifty 
cents  per  acre.  consequentK-  very  few  creditors  settled  their  claims  on 
this  basis. 

In  the  meantime  the  subject  of  the  Texas-New  Mexico  boundary  had 
come  to  the  front  in  Congress,  and  through  the  skillful  management  of 
the  Texas  creditors  the  settlement  of  the  public  debt  became  inseparably 
with  it.  Texas  had  twice  pledged  herself  to  care  for  her  public  debt, 
.^t  this  time  she  was  not  trying  to  evade  her  obligations,  but  she  insisted 
on  having  her  own  wav  in  settling  her  own  business.     However,   for  a 

366 


HISTORY  Ol-   TEXAS  367 

portion  of  the  Texan  liabilities  the  income  from  import  duties  had  been 
specitically  pledged.  Through  annexation  these  duties  inured  to  the 
exclusive  benefit  of  ihe  United  States.  Certain  members  of  Congress 
argued  that  a  transfer  of  the  security  carried  with  it  responsibility  for 
the  debt.  This  view  was  acquiesced  in  by  a  sufficient  number  in  Congress 
to  insert  in  the  boundary  act  a  provision  that  five  millions  of  the  bonds, 
issued  to  Texas  in  consideration  of  the  loss  of  land  sufTered  in  adjusting 
the  boundary,  should  be  retained  in  the  United  States  treasury  in  order 
that  the  United  .Slates  might  be  enabled  to  take  receipts  from  the  cred- 
itors whose  claims  were  secured  bv  a  pledge  of  the  customs  duties  and 
thus  jjrotect  herself  for  the  future.  Of  course,  the  bonds  were  Texan 
property,  and  could  be  paid  out  only  on  orders  from  the  Texan  govern- 
ment. The  state  agreed  to  this  arrangement,  although  the  guardianshij) 
assumed  by  the  United  States  was  extremely  distasteful  to  many. 

The  fact  that  Texas  was  thus  quite  unexpectedly  ])laced  in  ])Ossessi()ri 
of  means  a])])arently  ample  to  satisfy  all  her  creditors  caused  great  activ- 
ity among  llu-  latter.  The  protests  against  the  scaling  of  their  claims 
became  voluminous,  (  )n  the  other  hand,  Texas  experienced  all  the  sen- 
sations resulting  from  suddenly  acquired  wealth,  and,  no  doubt,  many 
occupied  much  time  in  planning  wavs  of  spending  it  in  the  upbuilding 
and  enrichment  of  ilie  st;ite. 

Five  millions  in  United  States  bonds  were  turned  over  to  Texas  early 
in  1852.  I'romjjth  ;m  act  was  passed.  Jantiarv  31,  "providing  for  the 
li(piidation  and  jmymeiit  of  the  debt  of  the  late  re[)ublic  of  Texas."  This 
act  a])i)ropriated  S2.000,000  of  ihe  bonds  in  the  state  treasury  for  the 
l)ayment  of  that  jjortion  of  the  public  debt,  as  reported  by  the  auditorial 
board,  and  accrued  interest  thereon,  which  wa.s  not  secured  by  the 
revenues  from  import  duties.  The  act  further  apjjropriated  the  $5,000,- 
000  in  bonds  retained  in  the  L'nited  States  treasury  to  pay  that  portion 
f)f  the  public  debt,  as  rejiorted  by  the  auditorial  board,  and  accrued 
interest  thereon,  which  was  secured  bv  the  revenues  from  import  duties. 
The  ])avment  of  ihese  last  mentioned  claims,  however,  was  to  be  sus- 
pended until  such  time  as  the  ITniled  States  shall  have  turned  over  to 
Texas  the  whole  of  the  $5,000,000  in  bonds  retained,  in  exchange  for 
relea.ses  from  the  creditors,  or  portions  of  said  bonds  equal  to  the  sums 
for  which  the  state  mav  present  the  required  releases  from  any  portion 
of  the  creditors.  Under  this  act  the  domestic  debt  was  jironiptly  paid, 
btu  for  reasons  stated  in  the  next  |)aragra])h  the  revenue  debt  remained 
unpaid  for  more  than  four  years. 

The  secretary  of  the  treasur\'  of  the  United  States  interpreted  the 
boundary  act  as  specifying  that  all  the  creditors  of  Texas,  whose  claims 
were  secured  by  the  revenue,  must  file  their  releases  before  any  portion 
of  the  bonds  retained  could  be  issued  to  Texas.  Fn  addition  to  this,  the 
secretary  of  the  treasury  construed  llu-  laws  of  Texas  relating  to  the 
|)ublic  debt  in  such  ;i  way  as  to  extend  the  security  of  customs  duties 
to  a  much  larger  (|uantity  of  liabilities  than  the  officers  of  Texas  had 
ever  considered  as  coming  within  sn-li  "inrantee.  These  constructions 
of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  made  it  impossible  to  meet  the  condi- 
tions prescribed  in  the  boundary  act. 

There  were  over  1,600  creditors  from  whom  releases  were  to  be 
obtained.      Some  filed  their  releases  |)romptly.  but   others  refused   to  d<i 


368  PIISTORV  OF  TEXAS 

Ml  because  Texas  had  scaled  their  claims.  Their  action  delayed  the  pay- 
ment of  all.  Since  it  was  the  act  of  the  United  States  that  kept  the 
creditors  from  receiving  their  money,  they  petitioned  Congress  to  amend 
ihe  conditions  of  the  boundary  act  so  as  to  permit  the  payment  of  those 
claims  for  which  the  corresponding  releases  had  been  signed.  However, 
those  members  of  Congress  who  emphasized  the  responsibility  of  the 
United  States  for  the  payment  of  the  revenue  debt  of  Texas  opposed 
such  an  amendment  because  it  implied  acquiescence  by  the  United  States 
in  the  scaling  that  Texas  had  done.  But,  in  view  of  the  construction 
placed  upon  the  laws  of  Texas  relating  to  the  public  debt  by  the  secre- 
tary of  the  treasury,  the  $5,000,000  in  bonds  retained  in  the  treasury 
were  by  no  means  sufficient  to  pay  the  secured  claims  at  their  face  value. 
Having  complicated  matters  in  this  manner,  the  subject  was  permitted 
to  drag  through  several  sessions  of  Congress  to  the  great  injury  of  those 
creditors  who  were  willing  to  settle  for  their  claims.  The  revenue  debt 
was  finally  disposed  of  by  an  act  approved  February  28.  1835.  This  act 
appro])riated  in  lieu  of  the  $5,000,000  in  bonds,  retained  in  the  United 
.States  treasury,  the  sum  of  $7,750,000  cash,  to  be  apportioned  among 
the  creditors  pro  rata.  Before  this  could  go  into  efTect  the  legislature 
of  Texas  was  required  to  give  its  assent  to  the  act,  and  to  "abandon  all 
claims  and  demands  against  the  United  States,  growing  out  of  Indian 
depredations  or  otherwise."  The  $5,000,000  in  bonds,  principal  and 
interest,  were  estimated  to  amount  to  $6,500,000.  The  additional  $1,250,- 
000  was  allowed  to  set  off  a  claim  of  $3,800,000  preferred  by  Texas 
against  the  United  States  for  depredations  committed  by  United  States 
Indians  in  Texas  since  1836. 

Governor  Pease  submitted  the  act  of  Congress  to  the  voters  of  Texas 
for  approval  or  rejection,  as  Governor  Bell  had  done  in  the  case  of  the 
boundary  act.  "There  was  powerful  onpo^ition  to  its  acceptance,  led 
by  some  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  state."'  However,  only  25,427  of  the 
45,000  who  participated  in  the  election  expressed  themselves  in  regard 
to  this  act :  13,818  voted  to  reject.  The  governor  did  not  consider  this 
vote  a  fair  test  of  public  opinion,  and,  therefore,  urged  the  legislature 
to  give  its  assent  to  the  same.  "The  friends  and  opponents  of  this  meas- 
ure were  so  equally  divided  that  the  result  remained  long  in  doubt,"-  but 
it  was  finally  carried,  the  votes  in  both  the  house  and  the  senate  being 
very  close.  The  act  received  the  governor's  approval  February  1,  1856. 
The  principal  objection  to  the  act  seems  to  have  been  the  condition  re- 
quiring that  the  creditors  of  Texas  be  paid  at  the  United  States  treasury. 
The  scaling  that  Texas  had  done,  while  not  adopted  in  toto.  was  followed 
in  jirinciple.  for  the  amount  approt)riated.  .S7. 750,000.  had  to  satisfy 
claims  aggregating  the  sum  of  $10,078,703.21.  The  pro  rata  was  nearly 
76  9  10  cents  on  the  dollar.  The  comptroller  of  Texas  was  sent  tn 
Washington  to  inspect  and  verify  all  claims  presented  for  payment  in 
order  to  protect  the  state  against  frauds. 

In  the  manner  described  above  Texas  discharged  her  debt  without 
resort  to  taxation.  After  paying  the  debt,  a  considerable  surplus  re- 
mained in  the  state  treasury.  That  the  national  debt  was  paid  off  within 
twenty  years  after  declaration  of  independence  is  in  itself  a  remarkable 
piece  of  good  fortune  and  wise  management. 

'  Brown.  History  of  Texas  II.  367. 
VWrf. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

Prosperity  and  Progress,  1846-1860 

The  war  with  Mexico  marked  the  beginning  of  a  period  of  rapid 
growth  in  the  population  and  wealth  of  Texas,  which  was  arrested  only 
by  the  paralyzing  effects  of  the  war  between  the  states.  The  Mexican 
war,  the  boundary  question  and  the  public  debt  had  furnished  excellent 
material  for  giving  publicity  to  Texas  throughout  the  Union.  Fertile 
lands,  genial  climate,  bovmtiful  harvests,  pre-emption  titles  for  the  land- 
less, cheap  lands  for  the  planter,  low  taxes,  protected  homestead,  oppor- 
tunity for  adventure  and  the  absence  of  a  large  slave  population  were 
some  of  the  things  that  attracted  hardy,  enterprising  settlers.  During 
the  decade  from  1850  to  18()0  Texas  was  exceeded  in  growth  of  popu- 
lation by  four  other  states  only — California,  Oregon,  Iowa,  and 
Minnesota. 

PoPUL.\TION   OF  TeX.\S 

Year  White  Slave  Free  colored  Total 

1846* 102.961  .^8.75.1            295  142,009 

1850 154,034  58.161             397  212.592 

1860 421.41 1  180.682            339  602.432 

♦State  Census. 

Texas  ranked  twenty-fifth  in  iiopulation  among  the  thirty -one  states 
in  1850,  and  twenty-third  among  the  thirty-three  states  in  1860. 

The  rapid  growth  in  population  signified  the  occupation  of  large  areas 
of  the  wild  lands  of  the  state.  The  rapidity  with  which  the  line  of  the 
frontier  was  pushed  back  is  shown  in  a  striking  manner  by  lists  of  the 
new  counties  created  in  successive  years.  Omitting  the  names  of  the 
counties  created  in  1846.  whose  creation  was  delayed  by  obstacles  afforded 
by  the  constitution  of  the  republic,  the  following  constitute  the  annual  or 
biennial  tiers  added  from  1848  to  1858: 

1848.  Caldwell,  Cameron,  Cooke.  Gillespie,  Hays.  Kaufman,  Medina. 
Santa  Fe.  .Starr.  Van  Zandt.  Webb,  and  Williamson — twelve  counties. 

1849.  Ellis  and  Tarrant — two  counties. 

1850.  Bell.  El  Paso,  Falls.  Freestone,  Kinney,  McLennan.  Presidio. 
Trinity.  Uvalde,  ^^^ood  and  Worth — eleven  counties. 

1852.  Burnet.  Hidalgo  and  Orange — three  counties. 

1853.  Hill  and  Madison — t\\'o  counties. 

1854.  Bosque.  Corvell.   Johnson  and  Karnes — four  counties. 

1855.  Parker — one  county. 

1856.  Ata.scosa.  Bandera.  Brown.  Comanche.  Erath.  Jack.  Kerr. 
T-ampasas,  Live  Oak,  Llano.  Maverick,  McCulloch.  Palo  Pinto.  San 
Saba,  \\'ise  and  Young — sixteen  counties. 

1857.  Bee,  Clay  and  Montague — three  counties. 

1858.  Archer,  Baylor.  Blanco.  Buchanan,  Callahan.  Chambers,  Cole- 
man. Concho,  Dawson,  Dimmit,  Duxal.  F.astland.  Edwards.  Encinal,  Frio. 
Hamilton,  Hardeman,  Hardin.  Haskell.  Jones.  Kimble.  Knox,  La  Salle, 
Mason.    McMullcn,    Menard.    Runnels,    Shackelford,    Stephens,    Taylor, 

369 
vor,.  1—21 


370  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

Tlirockmorton,     Wichita,     \Mlbarf:;er.     Zapata     and     Zavala — thirty-five 
counties. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  lerrilury  occui)ied  by  these  new  counties — 
eighty-nine  in  number — embraced  all  that  portion  of  the  state  east  of  the 
100th  meridian  of  west  longitude. 

In  the  previous  chapter  an  account  was  given  of  the  manner  in  which 
Texas  paid  her  public  debt.  Relief  from  this  great  burden  early  in  the 
fifties  added  a  great  impetus  to  the  ])ublic  enterprise  of  the  state.  Re- 
markable as  the  growth  and  expansion  of  jjopulation  just  shown  had 
been,  it  was  outstripped  in  the  increase  of  wealth :  the  population  in 
1860  was  four  times  that  of  IS-U);  the  taxable  values  in  1860  were  eight 
times  greater  than  those  of  1846. 

Rate  of 
Year  Taxable  values         taxation  on  $100 

1846 $34,391,175  $0.20 

1847 .37,562.505  .20 

1848 43,812,537  .20 

1849 46.241,589  .20 

1850 51,814,615  .15 

1851 69,739,581  .15 

1852 80,754,094  .15 

1853 99,155,114  .15 

1854 126,981,617  .15 

1855 149,521,451  .15 

1856 161,304,025  .15 

1857 183,594,205  .15 

1858 193.636,818  .12 

1859 224,353,266  .12 

1860 294.315,659  .12 

With  the  increase  in  population  and  wealth  there  arose  a  demand  for 
better  transportation  facilities  than  were  supplied  by  the  ox  wagon  and 
stage  coach.  Attention  was  first  directed  toward  the  improvement  of  the 
rivers  and  bays.  Karlv  in  the  fifties  a  private  company  ojiened  a  canal 
connecting  Galveston  Bav  and  Brazos  River.  The  Legislature  passed 
an  act  in  1853  appro])riating  S264,500,  in  sums  ranging  from  $1,000  to 
$37,500.  for  work  on  nineteen  different  projects.  The  subject  of  internal 
imi)rovements  being  a  mooted  question,  this  act  was  submitted  to  a  vote 
of  the  people  before  becoming  effective,  and  at  their  hands  it  met  de- 
feat. Governor  Pease  recommended  a  renewal  of  appropriations  for  the 
improvement  of  the  waterways,  and  attributed  the  defeat  of  the  former 
law  not  to  opposition  to  the  principles  involved,  but  to  the  fact  that  the 
act  "made  insufficient  appropriations  for  those  streams  susceptible  of 
beine  improved,  while  it  contained  iiianv  appropriations  for  objects  of 
questionable  utilitv."  A  general  act  for  the  improvement  of  waterways 
was  passed  in  1856.  It  appropriated  S300.000  for  this  purpose,  to  he 
allotted  in  amounts  ranging  from  $1,000  to  $50,000,  but  each  locality 
desiring  state  aid  imder  the  terms  of  this  act  was  required  to  contribute 
an  amount  equal  to  one-fourth  of  the  appropriation  desired.  The  con- 
tracts for  the  improvements  required  the  approval  of  the  state  engineer. 
Following  is  a  list  of  the  improvements   that   were  undertaken  and   the 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  371 

work  on  which  was  either  completed  nr  well  under  \\  ;i\   when  interrupted 
by  the  breaking  out  of  the  war : 

Rivers,  Bays.  Etc.  Section  Appropriation 

Western  bays — Aransas.  Espiritu  Santo  and  Matagorda $47,500 

(iuadalupe  River — From  mouth  to  Victoria 22,950 

Colorado  River — Canal  around  raft 35,000 

Colorado  River — From  raft  to  Wharton 11.240 

San  Bernard — From  mouth  to  railroad  crossing 3,900 

Brazos  River — From  Columbia  to  Washington 50,000 

Oyster  Creek — From  Galveston  and  Brazos  Canal  to  Retrieve     3.833 
Galveston  and  San  Luis  bays — From  Galveston  city  to  Galves- 
ton and  Brazos  Canal 16,875 

Galveston  Bay— Red   Fish   Bar 6,250 

San  Jacinto  River — Clopper's  Bar 22,725 

Buffalo  Bayou — From  Houston  down 22,500 

Trinity  River — Bar  at  mouth 15.120 

Sabine  Bar— 700  yards 1 5,000 

.Sabine  River — From  Turner's   Ferry  to  Logansport 31,455 

Sabine  River — From  Logansport  to  Bacon's  Bluff 20,000 

Neches  Bar— 600  yards 3.000 

Meches  and  Angelina  rivers — From  Bacon's  Bluff  to  Worden's 

Ferry  on  the  Angelina  River 18.161 

Rig  Cypress  Bavou  and  Caddo  Lake — From  state  line  to  Jef- 
ferson     '. 21 ,298 

The  topography  of  Texas  made  it  impossible  for  waterways  to  serve 
any  large  portion  of  the  state.  The  construction  of  railways  was,  there- 
fore, advocated  and  encouraged  with  great  liberality.  Railway  pro- 
moters received  generous  contributions  of  land,  labor,  money  and  mate- 
rials of  construction  from  the  citizens  along  the  proposed  routes.  The 
.state,  too,  adopted  measures  for  aiding  in  the  building  of  railways.  The 
constitution  of  1845  provided  for  the  creation  of  a  permanent  school  fund 
by  appropriating  for  this  purpose  one-tenth  of  all  revenue  raised  by  tax- 
ation. $2,000,000  in  United  States  bonds  were  added  to  this  fund  in 
1854.  To  provide  a  method  of  investing  this  fund  so  that  it  would  be 
safe  and  yield  a  return,  an  act  was  passed  in  1856  which  made  it  pos- 
sible for  railroad  companies  to  borrow  at  six  per  cent  $6,000  for  every 
mile  of  completed  road.  Loans  from  this  fund  were  made  to  the  fol- 
lowing companies : 

Houston  &  Texas  Central $450,000  75         miles 

Buffalo  Bavou.  Brazos  &  Colorado 420.000  70         miles 

Texas  &  New  Orleans 4.10.000  71  2  '3  miles 

Houston  Tap  &  Brazoria ,100.000  50         miles 

.Southern  Pacific   (Texas  &  Pacific) 150.000  25         miles 

Washington    County    Railroad 66,000  ]  1         miles 


$1,816,000 

In   addition  to   lending  money   to   the   railroads,   the   state  by   an   act 
jiassed  in  1854  donated  to  the  railro.ids  sixteen  640-,Tcri-  sections  nf  land 


i71  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

for  eacli  mile  of  completed  road.  The  railroads  were  required  to  sur- 
vey the  lands  at  their  own  expense,  in  double  the  amount  they  were  to 
receive,  and  the  alternate  sections  of  the  lands  so  surveyed  remained  the 
jiroperty  of  the  state. 

The  railroad  mileage  constructed  from  1853  to  1862,  by  years,  is  as 
follows : 

1853 20  miles 

1854 12  miles 

1855 8  miles 

1856 31  miles 

1857 86  miles 

1858 48  miles 

1859 79  miles 

1860 23  miles 

1861 85  miles 

1862 59  miles 

Construction  ceased  in  1862  and  was  not  resumed  till  after  the  war. 

The  following  is  a  brief  synopsis  of  the  history  of  the  eleven  railway 
companies  that  constructed  lines  in  Texas  before  the  war :  (1)  The 
lUiffalo  Bayou.  Brazos  and  Colorado  Railroad  was  the  pioneer.  It  was 
begun  at  Flarrisburg  in  1852,  and  the  first  locomotive  was  placed  on  it 
that  year.  Twenty  miles  were  conii)lcted  by  August  1,  1853.  It  was 
extended  to  Alley  ton.  eighty  miles.  (2)  The  Houston  and  Texas  Cen- 
tral placed  its  first  locomotive  on  the  road  in  1856,  at  which  time  it  had 
two  miles  of  track  out  of  Houston.  It  had  reached  Millican,  eighty 
miles,  when  construction  ceased.  (3)  The  ^^'ashington  County  Railroad 
was  begun  in  1857  and  in  1860  extended  from  Hempstead  to  Brenham. 
twenty-one  miles.  (4)  The  Galveston,  Houston  and  Henderson  was 
begun  at  X'irginia  Point  in  1854;  it  reached  Houston  in  1858.  The  next 
year  a  bridge  was  constructed  across  Calveston  Bay,  and  in  1860  the 
road  extended  from  Galveston  to  Houston,  fifty  miles.  (5)  The  Hous- 
ton Ta[)  and  Brazoria  Railroad  was  built  by  the  city  of  Houston  in  1856 
from  Houston  to  Pierce  Junction,  .seven  miles,  to  connect  with  the  Buf- 
falo Bayou,  Brazos  and  Colorado  Railroad.  In  1859  it  was  sold,  and 
by  the  ])urchasers  extended  to  Columbia  on  the  Brazos,  fifty  miles.  (6) 
\\'ork-  was  begun  on  the  Texas  and  New  Orleans  Railway  at  Houston  in 
1858.  and  by  January  1,  1861.  had  been  completed  to  Orange  on  the 
Sabine  River.  Ill  miles.  (7)  The  Eastern  Texas  Railroad  was  built 
from  .Sabine  Pass  to  Beaumont  in  1860.  twenty-five  miles.  (8)  The  San 
Antonio  and  Mexican  Gulf  Railway  was  begun  in  1856  and  completed  in 
1861  :  it  extended  from  Port  Lavaca  to  Victoria,  twenty-eight  miles. 
("9)  The  Indianola  Railway  was  begun  in  1858  and  built  from  that  ])Ort 
to  a  junction  on  the  .San  Antonio  and  Mexican  Gulf  Railway,  fifteen 
miles.  (10)  The  .Southern  Pacific  began  construction  in  1856  and  by 
1859  had  completed  its  line  from  Marshall  to  the  state  line,  twenty-seven 
miles.  (11)  The  Memphis,  El  Paso  and  Pacific  Railway  built  five  miles 
of  road  from  Jet^'erson  toward  Lake  Caddo. 

An  effort  to  construct  a  telegraph  line  from  Houston  to  Galveston 
was  made  in    1853.     The  overland  portion  of  the  line   was  erected,  but 


HISTOKV  Ul-   TEXAS  373 

till-  bay  presented  an  insuperable  ubstacle  for  several  years.  In  1858  a 
working  line  was  completed  between  the  two  cities.  The  success  of  this 
line  induced  the  owners  to  form  the  Star  State  Telegraph  Company 
which  built  a  line  out  of  Houston  along  the  Texas  and  New  Orleans 
l\ailroad,  completing  it  as  far  as  Liberty  in  1863. 

The  constitution  designated  Austin  as  the  seat  of  government  until 
1850.  By  a  vote  of  the  people  the  seat  of  government  was  fixed  at 
.\ustin  in  that  year.  Up  to  this  date  all  the  governmental  oftices  were 
housed  in  temporary  wooden  buildings,  erected  for  the  most  part  in  1839. 
I'.ven  if  the  treasury  had  warranted  it,  which  it  did  not,  there  would  have 
been  opposition  to  the  construction  of  permanent  buildings  until  the 
(jucstion  of  the  location  of  the  capital  was  settled.  A  fireproof  building 
for  the  land  office  was  provided  for  in  1850.  A  portion  of  the  United 
States  indemnity  bonds  was  used  in  providing  proper  public  buildings 
.\  ca|)itol  came  first.  Acts  passed  in  1852  and  1853  appropriated 
."si 50,000  for  this  purpose.  It  was  considered  a  handsome  and  substan- 
tial building  in  its  time,  but  afforded  accommodation  only  for  the  legis- 
Lilure,  sujireme  court  and  state  library.  A  fireproof  building  for  the 
treasurer  and  comptroller  was  provided  for  by  acts  passed  in   1853  and 

1854.  The  governor's  mansion  followed  in  1854;  ])rior  to  that  the  gov- 
ernor occupied  rented  C[uarters.  A  state  cemetery  was  laid  out  in  1854 ; 
the  sudden  death  of  General  lulward  Burleson  during  the  session  of  the 
legislature  was  the  ininiediate  cause  for  it :  he  was  the  first  laid  to  re-^' 
in  that  sacred  place. 

The  adjutant  general's  office  was  burned  by  incendiaries  in  October, 

1855.  This  olilice  contained  all  the  original  archives  of  the  war  and  navy 
departments  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  and  their  destruction  was  an  irre- 
parable loss  to  the  state.  To  avoid  the  repetition  of  a  similar  disaster, 
(iovernor  Pease  urged  upon  the  legislature  that  the  state  department  be 
])rovided  with  a  fireproof  Iniilding.  Tiiis  was  done  by  providing  a  larger 
and  more  commodious  building  for  the  land  office,  and  then  turning  over 
to  the  secretary  of  state,  attorney  general  and  governor  for  ofilces  the 
i)uilding  formerly  occujiied  1)\-  the  land  office. 

The  penitentiary  was  created  by  an  act  passed  in  1848,  and  the  com- 
missioners to  choose  the  site  selected  Huntsville.  The  first  convict  was 
received  in  October,  1849,  and  was  sentenced  from  Fayette  County  for 
horse-stealing.  Cotton  and  woolen  factories  were  erected  in  pursuance 
of  acts  passed  in  185.i  and  1854.  Up  to  1856  the  ])rison  ))0])ulation  did 
not  exceed  100:  from  1857  U<  1861  it  ranged  between  100  and  200  pris- 
oners. In  .'\ugust.  1856.  acts  were  jtassed  providing  fur  the  establish- 
ment of  a  hospital  for  the  insane,  a  school  for  the  blind  and  a  school 
for  the  deaf.  .'Xn  endowment  fund  of  100.000  acres  was  aj)propriated  to 
each  of  these  three  institutions,  and  for  an  orphans'  home  to  be  created. 
The  hospital  was  located  on  the  beautiful  site  it  now  occupies  in  the 
northern  portion  of  .\ustin.  It  was  formally  opened  in  March,  1861. 
with  seven  patients.  The  school  for  the  blind  opened  with  five  pupils 
on  January  1,  1857,  in  rented  (piarters.  In  1858  |)rovisif)n  for  the  pur- 
chase of  a  site  was  made  ;  it  now  occupies  the  grounds  then  acipiired  in 
the  northeastern  part  of  the  city  of  Austin.  The  school  for  the  deaf 
also  opened  in  January.   1857.  and  enrolled  nine  jiupils  during  the  first 


374  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

session.  The  following  year  a  permanent  site  was  purchased,  being  a 
portion  of  the  beautiful  grounds  now  occupied  by  this  school  in  South 
Austin. 

The  salaries  of  all  state  officials  were  placed  at  the  very  lowest 
amount  possible  by  the  convention  of  1845 ;  in  some  cases  the  con- 
stitution went  .so  far  as  to  prohibit  an  increase  of  these  salaries  during 
a  specified  term  of  years.  It  is  to  the  credit  of  succeeding  legislatures 
that  they  remedied  these  acts  of  folly  at  the  earliest  opportunity.  In 
1854  the  salary  of  the  attorney  general  was  increased  from  $1,500  to 
$1,800,  that  of  the  commissioner  of  the  general  land  office  from  $1,500 
to  $2,000,  and  those  of  the  secretary  of  state,  treasurer  and  comptroller 
from  $1,200  to  $1,800.  It  has  been  shown  elsewhere  that  as  soon  as 
the  constitutional  limit  had  expired  substantial  increases  were  made  in 
the  salaries  of  the  governor  and  the  judges  of  the  supreme  and  district 
courts. 

During  the  six  years  beginning  with  1852  and  ending  with  1857. 
nine-tenths  of  the  state  taxes  were  remitted  to  the  counties  to  be  used 
by  them  in  the  construction  of  courthouses,  jails  and  for  other  purposes 
for  which  the  law^  authorized  counties  to  use  their  funds.  The  one-tenth 
not  remitted  was  by  the  constitution  appropriated  to  the  permanent 
school  fund.  The  entire  cost  of  maintaining  the  state  government  and 
of  making  the  numerous  public  improvements  cited  above  during  these 
six  years  was  paid  out  of  the  proceeds  of  the  United  States  indemnity 
bonds. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

BORDER  AND  FRONTIER  TROUBLES.  1849-1860 

Peace  and  securil)  and  a  desire  to  escape  the  heavy  tax  necessary  to 
maintain  them  were  among  the  strongest  motives  felt  in  Texas  for  enter- 
ing the  Union.  The  United  States  assumed  full  responsibility  for  defend- 
ing the  state  against  foreign  aggression,  and  asserted  exclusive  control 
over  the  Indians  residing  within  the  limits  of  the  state.  The  brilliant 
victories  achieved  during  the  Mexican  war  fully  met  the  expectations  of 
the  Texans,  but  the  murder  and  rapine  that  devastated  her  border  and 
frontier  from  1849  till  1861  proved  a  great  disappointment  and  engen- 
dered deep  resentment.  Texas  had  demonstrated  her  ability  to  cope 
with  this  problem  while  a  republic ;  the  failure  of  the  United  States  to 
deal  witli  it  eflfectivoly.  besides  subjecting  the  state  to  great  expense  and 


International  Bridge  at  Brownsville 


the  exposed  sections  to  great  suffering  and  loss,  evoked  hitter  criticism. 
During  the  war  with  Mexico  the  United  States  employed  a  regiment  of 
mounted  volunteers  on  the  Texan  frontier  and  this  afforded  security. 
After  peace  was  made  this  force  was  replaced  by  a  portion  of  the  regu- 
lar troops,  which  were  stationed  at  points  along  the  border.  In  1849 
this  force  numbered  only  .100  men. 

During  the  summer  of  1849  the  region  between  the  Nueces  and  Rio 
Grande  was  invaded  by  large  bodies  of  hostile  and  predatory  Indians. 
The  joint  committee  on  Indian  affairs  reported  to  the  legislature  on 
January  11,  1850.  a  list  of  171  persons  killed,  seven  wounded  and  twenty- 
ilvc  carried  into  captivity  during  the  preceding  year.  In  con.sequence  of 
the  inability  of  the  United  States  troops  to  afford  adequate  protection. 
Governor  Wood  called  out  two  companies  of  mounted  volunteers.  He 
expected  the  United  States  to  reimburse  the  state  for  the  cost  of  main- 
taining these  troops.  His  successor,  in  his  efforts  to  collect  this  money, 
however,  encountered  obstacles  of  a  very  vexing  character.  Governor 
Bell  had  spent  many  years  in  the  defense  of  his  country,  and  knew  what 
was  necessarv   to  afford  protection.     He  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost 

,?75 


376  JllSTUKV  OF  TEXAS 

to  furnish  a  force  with  which  to  put  down  the  marauders.  He  went  in 
person  to  the  headquarters  of  General  Persifer  F.  Smith,  commanding 
this  department,  and  laid  before  him  the  imperative  necessity  for  supply- 
ing immediate  and  adequate  assistance  to  the  unfortunate  inhabitants  of 
the  southwestern  border.  "This  officer,"  said  Governor  Bell,  "with  com- 
mendable promptness,  gave  orders  for  several  companies  of  mounted 
riflemen  to  march  in  the  direction  of  the  scene  of  trouble.  The  great 
object  to  be  obtained,  however,  to  give  complete  security  to  the  lives  and 
property  of  the  sufferers,  was,  nevertheless,  in  my  belief,  by  this  move- 
ment only  half  accomplished.  I  do  not  mean  the  slightest  disparagement 
to  the  troops  of  the  regidar  service.  The  highly  intelligent  and  chivalric 
officers  and  brave  men  who  have  won  laurels  for  the  nation  will  not 
suffer  when  brought  in  contrast  with  any  regular  service  in  the  world ; 
but  the  circumstances  under  which  these  companies  were  to  perform  a 
very  difficult  duty,  and  the  peculiar  nature  and  great  extent  of  the 
country  in  which  they  were  to  operate,  rendered  it  highly  improbable 
that  they  could  do  it  in  a  complete  and  satisfactory  manner. 

"A   large  portion  of   the  mounted   force  despatched  to  the   Rio 
Grande  frontier  was  composed  of  recruits,  but  a  short  time  in  the 
country,  destitute  of  military  experience  on  an  Indian  frontier,  and 
wanting  that  local  knowledge  of  the  country  without  which  even  the 
most  experienced  rangers  are  unable  to  act  with  efficiency.     Their 
horses,  too,  were  unacclimated    [Missouri  horses],  a  serious  draw- 
back, as  all  military  men  well  know,  when  called  on  during  the  heat 
of  summer  to  discharge  active  and  arduous  duties.     Being  fully  per- 
suaded of  the  justness  of  this  view,  I  determined,  if  practicable,  to 
bring  into  the  field  several  companies  of  volunteer  troops  to  act  in 
concert  with  the  regular  force." 
The   governor   called   into   service   three   companies,    commanded    by 
experienced  officers.     He  reported  his  acts  to  the  president,  giving  his 
reasons   for  his  course,   and  requested   "that   the   government   would   at 
once  recognize  the  services  of  these  troops  and  make  such  further  and 
more  permanent  disposition  as  upon  examination  should  be  found  neces- 
sary to  restore  peace  and   security."     The  secretary   of   war   replied   to 
this  letter  by   saying  that  Congress  had  neglected  to  provide   for  addi- 
tional forces,  that  the  rumored   Indian  ho.stilities  were  unfounded,  and 
"that  volunteer  companies  thus  organized,  without  the  sanction,  and  con- 
trary to  the  judgment  of  the  authorities  properly  charged  with  the  de- 
fence of  the  country,  have  a  tendency   to  create  hostilities,  and  rather 
endanger  the  peace  of  the  frontier."     The  governor's  patience  and  cour- 
tesy were  both  upset  by  such  a  reply,  and  he  characterized  its  author  as 
the  source  of  "the  miserable  ])olicy  emanating  from  the  capital." 

In  March.  1853,  a  new  administration  was  inaugurated  at  Washing- 
ton. It  did  not  inaugurate  immediate  changes  in  the  Indian  relations 
on  the  Texan  frontier,  hut  it  placed  the  state  and  federal  officials  on  a 
more  friendly  footing,  in  this  wav  preparing  for  co-operation  and  con- 
cessions. Governor  Bell  was  elected  to  Congress  in  August,  1853.  "The 
system  of  military  defence  hitherto  pursued  by  the  general  government," 
said  Governor  Bell  in  his  last  general  message,  November  9.  "though 
assisted   bv   the   strenuous  efforts  of   the   Indian   bureau     *     *     *     has 


lllS'loKN    OF    IMXAS  377 

evidently  been  inadequate  to  the  task  of  repressing  Indian  murders  and 
depredations.  The  vast  extent  of  country  to  be  protected,  the  imme- 
diate contiguity  of  traci<less  wastes  over  which  the  feet  of  white  men 
rarel}',  if  ever,  tread,  the  numerous  fastnesses  and  places  of  retreat 
known  only  to  the  savage,  the  cunning  of  the  Indian  in  all  his  otifensive 
ofieralions,  the  fieetness  with  which,  when  pressed,  he  can  fly  from  his 
pursuer,  his  hardihood  and  capability  of  enduring  under  extremes  of 
starvation  and  fatigue,  and  the  unsuitable  nature  of  the  military  mate- 
rial that  has  been  employed  by  the  general  government  to  carry  out  their 
policy  must  convince  every  thinking  mind  that  no  hope  can  be  reasonabl\' 
entertained  of  a  change  for  the  better  until  an  alteration  in  the  svsteni 
has  been  effected,  and  ;idditional  means  employed  to  accomplish  the  end." 
Governor  Bell  also  touched  on  the  subject  of  setting  aside  definite 
portions  of  the  vacant  public  lands  for  the  use  of  the  native  tribes 
under  the  control  of  the  Indian  bureau.  The  request  had  originated 
with  the  Indian  bureau,  and  he,  as  well  as  his  successor,  (iovernor 
I 'ease,  recommended  it. 

During  the  summer  of  1854  (ieneral  Smith  made  a  requisition  upon 
Governor  Pease  for  six  companies  of  mounted  vohmteers  to  ser\e  in  a 
campaign  against  the  predator}-  Indians. 

The  troubles  in  Kansas  caused  a  large  portion  of  the  mounted 
troops  that  had  been  stationed  on  the  Texan  frontier  to  be  sent  to 
that  territory  in  the  sumnur  of  1855.  Their  dejjarture  was  a  signal 
for  the  renewal  of  hostile  incursions,  li  was  at  this  time  that  Gov- 
ernor Pease  called  out  a  company  of  mounted  volunteers  under  the 
command  of  Capt.  J.  H.  Callahan,  ("aplain  Callahan  pursued  a  party 
of  hostile  Indians  for  some  distance  across  the  Rio  Grande,  lie  soon 
found  himself  confronted  b_\-  a  large  force  of  Indians  and  Mexicans 
and  with  difliculty  made  his  way  back  to  the  river,  which  he  crossed 
by  burning  I'iedras  Xegras  to  co\er  his  retreat.  His  action  in  the 
matter  was  not  censured  by  the  governor,  but  there  were  not  wanting 
those  who  charged  him  with  designs  other  than  a  desire  to  punish  the 
Indians. 

This  ejiisode  appears  to  have  served  as  a  spur  to  the  federal 
ofticers.  Cieneral  Smith  assured  the  governor  that  he  would  dispose 
companies  of  mounted  riflemen  at  such  |Kjints  as  would  gi\e  protec- 
tion to  the  settlements  which  had  suffered  from  the  Indians,  that  the 
rifle  regiment  would  be  tilled  u\>  to  its  full  complement,  and  that  an 
additional  regiment  of  mounted  men  under  the  command  of  Col.  .\.  S. 
Johnston  would  be  stationed  on  the  Texan  frontier.  Governor  Pease 
was.  in  conse{|uence,  enabled  to  report  to  the  legislature  in  his  mes- 
sage, \'(jvember,  1857,  that 

"Our  frontier  counties  lia\c  not  been  entirel\  exempt  from 
Indian  depredations  during  the  past  two  years,  though  such 
occurrences  have  not  been  as  frecpient  ,is  at  former  periods. 
I'revet  Major  Cieneral  Twiggs,  who  is  now  in  command  of  thi> 
de])artment,  has  done  e\ery thing  in  his  jjower  to  give  entire  pro 
lection  to  our  citizens;  but  the  force  under  his  command  is  alto 
gether  too  limited.  I  am  .issured  that  he  has  already  applied  for 
such  an  increase  of  force  as  will  be  ade(|uate  to  that  object." 


378  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

Twelve  leagues  of  the  vacant  domain  were  set  apart  for  the  use  of 
the  native  tribes  by  an  act  of  the  legislature  passed  in  1854.  The  sale 
of  wines  and  spirituous  liquors  in  the  reservations  and  within  ten 
miles  of  such  reservations  was  prohibited.  The  United  States  author- 
ities survejed  these  lands  in  two  tracts ;  one  of  eight  leagues  was 
located  a  short  distance  below  Fort  Belknap  on  the  Brazos  River,  the 
other  of  four  leagues  was  located  on  the  Clear  Fork  of  the  Brazos, 
about  thirty-five  miles  distant  from  the  first.  Early  in  1855  a  number 
of  small  Texas  tribes,  including  Caddoes,  Anadahkoes,  Wacoes,  Tah- 
wacanoes  and  Tonkahuas  were  collected  at  the  larger  reserve ;  the 
smaller  was  occupied  exclusively  by  what  was  called  the  southern 
band  of  Comanches. 

The  plan  of  settling  Indians  on  reserves  was  not  a  new  experi- 
ment. Texas  has  today  a  small  tribe  of  Alabama  Indians  in  Polk 
County,  which  was  settled  on  a  reserve  in  1839.  Rut  the  location  of 
the  sites  for  the  reserves  on  the  Brazos  were  exceedingly  ill-chosen 
and  unfortunate.  The  object  of  a  reserve  was  to  collect  and  segre- 
gate the  Indians  and  to  place  their  intercourse  and  movements  under 
strict  control  if  necessary,  'i'hc  Indian  hostilities  up  to  1857  had 
occurred  principally  on  the  frcmtier  from  San  .\ntonio  to  Brownsville: 
prior  to  that  date  the  northern  frontier  had  enjoyed  comparative 
security.  However,  about  the  time  the  Indian  reserves  were  located 
the  northern  frontier,  too,  began  to  suffer.  Troubles  in  this  quarter 
were  destined  to  increase,  and  the  reserve  Indians  shared  the  blame. 
A  select  committee  of  the  senate,  composed  of  George  B.  Erath. 
Henr}-  E.  McCuUoch.  Forbes  Britton,  J.  W.  Throckmorton  and  E.  B. 
Scarborough,  in  a  report  dated  January  l,i,  1858,  criticised  these 
Indian  reserves  as  follows: 

"The  Government  of  the  United  States,  through  her  agents, 
has  collected  and  settled  a  few  small  tribes,  naturally  better  dis- 
posed, on  the  Brazos  River,  below  Fort  Belknap,  where  they  are 
somewhat  advancing  in  ci^■ilization,  but  they  do  not  number  more 
than  400  or  500  warriors.  By  far  the  largest  number  of  Indians 
that  have  been  accustomed  to  roam  on  our  borders  are  not 
friendly  disposed,  although  at  a  place  some  forty  miles  above  the 
lower  reserve  above  mentioned  it  is  pretended  to  have  the 
Comanches  in  progress  of  civilization,  but  a  small  portion  of  this 
tribe  has  ever  shown  any  disposition  to  be  willing  to  enter  into 
the  more  peaceable  pursuits  of  life :  they  have  made  but  little 
progress,  and  even  from  the  portion  of  Comanches  which  have 
been  enrolled  for  domiciliation  at  that  place  the  greater  number 
are  continually  absent,  making  their  appearance  only  when  pres- 
ents or  supplies  are  to  be  distributed.  *  *  *  Those  Indians 
*  *  *  are  but  seldom  seen  by  the  agents  or  government  officers, 
and  far  less  controlled  by  their  influence.     *     *     * 

"Another  source  of  aid  to  them,  as  well  as  disadvantage  to  us. 
is  that  those  who  are  friendly,  or  recognized  as  such,  are  ])er- 
mitted  to  pass  and  rejiass  in  our  settlements,  and  when  hostile 
Indians  choose  to  penetrate  the  same  territory  they  cannot  be  dis- 
tinguished from  the  friendly.     Citizens  fall  an  easv  prey  to  their 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  379 

enemifs,  wlu)  have  all  chances  to  spy  out  the  situation  of  property, 
or  the  unguarded  ccjnditicjn  of  the  husbandman,  to  commit  murder 
and  theft;  therefore,  those  Indians  ought  not  to  be  allowed  to 
pass  into  any  settlements.  *  *  *  Your  committee  would 
therefore  recommend  to  the  government  f)f  the  United  States  a 
change  of  the  course  of  her  policy  and  that  uf  her  (jf^icers : 

"First,  by  instructing  her  officers  not  to  let  friendly  Indian.-- 
pass  within  the  limits  of  our  settlements,  and  confine  them  within 
the  limits  of  the  reservation  assigned  for  that  purpose. 

"Second,  by  declaring  war  against  all  Indians  fomid  outside 
of  such  land  or  lands  as  are  allowed  them,  and  without  jiarley  or 
attempt  of  comprduiisf  tn  treat  them  as  enemies  in  open 
war."  *  *  * 
The  concentration  of  United  Stales  Indians  on  the  borders  of 
Texas,  the  rapid  diminution  of  the  buffalo  and  other  game  which  con- 
stituted the  chief  sustenance  of  the  wild  Indians,  and  the  ready  market 
furnished  by  unscrupulous  traders  for  stolen  projierty  were  perpetual 
causes  for  Indian  depredations;  they  continued  during  Governor  Run- 
nels' administration.  The  Indians  on  the  reserves  were  supported  by 
the  United  States  Government  when  their  own  supplies  were 
exhausted.  The  policy  recommended  by  the  committee  was,  there- 
fore, not  an  unreasonable  one.  In  fact,  it  was  the  plan  that  the  fron- 
tier settlers  had  adopted  as  a  last  resort.  The  Indians  of  the  Brazos 
agency  were  kept  within  the  reserve  during  the  greater  part  of  1858, 
but  during  the  fall  hunting  parties  made  excursions  into  the  adjacent 
country.  One  of  these  parties  was  attacked  on  the  night  of  December 
27th  and  all  were  killed  or  wounded.  This  outrage  greatly  exas- 
perated the  reserve  Indians,  and  the}-  threatened  to  wreak  their  ven- 
geance on  the  whites.  Governor  Runnels  issued  an  address  to  the 
people  of  the  neighboring  counties,  warning  them  against  any  rash 
act  on  their  part  and  assuring  them  that  steps  had  already  been  taken 
to  have  the  Indians  removed  as  soon  as  possible.  The  people  affected 
in  turn  clamored  for  immediate  removal  and  threatened  to  take  mat- 
ters into  their  own  hands.  The  governor  apjiointed  a  board  of  five 
peace  commissioners  to  investigate  the  causes  of  the  disturbances 
and  to  adopt  measures  for  the  protection  of  the  Indians  until  removed. 
The  commissioners  re])orted  that  the  com])laints  of  the  citizens  were 
not  without  just  cause,  and  John  Henry  Brown,  one  of  the  commis- 
sioners, was  placed  in  command  of  100  men  to  compel  the  Indians  to 
remain  upon  the  reserve.  The  demand  for  immediate  removal  was 
renewed.  The  governor  was  a  candidate  for  re-election  and  his  Indian 
policy  was  severely  criticised  ;  the  election  would  be  held  early  in 
.August.  On  July  .Wth  and  ,\ugust  1st,  the  Indians  set  out  from 
their  reserves,  under  the  protection  of  United  States  troops,  for  their 
new  homes  near  Fort  Cobb,  north  of  Red  River.  The  circumstances 
attending  their  removal  were  such  that  they  left  "entertaining  the 
most  vengeful  animosities  towards  such  localities  on  the  frontier  as 
they  believed  had  been  active  against  them." 

The  region  between  the  Nueces  River  and  the  Rio  Grande  did  not 
form  part  of  Texas  prior  to  18.36;  it  was  a  part  of  Tamaulipas,  and 


380  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

Mich  of  the  lands  as  had  passed  into  juivatc  ow  iicrshi])  were  held  by 
-Mexicans.  Their  title  deeds  presented  the  same  cwnfusinn  as  did  all 
the  grants  of  land  made  b}-  the  Spanish  gnvernment.  In  his  mes- 
sage to  the  legislature  in  December.  1849,  Goxernor  Rell  recommended 
the  establishment  of  tribunals  for  the  investigation  of  those  titles  and 
claims,  dated  prior  to  March  2,  1836.  and  held  by  citizens  of  Texas, 
in  order  that  such  as  were  found  equitable  and  just  be  confirmed. 
This  message  created  undue  alarm.  A  meeting  was  held  at  Browns- 
ville. February  2,  1850,  participated  in  by  many  Mexicans,  at  which 
preliminary  steps  were  taken  for  the  organization  of  liu-  Kio  Grande 
territory.  In  the  address  issued  by  these  factionists  it  was  alleged 
that  "the  authorities  of  Texas  seek  to  annul  the  titles  in  real  estate. 
*  *  *  It  is  a  fatal  blow  to  our  future  prosperity,  and  will  involve 
the  country  in  litigation,  ruinous  and  endless.  *  *  *  With  a  terri- 
torial government  land  titles  would  at  once  be  quieted.  *  *  *  A 
territorial  government  is  now  within  our  reach."  The  movement  was 
attributed  to  speculators  and  ambitious  politicians,  but  coming  at  a 
time  when  both  North  and  South  were  trying  to  checkmate  one 
another  in  the  acquisition  of  free  and  slave  territory,  the  feeling  that 
there  might  be  deeper,  concealed  motives  back  of  the  movement 
created  some  uneasiness.  Governor  Bell  issued  an  address,  February 
22d,  "to  the  people  of  the  Rio  Grande,"  in  which  he  assured  them  that 
the  sole  object  of  his  recommendations  was  to  promote  the  growth 
and  prosperitv  of  that  portion  of  the  state,  and  to  quiet  and  not  disturb 
or  invalidate  the  land  titles. 

The  proximity  of  Texas  to  the  Mexican  liorder  made  the  escape  of 
slaves  a  rather  frequent  occurrence.  Mexico  would  not  restore  them 
to  their  owners.  Late  in  August,  1856,  it  was  discovered  that  the 
negroes  of  Colorado  County  had  formed  a  plot  to  murder  their  mas- 
ters, plunder  their  homes,  take  their  horses  and  arms  and  tight  their 
way  to  Mexico.  The  report  of  a  committee  of  Colorado  County  citi- 
zens on  September  9,  1856,  declared  that  "without  exception  e\ery 
Mexican  in  the  countv  was  implicated.  Thev  were  arrested  and 
ordered  to  leave  the  country  within  five  days,  and  never  again  to 
return.  *  *  *  We  are  satisfied  that  the  lower  class  of  the  Mexican 
population  are  incendiaries  in  any  counlr)-  where  slaves  are  held,  and 
should  be  dealt  with  accordingly.  And,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Mexican 
population,  we  would  here  state  that  a  resolution  was  passed  by  the 
unanimous  voice  of  the  county,  forever  forbidding  any  Mexican 
coming  within  the  limits  of  the  county."  Similar  action  in  regard  to 
the  expulsion  of  Mexicans  was  taken  in  Matagorda  County.  In 
Uvalde  County  Mexicans  were  forbidden  to  trn\el  the  public  roads 
unless  provided  with  passes. 

The  Mexican  cartmen,  engaged  in  transporting  gt)ods  between 
Indianola  and  San  Antonio,  were  attacked  on  three  different  occasions 
near  Goliad  during  the  month  of  July,  1857.  by  lawless  bands  of  per- 
sons, who  fired  on  the  cartmen,  wounding  six  Mexicans  and  killing 
one  American,  cut  down  the  wheels  of  the  carts,  and  in  some  instances 
appropri.ited  the  goods.  The  agitation  carried  on  bv  the  Know- 
Nothing  partv  is  l)elic\-ed  to  have  had  some  influence  on  these  acts  of 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  "381 

viulfiice.  At  a  iiieeliny  held  at  tjoliad  a  resolution  was  adopted 
which  stated  "that  we  dechire  the  sentiments  of  this  meeting,  and  we 
believe  of  the  whole  people  throughout  this  section,  to  be  that  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  greasers  or  peon  Mexicans  as  citizens  among  us  is  an 
intolerable  nuisance  and  a  grievance  which  calls  loudly  for  redress." 
The  chief  cause,  no  doubt,  "was  found  in  the  fact  that  these  Mexicans 
are  willing  to  carry  goods  at  a  lower  price  than  American  citizens  can 
carry  them  for."  Tlie  trade  carried  on  with  Chihuahua,  El  Paso  and 
New  Mexico  via  San  Antonio  amounted  to  millions  of  dollars  per 
annum.  Naturally  the  merchants  did  not  wish  it  interfered  with. 
On  September  12th  a  train  of  carts  loaded  with  United  States  Govern- 
ment supplies  was  attacked  near  Helena,  Karnes  County  ;  one  Mexi- 
can was  killed  and  several  were  wounded.  It  was  openly  asserted 
that  such  violence  would  continue  as  long  as  the  JNIexicans  engaged 
in  carting  goods.  Governor  Pease  called  out  a  company  to  afford 
l)rotection  to  the  cartmen.  The  lawless  element,  finding  it  dangerous 
to  molest  carts,  depredated  (jn  private  property.  The  citizens  who 
had  previouslv  winked  at  this  lawlessness  now  executed  summary  jus- 
tice b)-  hanging  a  number,  and  promptly  order  was  restored. 

The  dee])  race  prejudice  entertained  toward  the  Mexican  citizens  of 
Texas  furnished  fuel  for  a  formidable  uprising  near  Brownsville  in 
IS.'i'l.  Juan  N.  Cortina,  a  daring  border  chieftain,  visited  Brownsville 
July  l.^th.  He  saw  the  sheriflf  dragging  a  Mexican  along  by  the  col- 
lar; Cortina  remonstrated  with  him:  the  sheriff  insulted  him:  Cortina 
thereupon  shot  and  wounded  the  sheriff  and  carried  off  the  ])risoner. 
On  .Se|)tember  28th  he  returned  to  Brownsville  at  the  head  of  a  body 
of  mounted  men,  took  possession  of  the  city,  killed  several  individuals 
who  had  been  guilty  of  outrages  toward  the  Mexicans,  and  liberated 
Ihe  prisoners.  Thereupon  he  retired  to  his  ranch,  some  distance  uj) 
the  Rif)  Grande,  and  on  the  .Wth  issued  a  i)roclamation  in  which  be 
said : 

"Our    pur])Ose    has    been      *      *      *      to    ]iunisb    the    inlanious 
villainy  of  our  enemies.     These  have  banded  together     *     *     * 
to  i)ursue  and  rob  us  for  no  other  reason    *     *     *     ^ip,,,,  ,,ur  part 
except  being  by  birth  Mexicans." 
Cortina  having  crossed  over  the  Rio  Grande,  the  sheriff  captured 
Cabrera,    the    second    in     command,    about    October     12th.     Cortina 
demanded   Cabrera's  release  and   threatened   to   burn   Brownsville   if 
his  demand  was  refused.     In  a  few  days  Captain  Tobin  arrived  with 
a   company    of    rangers.     Cabrera    w'as    found    hanged.     Cortina    was 
joined  by  large  numbers  of  Mexican-Texans  at  his  ranch.     Fearing 
ib.il    Brownsville    would   be   attacked    the    authorities   of    Matamoras 
were  ,i])pealed  to  for  aid,  which  was  prompth-  furnished,     (^n  Octo- 
ber 24th  a  combined  force  of  .\mericans  and  Mexicans  attacked  Cor- 
tina and  comjielled  him  to  retreat  into  the  chaparral.     An  attempt  to 
dislotlge  him  resulted  in  confusion  and  the  combined  forces  retreated, 
'leaving    two   cannon    iMliind        I  ii-iitcn.inl    Littleton    v\as    (Jefeated    i  in 
November    k^th. 

Cortina  issued  another  jjroclamatinn  on  .November  23d,  in  which 
he  stated  tli.'it  "an  organized  sr)cief\'   in   ibe  State  of  'i'ex.as  will   untir- 


382  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

ingly  devote  itself  to  the  extermination  of  their  tyrants  until  its  phil- 
anthropical  purpose  of  bettering  the  condition  of  the  unfortunate 
Mexicans  who  reside  there  shall  have  been  attained."  On  the  next 
day  Captain  Tobin  with  about  250  men  advanced  to  attack  Cortina, 
but  the  position  of  the  latter,  supjiorted  by  400  or  500  men,  proved 
too  strong.  Major  Heintzelman  arrived  at  Brownsville  on  December 
5th,  and  with  a  force  of  165  United  States  regulars  and  120  Texas 
rangers  he  exjjelled  Cortina  from  his  position  December  14th.  Cor- 
tina retreated  to  Rio  Grande  City,  devastating  a  wide  strip  of  country 
as  he  proceeded.  At  that  place  he  was  disastrously  defeated  on 
December  27th,  losing  his  guns,  ammunition  and  baggage,  but  he 
succeeded  in  making  his  escape  to  Tamaulipas. 

"After    the    removal    of    the    Indians    from    the    reservations, 

*     *     *     the   hostility   of  the   native   races  was   intensified,   and 

the  northern  and  western  borders  were  subject  to  all  the  horrors 

of  savage  warfare." 

Governor   Houston's  administration   covers   this   period.     He   had 

ever  championed  the  cause  of  the  Indian.     His  message  to  the  special 

session  of  the  legislature,  January  21,  1861,  is  here  quoted  to  show 

conditions  during  1860  and  on  the  eve  of  secession  : 

"When  the  executive  came  into  office  the  frontier  was  entirely 
unguarded  except  by  the  federal  troops.  The  Indians,  unre- 
strained by  the  presence  of  rangers,  embraced  the  favorable 
opportunity  and  gained  a  foothold  in  the  country,  and  ere  their 
presence  was  known  and  means  could  be  adopted  to  rejiel  them, 
commenced  a  series  of  depredations  which  struck  terror  to  the 
settlements.  Their  savage  work  was  not  confined  to  the  frontier 
alone,  but  extended  to  counties  within  fifty  miles  of  the  capital. 
Although  not  apprized  of  this  state  of  things,  the  executive  had 
made  such  provisions  for  the  defense  of  the  frontier  as  seemed 
necessary.  On  the  26th  of  December  (1859).  a  few  days  after 
his  inauguration,  an  order  was  issued  to  Capt.  W.  C.  Dalrymple. 
of  Williamson  County,  to  raise  a  company  of  sixty  men,  rank  and 
file.  This  was  followed  bv  orders  of  the  same  character  to  Capt. 
Ed  Burleson,  of  Hays,  and  to  Capt.  John  H.  Conner,  of  Travis, 
on  the  4th  and  13th  of  January.  These  companies  were  ordered 
to  such  points  as  would  enable  them  to  carry  out  the  orders  given 
them  to  'give  the  greatest  amount  of  protection  to  the  frontier 
inhabitants.' 

"Had  the  frontier  not  been  entirelv  abandoned  to  the  Indians 
for  months  previous  to  his  inauguration,  these  companies  would 
have  sufficed  to  prevent  any  concerted  and  extensive  movements 
against  the  settlements  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  but  they  were 
already  secreted  in  the  countrv.  Intelligence  having  reached  the 
executive  that  numerous  small  parties  of  Indians  were  ravaging 
the  line  of  settlements  beyond  Bell  County,  but  yet  not  on  the 
extreme  frontier,  orders  were  issued  on  the  13th  of  February  to 
Lieutenant  White,  of  Bell,  Salmon,  of  Bosque,  and  Walker,  of 
Erath  County,  to  raise  each  a  detachment  of  twenty-five  men 
to  range  in  and  give  defence  to  the  comities  of  Coryell.  Hamilton. 


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384  HISTOm'  OF  TEXAS 

Comanche,  Erath,  Eastland  and  Palo  Pinto.  These  detachments 
were  soon  in  the  field,  with  orders  to  exercise  every  energy  to 
give  the  frontier  protection  and  security. 

".'\uthentic  accounts  of  depredations  still  coming  in,  the  execu- 
ti\e,  on  the  21st  of  Februar}',  sent  to  the  various  frontier  counties 
a  letter  authorizing  the  citizens  of  each  county  to  raise  a  minute 
companv  of  not  more  than  twenty  men,  who  should  look  to  the 
next  legislature  for  payment ;  and  to  more  effectually  ensure  the 
presence  of  these  minute  companies  in  the  field  a  general  order 
was  issued  on  the  9th  of  March,  by  which  the  chief  justice  of  each 
county  was  instructed  to  organize  immediately  a  minute  com- 
]jany  of  fifteen  men,  to  whom  the  following  orders  were  given: 

"  'The  detachments  will  immediatel}-  take  the  held  and  enter 
upon  active  scouts,  affording  protection  to  the  inhabitants  of  their 
respective  counties.  When  an  Indian  trail  is  frnnid  it  must  be 
diligently  followed,  and  if  the  sign  indicates  a  larger  party  of 
Indians  than  he  is  able  to  cope  with,  he  will  call  not  exceeding 
ten  men  to  his  aid.' 

"Under  this  order  minute  companies  of  fifteen  men  each  were 
mustered  into  service  in  the  following  counties:  Lieutenant 
Scanland.  ^Montague ;  Lieutenant  Isbell,  Wise:  Lieutenant  Coch- 
ran, Young;  Lieutenant  Jones,  Palo  Pinto:  Lieutenant  Stevens. 
Eastland:  Lieutenant  Lowe,  Erath;  Lieutenant  Price.  Comanche; 
Lieutenant  Nelson.  Bosciue ;  Lieutenant  Gentry.  Hamilton:  Lieu- 
tenant Font  le  Roy,  Coryell ;  Lieutenant  Cowan,  Llano ;  Lieuten- 
ant Wood,  San  Saba;  Lieutenant  Hughes,  Lampasas:  Lieutenant 
Lewis.  Mason;  Lieutenant  O'Hair.  Burnet;  Lieutenant  Franzelin, 
Cillespie:  Lieutenant  Balentyne.  Bandera:  Lieutenant  McFad- 
den,  Kerr;  Lieutenant  Kennedy.  L'valde :  Lieutenant  Patton. 
Blanco:  Lieutenant  Brown,  Bexar;  Lieutenant  Watkms.  Medina, 
and  Lieutenant  Ragsdale,  Frio. 

"In  addition  to  putting  this  force  of  minute  men  in  the  field, 
the  executive,  in  order  to  enable  the  frontier  citizens  to  more  suc- 
cessfully defend  themselves,  purchased  and  distributed  through 
the  frontier  counties  100  Colt's  revolvers,  which,  with  a  nmnber 
of  revolvers,  rifles  and  muskets,  were  sent  forward,  .\mmunitinn 
was  also  supplied  to  the  minute  companies. 

"To  provide  for  the  defence  of  the  settlements  beyond  San 
Antonio,  an  order  was  issued  on  the  5th  of  March  to  Capt.  Peter 
Tomlinson.  of  Atascosa  County,  to  raise  forty-eight  men,  to 
whom  were  assigned  the  range  between  the  Frio  and  the  Rio 
Crande.  Captain  Tomlinson  was  mustered  into  service  on  the 
20th  of  March. 

"It  will  thus  be  seen  that  up  to  this  period  the  execnti\e  had 
called  into  service  a  ranging  force  of  720  men.  which  might  be 
increased  upon  an  emergencv  to  950.  The  greater  part  of  this 
force  was  then  in  active  service,  and  as  a  result  the  Indians  dis- 
.•ippeared  from  the  settlements.  *  *  *  The  minute  companies 
of  fifteen  men  were  kept  in  service  until  the  18th  of  May.  when 
there  being  no  longer  a  jiressing  neccssitx-  for  tlieir  presence  in  the 


JllS'K  )K\    <)!•    J'KXAS 


385 


field,    they    weri'    disl.a.uK-.l.    subject    lu    he-    called    out    at    any 

'"'^"Before,  however,   these   forces  could   be  brought  to  bear  on 
the  settlements,  nianv  murders  had  been  committed  and  a  large 
number  of  horses  stolen.     With   a  view   of  avengmg  these  out- 
rages and  the  recoverv  of  the  property  of  our  citizens  the  execu- 
tive determined  to  se'nd  against  the  Indians  a  force  sufficient  t,. 
discover   their   hiding   places    and   accomplish   these   objects,     it 
has  long  been  the  opinion  of  the  executive  that  the  horses  stok-n 
from  us  are  herded  at  some  central  point  between  our  settlements 
and  the   trading  posts   where   thev  are   sold,  and   that   from    this 
point  stealing  parties  strike  for  our  settlements,  leaving  others  111 
charge  of  the  animals  alreadv  taken.     To  i.unish  these   Indians, 
as  well  as  to  ferret  out  the  parties  who  purchase  our  hf>rses  tn.m 
them    required  an  able  force  and  was  a  work  requiring  much  tmu' 
and  privation.     The  duty  of  raising  troops  for  this  expedition  was 
assigned  to  Col.  M.  T.  Johnson,  of  Tarrant  County,  to  whom  was 
issued  orders  on  the  17th  of  ^larch  to  raise  a  sufficient  number  of 
mounted  rangers  to  'repel,  pursue  and  punish  the  Indians  now 
ravagin?  the  north  and  northwestern  settlements  of    1  exas.  with 
full  liberty  to  dispose  of  the  force  under  your  (his)  command  at 
vour  (his)  discretion.'  . 

■  "In  pursuance  of  this  order,  Colonel  Johnson  raised  five  com 
panics  of  rangers  of  eighty-three  men.  commanded  by  Captains 
Smith,  of  McLennan  :  Darnell,  of  Dallas  :  Woods,  of  Fannin  :  Fitz- 
hugh,  of  Collin,  and  Johnson,  of  Tarrant.  These  rendezvoused 
at  Fort  Belknap,  where  thev  were  joined  by  the  two  companies 
under  command  of  Captains  Fd  Burleson  and  \\ .  C.  Dalrvn,,.le. 
and  on  the  23d  of  Mav  the  expedition  started  for  the  Indian 
country  *  *  *  A  portion  of  the  troops  were  ordered  back  by 
Colonel  Johnson  from  old  Fort  Radsminske  the  30th  of  July_ 
The  others  penetrated  tin-  Indian  countrv  beyond  the  line  ot 
Kansas,  and  after  enduring  manv  ]irivations  returned  to  bort 
Belknap    where  thev  were  .lisbanded  bv  order  of  the  executive. 

"Although  no  Indian  depredations  were  at  that  time  reported, 
the  executive,  to  guard  against  their  repetition,  ordered  tapt. 
L  S  Ross  to  McLennan  on  the  11th  of  September  to  raise  a  com- 
pany of  seventy  men  and  to  take  his  station  beyond  Fort  Belknap, 
whe're  he  arrived  on  the  17th  of  October.  ,     ,     , 

"On  the  6th  of  December  information  reached  the  executive 
of  the  most  appalling  outrages  committed  bv  the  Indians  in  Jack 
and  Parker  Counties.  Orders  were  immediately  sent  forward  to 
Captains  Thomas  Stocton.  of  Young,  and  James  Harry,  of  Bos.pie 
County,  to  raise  each  twenty-four  men  and  proceed  to  co-operate 
with  Captain  Ross  in  protecting  the  settlements.  These  troops 
did  not  enter  the  service,  but  on  the  17th  of  December  an  order 
was  issued  to  Capt.  A.  B.  Burleson  to  raise  seventy  men.  which 
was  followed  by  orders  to  Capt.  E.  W.  Rogers,  of  Lllis  on  the 
26th  of  December,  and  to  Capt.  Thomas  Harrison,  of  McLennan, 
on  the  2d  of  January,  to  raise  each  seventy  men.  all  of  whom  have 


(• 


vol,.  1—2.''. 


386  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

now  gone  forward  to  Fort  Belknap,  where  Col.  W.  C.  Dalrymplc, 
of  Williamson  County,  acting  under  commission  as  aid  de  camp 
to  the  executive,  has  been  ordered  to  repair  to  eflfect  an  organiza- 
tion of  the  troops  and  to  devise  means  for  their  efficiency. 

"It  affords  the  executive  pleasure  to  state  that  the  Indians  who 
committed  the  late  depredations  in  Jack  and  Parker  counties  have 
been  overtaken  and  killed  by  a  force  under  the  command  of  Cap- 
tain Ross.     *     *     * 

"It  will  be  seen  from  the  plain  statement  of  facts  given  above 
that  from  the  time  of  his  inauguration  up  to  the  present  time  the 
executive  has  devoted  all  the  energies  at  his  command  to  the 
defence  of  the  frontier.  He  has  called  into  service  a  number  of 
the  most  experienced  ranging  officers  in  the  state  and  given  them 
troops  obtained  in  counties  capable  of  furnishing  the  best  Indian 
fighters  in  the  world.  Not  only  in  number,  but  in  the  equipment 
of  the  troops,  the  means  he  has  adopted  for  frontier  defence  have 
been  adequate  to  more  than  the  reasonable  expectation  of  the 
countr}-.  Besides  these  he  has  provided  every  county  with  a 
minute  company  for  its  own  defence,  formed  by  its  own  citi- 
zens.    *     *     * 

"In  March  last  the  executive  tendered  to  the  secretary  of  war 
of  the  United  States  5.000  Texan  volunteers  to  aid  in  defence  of 
the  frontier.     The  offer  was  declined.     Efforts  have  been  made 
to  induce  congress  to  pass  a  bill  authorizing  the  calling  of  such  a 
force    into    the    field,    but    they    have    been    thus    far    unsuccessful. 
The  Federal  Government  has.  however,  from  time  to  time,  sent 
re-enforcements  of  the  regular  army  into  Texas,  until  the  entire 
force  on  our  border  comprises  about  one-fifth  of  our  entire  army. 
These  prevent  the  invasion  of  our  soil  of  any  numerous  body  of 
Indians,  and  occasionally  intercept  small  stealing  parties,  but  to 
entirely  check  the  latter  a  more  active  force  is  necessary,  which 
should  be  constantly  employed  in  scouting  the  country." 
The  total  cost  of  frontier  defense  to  the  state  for  thirteen  months 
of   Governor    Houston's    term    was   $294,781.11.   but    since    the    state 
treasury  did  not  have  the  funds  with  which  to  meet  these  extraor- 
dinary expenditures,  interest-bearing  liabilities  had  to  be  issued.    This 
was  only  a  fraction  of  the  expense  to  which  the  state  was  subjected 
on  account  of  frontier  defense.     It  will  be  remembered  that  the  act  of 
congress,  approved  February  28,  1855,  making  final  provision  for  the 
l^ayment  of  the  revenue  debt,  required  the  state  legislature  to  aban- 
don all  claims  against  the  United  States  growing  out  of  Indian  depre- 
dations.    Investigation  made  bv  the  federal  war  department  in   1905 
showed   that  between   February   28,   1855,   and  June  21,   1860,   Texas 
spent  $375,418.94  for  this  purpose.     This  sum  was  repaid  to  the  state 
in  1906.     A  large  portion  of  the  expenditures  made  during  Governor 
Houston's  term  were  paid  out  between  June  21.  1860,  and  March  4. 
1861.     Of   these   expenditures   the    state    received    repaj'ment    to    the 
amount  of  $21,395.95  in   1908,  and  there  was  pending  a  claim   for  the 
balance,  amounting  to  the  .sum  of  $183,080.77.     (See  Document  No. 
551,  hotise  of  representatives,  sixty-second  congress,  second  session.) 


CHAPTER  XXIX 
POLITICS,  1851-1860 

During  the  period  of  the  republic  nu  alignment  of  the  voters  in 
political  parties  had  taken  place,  nor  was  this  the  case  during  the  first 
few  years  of  the  state.  Candidates  for  state  ofifice  entered  the  race  at 
the  solicitation  of  their  friends  or  in  obedience  to  their  own  ambitions 
for  political  ])referment.  The  question  of  annexation  and  the  current 
of  events  into  which  the  state  was  swept  by  her  entry  into  the  Union 
had  a  determining  effect  as  to  the  choice  of  party  by  most  Texans. 
The  whigs  had  opposed  and  the  democrats  had  favored  annexation. 
The  United  States  senators  elected  by  the  first  legislature  and  the  two 
congressmen  chosen  immediately  thereafter  were  democrats.  The 
death  of  David  S.  Kaufman  caused  a  vacancy  in  the  Eastern  ctmgres- 
sional  district ;  among  the  candidates  who  offered  for  the  place  was  a 
whig.  The  democrats,  therefore,  held  a  convention  at  Henderson  in 
June,  1851.  and  nominated  Richardson  Scurry,  who  was  elected. 
Democratic  congressional  conventions  were  held  regularly  thereafter 
in  this  district.  No  congressional  conventions  were  held  in  the  West- 
ern district  until  1859. 

The  whigs  had  carried  the  presidential  election  in  1848.  Ihe  dem- 
ocrats were  determined  to  retrieve  this  defeat  in  1852.  It  was  under 
these  circumstances  that  the  first  state  democratic  convention  met  at 
.Austin  on  January  8,  1852.  Twenty-one  counties  were  represented  by 
delegates,  and  the  democratic  members  of  the  legislature  from  the 
counties  having  no  delegates  were  invited  to  represent  those  counties. 
Besides  unfurling  officially  the  banner  of  democracy  in  Texas,  organ- 
ization was  perfected  by  electing  a  central  committee,  a  platform  was 
adopted,  delegates  to  the  national  democratic  convention  were 
appointed,  presidential  electors  were  nominated,  and  General  ."-^am 
Houston  was  presented  to  the  favorable  consideration  of  the  great 
democratic  jiarty  as  a  candidate  for  the  i')residency.  The  ))latforni 
did  not  touch  upon  state  ])oIicy.  but  endorsed  the  national  ])latfnrm  of 
1848,  the  conipromise  measures  of  1850.  and  the  Virginia  and  Ken 
lucky  resolutions.  Washington  D.  Miller  was  m.ade  cliairm;m  of  the 
central  committee. 

The  whigs  held  con\'entions  in  the  Eastern  and  Western  congres- 
sional districts  in  the  spring  of  1852;  they  a])pointed  delegates  to  the 
national  convention  and  nominated  presidential  electors.  Some  prom- 
inent names  ajjpeared  among  the  adherents  of  this  part\ .  Init  they 
seem  never  to  have  held  a  state  convention  in  Texas. 

During  the  fall  of  1852  the  matter  of  holding  a  state  democratic 
convention  tf)  nominate  a  governor,  lieutenant  governor  and  commis- 
sioner of  the  general  land  office  was  advocated  by  some.  The  central 
committee,  therefore,  issued  a  call  for  the  convention  to  meet  at 
Austin  February  22,  185.^.  The  governor  had  previously  issued  his 
proclamation  convening  the  legi.slature  in  extra  session  on  Jami:iry 
10th;  this  no  dotibl  had  its  sh.irc  in  infl<iencing  the  committee.      IIow- 


388  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

ever,  tlie  legislature  adjourned  on  February  7tli,  and  tlius  made  the 
holding  of  a  convention  impracticable.  Later  the  central  committee 
recommended  that  the  convention  be  held  at  Washington-on-the- 
Brazos  June  15th.  There  were  seven  democratic  candidates  for  gov- 
ernor in  the  field,  and  three  democratic  candidates  for  lieutenant 
governor.  To  insure  the  party's  victory  some  elimination  appeared 
very  necessary,  but  so  few  delegates  attended  at  Washington  in  June 
that  no  nominations  were  made. 

The  large  influx  of  able  men  from  the  other  states,  the  growing 
diversity  of  opinion  in  regard  to  the  question  of  internal  improve- 
ments, the  increase  in  the  number  of  newspapers,  and  the  activity  of 
politics  in  other  states  contributed  to  greater  political  activity  in 
Texas.  No  state  conventions  were  held  in  l855,  but  the  campaign 
as  waged  that  year  exceeded  its  predecessors  in  the  vigor  and  acri- 
mony with  which  it  was  pushed.  Three  democrats,  E.  M.  Pease, 
M.  'I'.  Johnson  and  George  T.  Wood,  and  one  know-nothing,  D.  C. 
Dickson,  were  candidates  for  governor.  It  was  the  first  appearance 
of  the  know-nothings  in  Texas  politics,  and  the  strength  they  showed 
was  a  surprise  to  the  democrats.  Although  the  know-nothing  can- 
didate was  defeated,  the  campaign  had  important  results.  General 
Houston  had  gone  over  to  this  party.  The  assaults  made  by  this 
part}-  upon  foreigners  drove  the  German  and  Mexican  population  of 
Texas  into  the  democratic  ranks.  On  the  day  of  his  inauguration 
Governor  Pease  was  escorted  to  the  capitol  by  a  German  band,  and  in 
his  inaugural  address  he  took  occasion  "for  saying  a  few  words  upon 
political  subjects,  since  our  late  election  for  state  officers  is  the  first 
that  has  been  decided  bj-  our  citizens  upon  political  issues  alone." 
His  reference  to  the  "heresies  of  this  new  ]>olitical  jiarty"  produced  a 
sensation.  The  legislature  paid  its  respects  to  General  Houston  by 
adopting  a  resolution  disa])]iroving  his  course  in  \otiiig  against  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  act. 

During  the  session  of  the  legislature  in  January.  1856,  both  the 
democrats  and  the  know-nothings  held  state  conventions  at  .\ustin. 
The  democratic  platform  declared  its  affirmation  of  the  national  plat- 
ford  of  1852,  opposition  to  all  secret  political  societies,  whether  called 
"American."  "Know-Nothing"  or  any  other  delusive  name,  opposition 
to  all  |)roscription  on  account  of  place  of  birth  or  particular  religious 
creed,  endorsed  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act,  emidiasizcd  the  (k>ctrine  of 
state  rights,  strict  construction  of  the  constitution  and  non-interven- 
tion by  the  federal  Government  in  deciding  the  rpiestion  of  slavery  in 
the  territories.  The  know-nothing  platform  declared  in  favor  of 
native  Americans  for  office,  for  a  strict  construction  of  the  constitution 
and  in  favor  of  state  rights,  for  extending  the  period  for  the  naturaliza- 
tion of  foreigners  to  twenty-one  years,  for  liberty  of  conscience  and 
the  press,  for  protection  of  the  frontier,  denied  that  congress  had 
power  to  interfere  with  slaverv  in  the  states  or  territories,  and  opposed 
any  interference  with  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  or  the  repeal 
of  the  fugitive  slave  act ;  it  recommended  a  modification  of  the 
national  platform  of  1855  proscribing  Catholics,  and  abolished  all 
secrecy,  pass  words  and  signs.     Both  conventions  nominated  full  tickets 


HISTOm    Ul'   TliXAS  389 

for   state   officers   and    presidential    electors   and    appointed   delegates 
to  the  national  conventions. 

From  1845  to  1864  the  governor,  lieutenant  governor  and  commis- 
sioner of  the  general  land  office  were  elected  in  the  odd  years,  and 
from  1850  onward  the  attorney  general,  treasurer  and  comptroller 
were  elected  during  the  even  years.  So  there  was  a  state  election 
every  year.  The  democrats  held  their  convention  at  Waco  in  May. 
1857.  The  platform  adopted  delined  no  state  policy  ;  it  endorsed  the 
national  platform  of  1856,  and  declared  that  the  citizens  of  the  South 
ern  states  possessed  the  right  to  carry  their  slaves  into  any  territory 
of  the  United  States.  The  two-thirds  rule  was  adopted  by  this  con 
vention  and  adhered  to  by  subsecpient  conventions.  11.  R.  Runnels 
and  F.  R.  Lubbock  were  nominated  for  governor  and  lieutenant  gov- 
ernor. The  know-nothings  held  no  convention  ;  the  party  had  alreads 
begun  to  disintegrate.  But  about  the  time  the  democratic  nominees 
went  before  the  people  Gen.  Sam  Houston  announced  his  candidacy 
for  governor  as  an  independent.  General  Houston  was  kiu)wn 
throughout  the  state,  was  then  United  Stales  senator,  had  recently 
been  mentioned  for  the  presidenc)-,  and  he  was  a  vigorous  campaigner. 
Runnels  was  lieutenant  governor  at  this  time,  and  a  wealthy  planter, 
but  he  was  little  known  throughout  the  state  and  made  no  campaign. 
Nevertheless  the  democrats  were  determined  to  elect  their  candidates ; 
the  contest  was  hot  from  the  outset.  The  regular  ticket  won  by  a 
good  margin;  Runnels  received  .^2,552  votes,  Houston  23,628  votes. 
National  events  played  their  part  in  this  result:  the  feeling  was  becom- 
ing general  that  to  resist  northern  aggression  the  state  must  present 
a  solid  front. 

The  prominence  of  national  issues  was  marked  throughout  the  ses- 
sion of  the  seventh  legislature,  November  2,  1857 — February  16,  1858. 
Governor  Pease,  in  his  general  message,  addressed  this  body  as  fol- 
lows : 

"Our  relations  with  the  federal  Government  and  with  the  sev- 
eral states  composing  it  are  a  subject  of  deep  anxiety  to  every 
patriot.     The  rapid  strides  made  in  the  last  few  years  by  a  ])arty 
in    the    Northern    states,   organized    with    the    avowed    object    of 
endeavoring  to  effect  the  abolition  of  slavery  as  it  now  exists  in 
fifteen  states  and  some  of  the  territories,  has  very  justly  excited 
the  fears  for  the  i)erpetuity  of  the  Union.     *     *     *     f  he  people 
of  Texas  are   attached   to   their   domestic   institutions;   they   ask 
nothing  for  them  from  the  federal  Go\'ernment  l)ut  those  rights 
guaranteed   by    the   constitutinn.   and   an\-    infringement    of   these 
rights  will  never  be  submitted  to." 
Governor  Runnels  also  touched  uj^on  the  course  of  events  in   his 
inaugural  address.     He  reviewed  the  recent  political  contest  in  Texas  : 
he  traced  the  questions  growing  out  of  slavery  from  1820  to  the  date 
of  the  troubles  in  Kansas,  where  the  principle  of  non-intervention  b_\ 
the  federal  government   was  flagranti}-  disregarded  b\-  the  territf)rial 
governor  and  others. 

"Year  by  year  the  South  is  becoming  weaker,  the  .\orth  grow 
ing     stronger.     That     equilibrium     has     been     destroyed     which 


.WU  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

afforded  the  uiih  sure  and  permanent  guarantee  of  protection 
against  abolition  innovation.  *  *  *  Por  the  future  to  the 
North  must  be  left  the  management  and  control  of  a  question 
which  involves  union  or  dissolution,  peace  or  war.  *  *  *  There 
i.<  now  left  but  one  reasonable  hope  for  preserving  the  Union 
and  maintaining  the  rights  of  the  states  in  it,  and  that  is  upon  a 
rigid  adherence  to  a  strict  construction  of  the  federal  constitu- 
tion." 

Through  the  death  of  Gen.  Thomas  J.  Rusk  and  the  expiration 
at  an  earl)-  date  of  General  Houston's  term,  the  legislature  was  con- 
fronted by  the  unusual  condition  of  having  to  elect  two  I'nited  States 
senators.  J.  Pinckney  Henderson  was  chosen  to  lill  the  \acancy,  and 
John  Hemphill  was  elected  in  place  of  Houston.  In  this  manner  the 
legislature  a  second  time  expressed  its  disapproval  of  (jeneral  Hous- 
ton's course. 

The  state  democratic  convention  assembled  at  Austin  January  8. 
1858,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  candidates  for  attorney  general, 
comptroller  and  treasurer.  A  platform  was  adopted  containing  the 
following  resolutions: 

"Resolved,  That  recent  events  in  the  United  States  senate 
create  in  our  minds  a  serious  apprehension  that  the  great  doctrine 
of  non-intervention  *  *  *  is  in  danger  of  being  repudiated 
by  congress  through  the  instrumentality  of  members  of  the 
national  democratic  party  *  *  *  m^j  that  we  now  consider 
it  our  duty  to  set  forth  to  the  country  the  course  that  we  shall 
be  compelled  to  take  in  that  serious  and  deplorable  emergency. 

"Resolved.  That  we  request  the  representatives  of  the  people 
of  Texas,  in  legislature  assembled,  to  provide  at  the  present  ses- 
sion for  the  executive  of  the  state  appointing  suitable  delegates 
to    a    convention    of    Southern    states,    which    may    be    hereafter 
assembled  for  the  purpose  of  consultation  and  advice  for  the  gen- 
eral welfare  of  the  institutions  of  the  South." 
Gt)vernor    Runnels   sent   to   the   legislature   a   special    message   on 
January  20th  dealing  with  the  Kansas  question.     In   it  he   took  the 
same  stand  as  did  the  democratic  convention  in  the  resolution  cited 
above:     "It  is  my  deliberate  judgment."  he   said,   "that   if  congress 
refuses  to  admit   Kansas  as  a  state   with  the  constitution  she  now   pre- 
sents, for  an\-  other  cause  than  that  said  constitution  is  not  republican 
in  character,  the  time  will  have  come  when  the  Southern  states  should 
look  to  themselves  for  the  means  of  maintaining  their  future  security." 
The  legislature  responded  to  the  sentiments  of  the  governor  and 
the  request  of  the  convention  bv  adopting  the  following  joint  resolu- 
tions.    They  were  passed  by  a  unanimous  vote  in  the  house  and  by  a 
vote  of  twenty-three  to  five  in  the  senate : 

"1.     Be  it  resolved     *     *     *     That  the  governor  of  this  state 
is  hereby  authorized  to  order  an  election  for  seven  delegates,  to 
meet  delegates  appointed  by  the  other  Southern  states,  in  conven 
tion.  whene\er  the  executives  of  a  majority  of  the  slave-holding 
states  shall  express  the  opinic)n  that  such  a  convention  is  neces- 


HIS'IORY  OF    TEXAS  391 

sary  to  preserve   tlu-   t-tjual   rights  of  such   states   in   the   I'nion. 
*     *     * 

'"2.     That  should  an  exigency  arise,  in  the  opinion  of  the  gov- 
ernor, in  which  it  is  necessary  for  the  State  of  Texas  to  act  alone, 
or  by  a  convention  representing  the  sovereignty  of  the  state,  he  is 
hereby  requested  to  call  a  special  session  of  the  legislature  to  pro- 
vide for  such  state  convention." 
On  December  30.  1857,  John  Henry  Brown  presented  to  the  house 
of  representatives  "A  Report  and  Treatise  on  Slavery  and  tlie  Slavery 
Agitation."     "The  main  object,"  said  Mr.  Brown,  "in  presenting  this 
report  at  this  time  is  to  get  a  sound  pro-slaver}'  document  dissem- 
inated  throughout  the   state.     We   think   it  takes   a   sound   southern 
view  of  the  question.    *    *    *    We  believe  that  the  circulation  of  such 
a  document  among  the  population  of  our  state,  made  up  as  it  is  from 
ever}-  country  almost  on  the  globe,  will  have  a  salutary  effect  at  this 
time.     It  has  been  the  great  anxict}-  of  the  committee  and  myself  to 
place  the  truth  before  the  minds  of  our  people,  and  especially  of  those 
who  have  come  among  us  from  states  and  countries  where  slavery 
does  not  exist."     It  was   voted  to  print   10,000  copies  of  this  report 
in  pamphlet   form:   7, .^00  in   English.    1.300  in   German   and    1,000   in 
Sjianish. 

The  state  democratic  C(jnvenlion  met  at  Houston  May  2.  1859,  for 
the  purpose  of  nominating  candidates  for  governor,  lieutenant  gov- 
ernor and  commissioner  of  the  general  land  office.  Runnels  and  Lub- 
bock were  renominated  without  opposition.  The  platform  avoided 
any  reference  to  state  policy,  but  endorsed  the  national  democratic 
l)latform  of  1856,  readopted  the  Waco  platform,  declared  the  decision 
in  the  Dred  Scott  case  to  be  a  true  exposition  of  the  constitution, 
o])])osed  the  admission  of  any  new  state  until  its  poinilation  entitled 
it  to  at  least  one  rejiresentative.  and  favored  the  ac(|uisition  of  Cuba 
as  a  measure  of  self-protection.  Early  in  June  General  Houston 
.announced  that  he  would  again  make  the  race  for  governor  and  defined 
his  platform  as  follows: 

"The  constitution  and  the  Union  embrace  the  principles  l)y 
which  I  will  be  governed  if  elected.  They  comprehend  all  the  old 
Jacksonian  democracv  I  ever  professed  or  officially  ])racticed." 
Other  indejiendent  candidates  were  brought  out,  and  the  campaign 
waged  between  them  and  the  regulars  was  state  wide  and  full  of 
excitement.  In  the  ])revious  cha])ter  a  brief  account  was  given  of  the 
troubles  with  the  reserve  Indians  during  Governor  Runnels'  admin- 
istration. There  was  no  subject  for  which  he  was  more  severels' 
criticised  than  his  Indian  ])olicy,  and,  while  it  is  hard  to  see  how  any 
one  could  have  done  much  better  under  the  circumstances,  it  alienated 
the  entire  frontier  .and  brought  about  his  defeat.  Other  ch.irge? 
brought  against  him  were  that  he  was  a  disunic)nist,  that  his  adminis 
tration  had  been  extraxagant,  and  that  he  fa\i)red  the  reo|)ening  of  the 
African  slave  trade.  Some  jirominent  democrats  had  declared  them- 
selves in  favor  of  rei)ealing  the  laws  prohibiting  the  foreign  sl.ave 
trade,  but  others  equally  ]irominenl  in  the  councils  of  the  party  had 
denounced  the  plan  most  severeK-  and  the  convention  discnunten;inced 


392  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

it.  Besides,  mam  inriiifinial  public  men  among  ihcm  ex-Governor 
F'ease,  supported  the  independents.  Branded  as  a  political  outcast, 
stripped  of  his  senatorial  honors,  General  Houston  made  his  last  win- 
ning tight.  His  personality,  energy  and  tact  in  approaching  voters 
broke  down  the  political  barriers  of  his  opponent  and  turned  the 
<lefeat  of  two  years  ago  into  an  overwhelming  personal  victory. 
Houston  received  36,257  votes ;  his  opponent.  Governor  Runnels, 
27,500  votes  ;  Edward  Clark,  who  ran  on  Houston's  ticket,  received 
31,458  votes;  his  ojiponent.  Lieutenant  Governor  Lul)bock,  30.325 
\<)tes. 

In  his  general  message  to  the  legislature  November  10,  1859,  Gov- 
ernor Runnels,  after  dealing  with  matters  relating  to  the  state, 
reviewed  the  history  of  political  parties  in  the  United  States  from  the 
beginning.  The  democratic  party  had  its  origin  in  the  etTorts  to 
resist  the  encroachments  upon  the  rights  of  the  states  and  to  curb 
the  loose  construction  tendencies  of  the  federalists.  The  party  had 
adhered  to  its  strict  construction  of  the  constitution  throughout,  and 
had  thereby  gained  the  confidence  and  firm  adherence  of  the  people 
of  the  South.  So  long  as  this  party  remained  in  power  and  followed 
this  path  state  rights  were  not  endangered.  But  he  regretted  the 
appearance  of  divisions  in  the  party  ;  he  denounced  the  doctrine  of 
squatter  sovereignty.  If  the  northern  democrats  persisted  in  its 
advocacy,  he  said  it  would  mean  the  overthrow  of  the  democratic 
party,  the  disregard  of  state  rights  and  consequently  submission  or 
secession. 

"Equality  and  security  in  the  Union,  or  independence  outside 
of  it,  should  be  the  motto  of  every  southern  state." 
The  death  of  J.  Pinckney  Henderson,  United  States  senator,  made 
it  necessary  for  the  legislature  to  choose  his  successor.  Governor 
Runnels  had  appointed  Matthias  Ward,  but  the  legislature  on  Decem- 
ber 5th  elected  Louis  T.  Wigfall,  an  ultra-southern  state  rights  advo- 
cate. He  was  particularly  obnoxious  to  General  Houston  ;  his  choice 
by  the  legislature,  when  his  eligibility  was  very  doubtful,  showed  how 
personal  had  been  the  nature  of  Houston's  victory.  The  temper  of 
the  legislature  had  not  been  changed  by  the  recent  election. 

General  Houston  discarded  all  precedent  by  refusing  to  deliver  his 
inaugural  address  as  governor  to  the  legislature  in  joint  session ; 
instead  he  delivered  it  from  the  portico  of  the  capitol  to  a  large 
audience  gathered  on  the  steps  and  lawn  below.  He  asserted  his 
independence  of  any  caucus  or  party  for  the  position  he  held,  and 
appealed  to  the  whole  people  to  sustain  him. 

"When  Texas   united  her  destiny   with   that   of  the   Govern- 
ment of  the  United   States     *     *     *     gj^ig  entered   not   into   the 
North,  nor  South.   Her  connection  was  not  sectional,  but  national. 
*     *     *     When  our  rights  are  aggressed  upon  let  us  be  behind 
none  in  repelling  the  attack,  but  let  us  be  careful  to  distinguish 
between  the  acts  of  individuals  and  those  of  a  people." 
His  general  message  on  Januarv   13th  made  but  a  brief  reference 
to  national  politics.     'T  cannot  refrain  from  congratulating  the  legis- 
lature." he  said,  "upon  the   triumph   of  conservatism   as   seen   in   the 


I-IISIORN    (  )l'    1  I'.XAS  393 

many  evidences  of  the  detennination  uf  the  masses  of  the  people  ol 
the  North  to  abide  by  the  constitution  and  the  Union,  and  to  put 
down  the  fanatical  efforts  of  misguided  abolitionists  who  would 
endanger  the  safety  of  the  Union  to  advance  their  vapid  schemes. 
*  *  *  Texas  will  maintain  the  constitution  and  stand  by  the 
Union.  It  is  all  that  can  save  us  as  a  nation.  Destroy  it  and  anarchy 
awaits  us."  .\n  elaboration  of  his  views  of  the  course  Texas  ought 
to  pursue  during  the  existing  disturbed  condition  of  political  affairs 
was  called  forth  by  the  South  Carolina  resolutions,  which  were  trans- 
mitted to  liim  by  the  governor  of  that  state  with  a  request  that  he  lay 
them  before  the  legislature.  These  resolutions  reasserted  the  right  of 
secession  ;  they  called  attention  to  the  "assaults  ujion  the  institution 
of  slavery ,  and  upon  the  rights  and  equality  of  tiie  southern  states" 
made  during  recent  years;  and  they  expressed  it  as  "the  deliberate 
judgment  of  the  general  assembly  that  the  slave-holding  states  should 
immediately  meet  together  to  concert  measures  for  united  acticjii." 
.\s  if  to  forestall  the  necessity  of  a  veto  of  any  action  the  legislatun- 
might  take  in  the  premises.  Governor  Houston  entered  his  "unquali- 
lied  protest  against  and  dissent  from  the  principles  enunciated  in  the 
resolutions,"  and  proceeded  to  show  many  reasons  for  maintaining 
the  Union.  "The  people  of  Texas  are  satisfied  with  the  constitution 
and  the  Union  as  they  are,"  he  said. 

Majority  and  minority  reports  were  made  in  the  house  and  the 
senate  on  the  subject  of  the  South  Carolina  resolutions  and  the  gov- 
ernor's message  thereon.  The  majorit}-  reports  in  each  branch  took 
the  state  rights  attitude  of  South  Carolina:  the  minority  reports 
endorsed  the  views  of  the  governor.  Considerable  debate  took  place, 
but  naturally  the  report  of  neither  side  i)revailed.  The  majority 
report  in  the  senate  was  made  by  F,  S.  .Stockdale  and  in  outline  was  as 
follows : 

1.  "This  legislature  unequivocally  declares:  That  the  system 
of  government,  instituted  by  our  state  and  federal  constitutions, 
is  the  wisest  in  principles  ever  devised  by  man,  and  its  organiza- 
tion the  most  efficient  for  the  attainment  of  the  objects  of  its  crea- 
tion, *  *  *  security  to  political  lihcrtv  and  the  protection  of 
persons  and  property.  Thai  it  is  our  firm  resokuion  to  maintain 
and  defend  the  constitution  of  the  L'nited  States,  which  is  the 
cement  of  the  Union,  as  well  in  its  limitations  and  reservations 
as  in  its  authorities  and  powers,  .md  tcj  support  the  constitution 
of  this  state  and  to  require  tliai  the  rights,  authorities  and  powers 
existing  in  and  reserved  to  tliis  slate  and  the  people  thereof  be 
respected.  *  *  *  'Piiat  consistently  with  the  foregoing  it  is 
our  fixed  determination  to  adhere  to  and  support  the  Union  of 
these  confederated  states,  .iiid  to  defend  the  same  from  all  aggres- 
sions. 

2,  "Regarding  the  Unic^n.  upon  the  principles  of  the  constitu- 
tion, as  an  unmixed  blessing  anil  its  preservation  upon  those  prin- 
ciples as  the  highest  duty  of  the  states  and  the  people  thereof, 
we  deem  it  our  duly  further  to  declare  :  That  the  statutes  of  sev- 
eral of  the  non-sla\  e-hojding  slates,  nullifying  the  fugitive  slave 


394  IIISIOR^'  OF  TEXAS 

laws,  *  *  *  the  purpose  of  the  dominant  poHtical  jjarty  in 
the  non-slaveholding  states,  called  the  black  republican  party,  to 
use,  if  it  can  get  possession  of  the  federal  Government  (with  the 
view  that  party  has  of  the  extent  of  those  powers)  for  the  exter- 
mination of  African  slaver)-  in  the  states  liy  reorganizing  the 
supreme  court  of  the  United  States,  *  *  *  hy  proliibiting 
*  *  *  slavery  in  the  territories,  *  *  *  by  refusing  to  admit 
any  new  state  in  the  constitution  of  which  *  *  *  slavery  is  rec- 
ognized, by  refusing  to  exercise  such  powers  as  are  constitutionally 
delegated  to  the  federal  Government,  where  it  has  jurisdiction,  for 
the  protection  of  all  property,  *  *  *  by  creating  new  states  so 
as  to  get  the  requisite  number  to  change  the  constitution  *  *  * 
are  all  in  violation  of  the  spirit  and  principles  of  the  constitution, 
dangerous  to  the  Union  and  at  war  with  those  institutions  which, 
at  all  hazards,  it  is  our  duty  to  defend. 

3.     "Seeing,   as   we    cannot   avoid    seeing,    there   is    immineni 
danger  that  the  said  black  republican  party  will  get  possession 
of  all   the  departments  of  the  federal   government,  and   exercise 
all   the  powers  of   the   same,  and   others   not   delegated,   for   the 
effectuation  of  the  unconstitutional  purposes  named,  and  believ- 
ing that  such  an  event  would  result  in  the  destruction  of  all  bar- 
riers between  the  states  and  an  arbitrary,  consolidated  govern- 
ment of  an  irresponsible  section,  we  solemnly  appeal  to  the  people 
of  the  other  states  to  prove  by  their  political  action,  in  the  ensuing 
state  and  federal  elections,  their  devotion  to  the  constitution  and 
the  Union  and  to  the  sovereignty  and  equality  of  states,  and  do 
not  make  the  appeal  without  the  hope  of  a  jiatriotic  answer:  but, 
in  case  our  appeal  is  disregarrled,  and  in  view  of  the  possil)ility  of 
such  an  event,  we  earnestly  commend  the  whole  subject  of  ovu" 
present  and  probable  exigencies  to  the  profound  consideration  of 
the  people  of   the   state,  the   sovereignty  of   Texas,  that  they   may 
devise    the    ways    and    means    of    mamtaining,    unimpaired,    the 
authorities,  rights  and   liberties  reserved   to  and  existing  in    tlie 
states  respectively  and  the  people  of  the  same." 
The  state  democratic  convention  assembled  at  Galveston  April  2, 
1860.     The  presidential  election  to  be  held  was  looked  forward  to  with 
eager    expectation    and    some    trepidation.     The    platform    adopted 
marked  out  the  policy  of  this  state.     It  endorsed  the  Cincinnati  plat- 
form of  1856  as  "embracing  the  only  doctrines  which  can  preserve  the 
integrity  of  the  Union  and  the  equal  rights  of  the  states;"  it  unequiv- 
ocall\-  denounced  squatter  sovereignty  :  it  exjjresscd  adherence  to  the 
Virginia   and   Kentucky   resolutions   of    1798   and    IJW.     Te.xas   as   a 
sovereign  and  independent  nation  joined  the  confederacy  of  the  I'nited 
States ;  she  surrendered  no  part  of  her  sovereignty  in  doing  so ;  should 
the  federal  Government  fail  to  accomplish  the  object  of  the  confedera- 
tion, of  which   failure  Texas  alone  could  judge,  she   asserted   a   full 
right    to    withdraw    from    the    confederacy,     lender    the    constitution 
every  citizen  has  the  right  to  take  his  property,  including  slaves,  into  the 
territories.     The  people  of  Texas  regarded  with  aversion  the  efforts  of 
a   sectional   partv   at   the   North   to   abolish   slaverv.   and   whenever   that 


HiSTURY  Ob'  TEXAS  395 

party  shall  succeed  in  electing  a  president  it  became  the  duty  of  the 
people  of  Texas  "to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  co-operate  with  our 
sister  states  of  the  South  in  a  convention  to  take  into  consideration  such 
measures  as  may  be  necessary  for  our  protection  or  to  secure  out  of 
the  confederacy  that  protection  of  their  rights  which  they  can  no  longer 
hope  for  in  it."  Among  the  delegates  sent  to  the  national  democratic  con- 
vention were  11.  K.  Runnels,  F.  R.  Lubbock,  F.  S.  Stockdale  and  Guv 
.M.  Bryan. 

The  national  democratic  conventicm  met  at  Charleston,  South  Caro- 
lina, April  23.  Majority  and  minority  reports  were  made  by  the  plat- 
form committee,  the  two  disagreeing  solely  on  the  right  to  carry  slaves 
into  the  territories  under  the  protection  of  the  United  States.  The 
Texan  delegates  had  special  instructions  on  this  subject  and,  when  the 
northern  delegates  refused  to  vote  for  a  plank  affirming  such  a  right, 
tliose  from  Texas  and  from  the  other  southern  states  withdrew,  causing 
a  division  of  the  national  democratic  party.  At  adjourned  sessions  of 
tile  conventions  at  Baltimore,  the  northern  democrats  nominated  Douglas 
for  i)resident,  and  the  southern  democrats  nominated  Breckinridge. 

The  republican  party  nominated  Lincoln  for  president,  and  in  their 
platform  denied  "the  authority  of  Congress,  of  a  territorial  legislature, 
or  of  any  individuals  to  give  legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  territory 
of  the  United  States." 

Texas  was  represented  in  the  constitutional  Union  party,  which  met 
at  Baltimore,  by  A.  B.  Norton  and  J.  H.  Manly,  staunch  supporters  of 
Gen.  Sam  Houston.  This  parly  adopted  for  its  platform  "The  Union, 
the  constitution  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws."  General  Houston 
received  57  votes  for  president  on  the  first  ballot ;  Bell  received  dSyi 
votes.  On  the  second  ballot  Bell  was  nominated.  Houston  declared  that 
the  use  of  his  name  at  Baltimore  was  without  his  authority  ;  therefore, 
when  a  mass  meeting  of  citizens  on  San  Jacinto  battleground  subse- 
([uently  recommended  him  "to  the  nation  as  the  people's  candidate  for  the 
|)residency."  he  accepted  in  terms  identical  with  those  used  in  annoutic- 
ing  his  candidacy  for  governor  the  year  before.  In  August,  however, 
he  withdrew  from  the  canvass. 

The  presidential  election  resulted  as  follows: 

Candidate  Popular  vole  Electoral  vote 

Lincoln 1,857,610.  ...  180  (18  Free  States) 

Douglas    1,365,976.  ...    12  (Missouri  and  part  of  N'ew  Jersey) 

iireckinridgc    847,953 72  (11  Slave  .States) 

Hell   590,631 ....    31  (Kentucky,  Tennes.sec  and  Virginia) 

The  Lincoln  and  Douglas  tickets  received  no  \i)tcs  in  Texas;  Breck- 
inridge received  47,548  and  Bell  15,463  votes. 


CHAPTER  XXX 

SECESSION 

The  division  of  the  democratic  party  at  Charleston  in  May,  i860, 
hroke  down  the  last  barrier  to  sectionalism  in  politics ;  it  added  the 
fateful  touch  to  the  campaign.  Of  the  four  candidates  for  the  presi- 
dency, the  fanatics  in  the  North  and  the  ultras  in  the  South  took  the  lead. 
Texas  in  general  approved  the  course  of  her  delegates  at  Charleston  ; 
over  three-fourths  of  the  vote  of  the  state  went  to  Breckinridge.  Bell 
was  the  only  other  candidate  to  receive  any  support  in  Texas.  While 
he  was  not  an  enthusiastic  supporter  of  Bell,  Governor  Houston  exerted 
himself  to  the  utmost  for  the  cause  of  the  Union  ;  he  left  a  sick-bed  to 
address  a  Union  meeting  at  Austin  on  September  22.  In  this  speech  he 
confessed  that  "I  begin  to  feel  that  the  issue  is  really  upon  us  which 
involves  the  perpetuity  of  the  government."  He  exposed  many  of  the 
fallacies  of  his  opponents.  His  efforts  were  seconded  by  other  Union 
men  of  great  ability.  But  the  remedy  they  proposed  was  impracticable. 
The  judgment,  passions  and  prejudices  of  an  overwhelming  majority  of 
the  people  of  Texas  had  been  slowly  forming  by  what  they  observed 
during  the  past  decade  or  longer.  They  had  followed  the  course  of  the 
abolitionists  in  Congress,  in  Kansas,  at  Harper's  Ferry.  They  smarted 
under  the  attacks  made  upon  their  rights  and  domestic  institutions  by  a 
sectional  press,  a  .sectional  pulpit  and  so-called  higher  law  advocates. 
The  question  of  slavery,  so  far  as  Te.xas  was  concerned,  had  been  settled 
when  Texas  entered  the  Union ;  the  right  to  hold  slaves  was  a  preliminary 
condition  to  annexation ;  had  it  been  denied  Texas  would  never  have 
entered  the  confederation.  With  disgust  did  the  Texans  perceive  the 
probability  of  a  candidate  being  elevated  to  power  on  an  abolition  plat- 
form. Pendleton  Murrah  made  an  address  on  November  8  in  which 
he  said:  "If  Lincoln  is  elected,  it  is  because  he  is  a  black  republican. 
*  *  *  And  if  that  be  so,  the  'higher  law,'  .set  above  the  constitution 
of  our  country  by  the  authority  of  that  vote,  is  on  its  way  to  the  execu- 
tive mansion  and  to  every  department  of  this  government.  The  inaug- 
uration of  the  black  republicans  into  power  is  a  revolution."  The  Texas 
Republican  (Marshall)  said:  "The  great  question  that  is  agitating  the 
public  mind  of  the  South  is.  What  shall  be  done  if  Lincoln  is  elected? 
The  general  sentiment  in  Te.xas,  so  far  as  we  have  been  able  to  learn,  is 
against  submission  to  the  Black  Republican  administration.  *  *  * 
Such  a  submission,  in  our  judgment,  involves  the  loss  of  everything,  and 
if  consummated  will  end  in  the  prostration  of  the  southern  states." 
Former  Lieutenant-Governor  F.  R.  Lubbock  said  :  "I  am  fixed  in  my 
opinion  that  if  Mr.  Lincoln  is  elected  *  *  *  nothing  but  prompt, 
determined  and  efficient  action  *  *  *  y^-\\\  ^ave  us  from  ruin  and 
degradation.  Those  who  counsel  waiting  or  remaining  in  the  Union 
until  some  overt  act  is  committed  *  *  *  will  find,  when  the  time 
arrives,  that  through  the  great  patronage  [of  the  administration]  *  *  * 
there  will  have  been  mustered  into  existence,  in  our  own  midst,  a  horde 
of  unsound   men   of   sufficient   numbers   in   some  localities  of   the   South 

396 


HISTOR\'  UF  Tl^XAS  397 

to  bring  nn  Civil  war  and  bloodshed  among  ourselves.  These  results  T 
would  avoid,  and  I  believe  secession  is  the  remedy."  Gviy  M.  Bryan 
gave  similar  counsel:  "I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  thai  if  Lincoln  should 
be  inaugurated  without  new  and  efficient  guarantees  being  given  by  the 
northern  states  to  the  southern  states,  in  my  opinion  Texas  could  not 
with  honor  remain  in  the  Union." 

What  were  the  "efficient  guarantees"  that  the  South  demanded  of 
the  North  ?  John  H.  Reagan  summarized  them  in  a  letter  to  the  public 
October  19.  He  suggested  that  a  general  convention  of  southern  states 
"should  submit  to  the  free  states  ])ropositions  retjuiring  a  renewal  of  the 
original  guarantees  of  the  constitution  in  favor  of  our  rights  in  such 
specific  form  as  to  .settle  forever  the  question  as  to  the  extent  and  char- 
acter of  the  rights  of  the  slave  states  and  the  owners  of  slave  orooerty. 
One  of  the  conditions  should  be  that  we  would  not  continue  our  political 
connection  with  any  state  which  would  not  repeal  all  its  laws  intended 
to  hinder  the  recapture  of  fugitive  slaves;  another  should  be  to  demand 
an  equal  participation  in  the  settlement  and  occupation  of  the  common 
territory,  and  a  safe  guarantee  for  the  admission  of  future  slave  states 
into  the  Union  ;  another  should  be  the  suspension  of  the  agitation  of  the 
(|uestion  about  abolishing  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  forts, 
docks,  etc. ;  and  another  that  the  interstate  slave  trade  should  not  be 
interfered  with  by  Congress.  If  they  would  agree  to  these,  we  should 
remain  in  the  Union  and  support  and  cherish  it  as  heretofore."  And 
in  a  speech  in  Congress  on  January  15,  1861,  Reagan  said:  "If  there 
be  a  .southern  state,  or  a  southern  man  even,  who  would  demand,  as  a 
condition  for  remaining  in  the  Union,  anything  beyond  the  clearly 
specified  guarantees  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  .States  as  they  are. 
1  do  not  know  it.  I  can  speak  for  my  own  state  *  *  *  ^^py  have 
never  dreamed  of  asking  more  than  their  constitutional  rights.  The>' 
are.  however,  unalterably  determined  never  to  submit  to  less  than  their 
constitutional  rights." 

These  facts  should  be  borne  in  mind.  The  attempt  has  been  made 
continually  to  shift  the  whole  resjjonsibility  for  the  war  between  the 
^tates  upon  the  .South,  and  in  order  to  do  this  the  enormity  of  secession, 
of  attempting  to  break  up  the  Union,  has  been  dwelt  upon  and  magnified. 
.\ttention  needs  to  be  given  to  the  circumstances  that  led  up  to  the 
secession,  and  to  the  small  concessions  by  which  it  could  have  been 
avoided,  as  shown  bv  such  cxjjressions  as  those  of  Congressm;m  Reagan. 
However,  such  ])roposals  were  repulsed  with  scorn  by  the  republicans. 
And  .Senator  \\igf;ill  was  correct  |)erhai)s  when  be  said:  "The  proposi 
tion  to  settle  the  question  by  further  amendments  amount  to  nfithing. 
*  *  *  The  Xorth  will  not  vield  an  inch.  They  will  not  give  us  what 
we  are  entitled  to.  Thev  will  not  agree  to  leave  us  what  we  have.  *  *  * 
The  constitution  as  it  stands  could  not  be  now  ratified  in  a  .single  northern 
state,  with  our  construction  of  it." 

The  right  to  secede  needed  no  argument  to  sustain  it  in  Texas.  A 
considerable  portion  of  her  population  had  lived  here  when  Texas  was 
a  nation.  Of  those  who  immigrated  many  were  advocates  of  state 
rights.  Rut  granting  this,  and  with  abundant  evidence  to  show  that 
there   was  a   popular  desire   to   secede,   there   still   remained   the   questi(in, 


398  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

How  was  secession  to  be  effected  ?  A  contributor  to  the  Texas  Almanac 
for  1862  states  that  there  was  no  other  state,  except  the  border  states, 
that  had  so  many  obstacles  to  contend  with  in  the  consummation  of 
secession  as  Texas.  "In  the  first  place  her  population  was  made  up  of 
emigrants  from  nearly  all  nations,  many  of  w'hom  had  not  been  here 
long  enough  to  become  acquainted  with  our  peculiar  form  of  govern- 
ment, or  to  become  assimilated  in  their  habits  of  thinking,  or  their  cus- 
toms :  in  addition  to  which  they  were  spread  over  an  extent  of  country 
almost  equal  in  area  to  all  the  other  cotton  states.  *  *  *  -phe  dif- 
ficulties in  the  way  of  unity  of  action  among  a  people  so  situated  are 
iibvious,  and  especially  action  in  opposition  to  the  existing  government. 
Rut  there  was  still  another  obstacle  that  no  other  of  the  seceded  states 
had  to  contend  with.  We  mean  the  opposition  of  the  governor,  who.  in 
the  absence  of  the  legislature,  controlled  the  state  government,  and  with- 
out whose  call  it  was  not  generally  supposed  that  the  legislature  could 
convene  in  extra  session.  *  *  *  Hence  the  governor  was  petitioned 
from  all  parts  of  the  state  to  convene  the  legislature  in  order  thereby  to 
obtain  a  full  and  fair  expression  of  the  wishes  of  the  people  as  to  what 
measures  should  be  adopted  in  the  critical  condition  of  the  country. 
These  petitions,  though  endorsed  by  nearly  all  the  public  journals  of  the 
state  and  by  numerous  meetings  in  all  the  old  and  more  populous  coun- 
ties, and  in  many  of  the  new  ones,  embracing  about  four-fifths  of  all  the 
counties  and  at  least  nine-tenths  of  the  voting  population  of  Texas,  had 
no  avail  with  our  executive,  who  still  refused  to  allow  the  people  this 
customary  method  of  declaring  their  sentiments.     *     *     * 

"The  governor's  refusal  to  call  the  representatives  of  the  people 
together    compelled    them    to    have    recourse    to    the    extraordinary 
alternative  of  calling  a  convention  without  the  aid  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  by  their  own  spontaneous  action.     The  difficulty  of  accom- 
pHshing  this  is  obvious,  for,  as  no  one  could  claim  any  higher  au- 
thority than  another  in  such  a  movement,  it  seemed  next  to  impos- 
sible to  harmonize  differences  of  opinion  and  bring  about  concert  of 
action  as  to  the  time   and  place  of  holding  a  convention   and   the 
mode   and   manner  of  conducting  the   election.     *     *     *     Still   the 
sentiment   was  well-nigh  universal  that  some  action  was  absolutely 
necessary  for  our  common  safety." 
After  various  suggestions  for  a  convention  had  been  made,  a  call  for 
the  election  of  delegates  was  issued  by  a  group  of  state  officials  at  Austin. 
.\fter  some  modification  this  call  was  numerously  signed  and  widely  cir- 
culated during  the  early  part  of  December.     It  recommended  the  elec- 
tion of  delegates  on  January  8.  fixed  their  number  at  twice  the  number 
nf   representatives  in  the  legislature,   and   recommended   that   thev   meet 
at  .Austin  on  January  28.     It  was  pointed  out  that  the  constitution  au- 
thorized neither   the  governor  nor  the  legislature  to  call   a  convention. 
The  time  between  the  issuance  of  the  call  and  the  date  of  the  election 
was  so  short  that  in  many  of  the  thinly  settled  frontier  counties  no  elec- 
tions were  held.     In   the  "exposition"  of  the  proceedings  of  the   seces- 
sion convention  the  committee  acknowledged  that  "the  ]iroceeding  wa."; 
extraordinary   and   returns   were  irregular  and  incomplete,   of   necessity, 
from   such   an   election;   but    reliable    inform.'ition    showed    for    secession 


HISTOKV  ()\'  TEXAS  399 

nvvr  .52.UUU.  iiiiiic  than  half  of  the  hiif^est  pull  ever  fjiven  at  an  election 
in  this  state.      In  (i])|)Ositi()n  there  were  coiii])aratively   few  votes." 

When  ( iovernor  HouNtcm  saw  that  a  convention  would  he  called  over 
hi>  head,  he  issued  a  jiroclaination  on  Deceniher  17.  conveninf^  the  legis- 
lature in  extra  ses>ion  on  Januar\-  21 — one  week  prior  to  the  date  sug- 
gested  for  the  meeting  of  the  convention.  It  was  charged  that  this  move 
had  for  its  object  to  checkmate  the  call  for  a  convention:  it  ])rohably  did 
interfere  with  elections  held  in  the  counties  where  the  governor  had  a 
strong  following ;  but  as  regards  the  entire  state  it  failed.  With  a  great 
many  i)eo])le  it  was  a  point  of  honor  that  Texas  should  secede  before 
Lincoln  wa>  inaugurated  and  thus  avoid  the  necessitv  of  submitting 
even  for  one  day  to  lilack  Republican  rule.  The\-  would  not  wait  for 
the  legislature  to  call  the  convention,  as  it  might  delay  the  assembling  of 
lliat  body  too  long.  The  example  of  South  Carolina  and  the  assumption 
that  better  terms  could  he  had  by  first  going  out  of  the  Union  contributed 
their  share  of  influence. 

Five  states  had  formally  seceded  when  the  legislature  assembled.  In 
hi-  message  Governor  Houston  ])resented  a  detailed  account  of  Indian 
hostilities,  and  of  the  depleted  condition  of  the  state  treastu-y.  He 
denounced  black  re|)ublicans  and  their  disregard  ffir  the  constitution,  but 
counseled  against  secession  and  urged  deliberate  and  concerted  action  b> 
the  southern  states.  If  the  southern  states  should  decline  to  act  in  con- 
cert, and  if  secession  became  inevitable,  he  wished  Texas  to  remain 
independent,  because  she  "has  views  of  expansion  not  common  to  many 
of  her  si.ster  states."  and  "although  an  emjiire  within  herself,  she  feels 
that  there  is  an  em]iire  beyond  essential  to  her  security."  If  the  legis- 
lature considered  it  best  to  call  a  convention  he  would  not  oppose  it.  but 
urged  ih;it  \vh;ite\-er  was  done  should  be  referred  to  the  people  for 
review. 

The  convention  assembled  in  the  hall  of  the  house  of  repre.sentatives 
on  January  28,  and  organized  by  electing  O.  M.  Roberts,  an  associate 
iustice  of  the  supreme  court,  jiresident.  and  R.  T.  Brownrigg,  secretary. 
The  legislature  on  the  same  day  adopted  a  joint  resolution  giving  the 
as.sent  of  the  government  of  the  state  to  and  approving  the  convention. 
This  resohuion  provided  that  in  case  the  convention  deemed  it  nece- 
sary  for  the  ])reservation  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  stale  to  adopt 
an  ordinance  of  secession  the  same  should  be  subiuitted  to  a  vote  of  the 
(|ualitied  electors.  Governor  Houston  approved  the  resolution,  but  pro- 
tested against  the  assumption  bv  the  convention  of  any  powers  "beyond 
the  reference  of  the  (piestion  of  a  longer  connection  of  Tex;is  witli  the 
Union  to  the  people." 

Assured  of  the  reach'  co-oper;ition  of  the  legislature,  the  conveiUion 
at  once  i)n)ceeded  to  business  and.  during  the  short  interval  between 
lanu,ir\-  28  and  T'el)ruarv  4.  adopted  an  ordinance  of  secession,  pro- 
vided by  ordinance  for  submitting  this  to  a  vote  of  tlie  people,  drafted 
an  address  to  the  people  setting  forth  the  causes  of  secession,  elected 
delegates  to  the  convention  of  southern  states  at  Montgomery,  Alabama, 
.md  elected  a  comtuittee  on  public  safetv  to  sit  during  the  recess  of  the 
convention.  The  comtuittee  on  federal  relations,  on  January  30,  re- 
ported "an  ordinance  to  dissolve  the  union  of  the  stale  of  Texas  with  the 


400  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

fjovt-rnnient  of  the  United  States  of  America,  and  to  resume  all  the 
[)ovvers  delegated  to  that  government  and  her  position  of  equality  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth."  The  ordinance  was  prefaced  by  these  words: 
"The  federal  government  has  failed  to  accomplish  the  purposes  of  the 
compact  of  union  between  these  states  in  giving  protection  either  to  the 
persons  of  our  people  upon  an  exposed  frontier  or  to  the  property  of 
our  citizens;  and  *  *  *  the  action  of  the  northern  states  of  the 
Union,  and  the  recent  development  in  federal  affairs,  make  evident  that 
the  power  of  the  federal  government  is  sought  to  be  made  a  weapon 
with  which  to  strike  down  the  interests  and  prosperity  of  the  southern 
I>eople.  instead  of  permitting  it  to  be  as  it  was  intended  our  shield 
against  outrage  and  aggression."  The  .second  section  provided  that  the 
ordinance  should  be  referred  to  the  qualified  voters  on  February  23  to 
be  ratified  or  rejected,  and  if  not  rejected  to  become  effective  on  March 
2,  the  anniversary  of  Texas  independence.  A  minority  of  the  committee 
favored  striking  out  this  section  and  making  the  ordinance  effective  im- 
mediately upon  its  passage,  but  this  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  145  to  29. 
The  convention  thereby  showed  its  confidence  in  the  people  of  Texas. 

The  vote  upon  the  ordinance  of  secession  is  described  by  the  presi- 
dent of  the  convention  in  the  following  words: 

"l-^rly  on  the  morning  of  February  1  *  *  *  the  president 
had  sent  Mr.  Joseph  .Smith,  of  Waco,  a  particular  friend  of  Genera! 
Houston,  *  *  *  ,p  ai)prisc  the  governor  of  the  respect  intended 
him  by  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  conduct  him  to  the  con- 
vention, and  if  pos.sible  to  induce  him  to  come.  General  notice  had 
been  given  that  the  vote  would  be  taken  at  12  o'clock  m.  There  was 
an  intense  anxiety  among  the  citizens  of  Austin  and  visitors  to  the 
city  to  be  present.  .Special  invitations  had  been  sent  to  the  members 
of  the  legislature,  heads  of  departments,  and  to  the  judiciary.  Long 
before  the  time  designated  for  the  vole,  the  lobby  and  gallery  were 
completely  filled  with  spectators,  both  ladies  and  gentlemen.  Mem- 
bers of  the  senate  and  house  of  representatives,  the  heads  of  depart- 
ments, and  the  judiciary  came  into  the  hall.  Every  nook  and  corner 
of  the  house  was  occupied.  As  seen  from  the  Speaker's  stand,  the 
appearance  of  the  whole  house  presented  the  spectacle  of  a  splendid 
collection  of  faces,  beaming  with  anxious  expectation  of  the  coming 
event.  The  committee  which  had  been  ;ippointed  to  wait  on  Governor 
Houston  now  appeared  at  the  entrance  of  the  hall,  ;md  its  chairman 
announced  in  a  distinct  voice,  'The  governor  of  the  State!'  They 
then  advanced  with  him  towards  the  center  of  the  hall  amidst  deaf- 
ening applause.  *  *  *  "phe  president,  standing,  addressed  him. 
saying:  'The  people  of  Texas,  through  their  delegates  in  convention 
assembled,  welcome  the  governor  of  the  State  into  this  body.'  The 
applause  was  then  renewed  and  continued  without  abatement  until 
the  governor  had  been  conducted  upon  the  stand  and  seated  to  the 
right  of  the  president.  In  the  same  manner  Lieutenant-Governor 
Edward  Clark  was  conducted  to  a  seat  to  the  right  of  the  governor. 
Chief  Justice  Wheeler  was  conducted  to  a  seat  on  the  stand  to  the 
right  of  the  president.  *  *  *  Then,  amidst  perfect  silence,  the 
secretary  of  the  convention  read  the  projiosed  ordinance  of  secession. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  401 

Upon  the  completion  of  the  reading  the  ayes  and  noes  were  called. 
The  roll  being  called  in  uliihahetical  order,  the  delegates  announced 
their  votes,  and  a  few  of  ilieni  arose  and  briefly  gave  the  reason  for 
their  vote.    The  call  of  the  roll  being  completed,  and  his  estimate  of 
the  vote  having  been  handed  up  by  the  secretary,  the  president  an- 
nounced the  vote  as  one  hundred  and  sixty-six  ayes  and  eight  noes, 
and  declared  the  ordinance  passed.     After  the  tumultuous  cheering 
which   greeted   the   announcement   had  ceased,   a  number  of   ladies, 
preceded  by  George  M.  l'"Iournoy,  entered  the  hall,  waving  over  their 
heads  a  beautiful   'Lone  Star  Flag.'     The  enthusiasm   was  now  re- 
newed,  and   the   building   resounded    with   cheer   after   cheer   as   the 
party  proceeded  to  the  center  of  the  hall.     *     *     *     The  flag  being 
placed  in   full  view  at  the  stand,  upon  motion  the  body  adjourned 
to  the   evening   session,   and   all   those   in   attendance   with   cheerful 
countenances  and  cordial  greetings  left  the  hall." 
The  convention  provided  by  ordinance  for  sul)mitting  the  ordinance 
of  secession  to  a  vote  of  the  qualified  electors  on  February  23d,  and  for 
duplicate   returns   to   be    made,   at   different    times,    to   the    secretary    or 
president  of  the  convention.     The  legislature  also  passed  acts  providing 
for  submitting  the  ordinance  of  secession  to  a  vote  of  the  qualified  electors 
on  the  same  date  and  that  returns  be  made  to  the  secretary  of  state.    Thus 
provision  was  made  for  two  sets  of  returns  and  for  two  separate  counts 
of  the  votes. 

The  "declaration  of  causes  which  ini|)el  the  State  (jf  Texas  to  secede 
from  the  Federal  Union"  was  prepared  by  a  committee  composed  of 
John  Henry  Brown,  George  Flournoy,  John  A.  \\'ilcox.  Malcolm  D.  Gra- 
ham and  A.  P.  Wiley.  It  concluded  with  an  appeal  to  the  voters  to 
ratify  the  ordinance  of  secession  on  February  2,^d.  President  Roberts 
also  prepared  an  address  urging  ratifications  of  the  ordinance.  The 
leaders  of  the  Union  party  issued  an  address  opposing  the  adoption  of 
the  ordinance.  It  was  signed  by  Senators  M.  D.  Hart,  1.  A.  Paschal. 
Emcrv  Rains  and  J.  W.  Throckmorton,  by  Representatives  M.  L.  Arm- 
strong, Sam  Bogart,  L.  B.  Camp,  William  A.  F.llett,  B.  H.  Epper.son, 
John  Hancock,  J.  L.  Haynes,  J.  F.  Henry,  T.  H.  Mundine,  A.  B.  Norton. 
J.  M.  Owens,  Sam  J.  Redgate,  Robert  H.  Taylor  and  G.  W.  Whitmore, 
and  following  delegates  to  the  convention:  J.  F.  Johnson,  W.  H.  John- 
son, J.  D.  Rains,  A.  P.  Shuford,  L.  H.  Williams  and  G.  W.  Wright. 

The  delegates  elected  to  the  convention  of  southern  states  at  Mont- 
gomery were  sent  "in  order  that  the  views  and  interests  of  the  people 
of  Texas  may  be  consulted  with  reference  to  the  constitution  and  pro- 
visional government  that  may  be  established  by  said  convention."  Since 
Texas  had  not  completed  her  act  of  secession,  the  delegates  were  not 
permitted  to  vote,  but  otherwise  were  cordially  received  and  "admitted 
to  seats  upon  the  floor  of  the  congress  and  invited  to  freely  and  unre- 
servedly partici]jate  in  all  the  discussions  of  the  body  in  both  open  and 
secret  session."  Louis  T.  Wigfall.  John  H.  Reagan,  |ohn  Hemphill, 
T.  N.  Waul,  John  Gregg,  W.  S.  (Oldham  and  William  B."  Ochiltree  were 
the  delegates. 

Before  the  adjournment  on  February  4th.  the  convention  emj^wered 
the  committee  on  public  safet\-  to  continue  in  session  diuing  the  recess,  to 

\  o|.     I     211 


402  HISTORY  OK  TH:XAS 

meet  at  such  places  and  perform  such  acts  as  the  pubHc  safety  required. 
'Ihe  committee  was  composed  of  twenty-one  members  and  John  C. 
ivobertson  was  its  chairman.  The  o;rcat  task  it  was  called  on  to  perform 
was  to  free  Texas  from  2,800  United  States  soldiers  stationed  at  various 
posts  on  the  frontier,  and  to  secure  for  the  state  such  property  of  the 
United  States  as  existed  within  its  limits.  To  accomplish  these  objects 
the  committee  appointed  (  1  )  commissioners  to  San  Antonio  to  bring 
about  the  surrender  of  the  troops  at  department  headquarters  and  to 
secure  the  public  property,  (2)  a  commissioner  to  the  northwest  frontier 
for  similar  purposes,  (3)  a  commissioner  to  the  lower  Rio  Grande  valley 
for  similar  purposes,  (4)  a  commissioner  to  procure  funds  for  the  com- 
mittee, and  (5)  a  commissioner  to  Louisiana  to  procure  arms. 

At  the  outset  the  committee  called  on  Gevernor  Houston  and  laid 
before  him  its  plans.  The  governor  agreed  in  the  main  with  the  neces- 
sity for  such  action,  and  gave  assurances  that  the  state  authorities  would 
throw  no  obstacles  in  their  way.  This  assurance  relieved  the  cominittee 
of  much  apprehension,  for  it  was  feared  that  the  governor  had  plans 
of  his  own  which  might  seriou-sly  interfere  with  those  of  the  committee. 
Messrs.  T.  J.  Devine.  P.  X.  Luckett,  S.  .\.  Maverick  and  James  H. 
Rogers  were  appointed  commissioners  to  confer  with  General  D.  E. 
Twiggs,  commanding  the  department  of  Texas,  with  regard  to  the  public 
arms,  munitions  of  war,  etc.,  under  his  control  and  belonging  to  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  with  power  to  demand  and  receive 
them  in  the  name  of  the  state  of  Texas.  Ren  ^TcCnlloch  vtas  appointed 
militarv  officer  with  instructions  to  execute  the  orders  of  the  commis- 
sioners. The  commissioners  were  strictlv  enjoined  to  avoid  any  collision 
with  the  Federal  troops.  If  General  Twiggs  refused  to  surrender  the 
public  stores  at  present  but  promised  to  do  so  after  the  2d  March  and 
agreed  that  everything  under  his  command  should  remain  in  statu-  quo 
until  that  date,  they  were  to  acquiesce.  Conferences  with  General  Twiggs 
vielded  no  satisfactory  results.  While  he  was  a  southerner  and  hated 
Black  Republicans,  yet  it  appeared  to  the  commissioners  that  he  was 
too  much  inclined  to  look  out  for  his  own  interests.  Colonel  ]McCulloch 
was,  therefore,  instructed  to  raise  at  once  a  force  sufficient  to  over- 
power the  troops  stationed  at  San  Antonio.  During  the  night  of  Febru- 
arv  16th  Texan  volunteers  entered  the  city  and  occulted  positions  com- 
manding the  quarters  of  the  United  States  troops.  Thereupon  General 
Twiggs  promptly  surrendered  the  post  with  all  the  public  property  at 
San  Antonio,  and  agreed  to  evacuate  Texas.  The  Federal  troops  were 
permitted  to  retain  their  side  arms,  camp  and  garrison  equipage,  and 
transportation  facilities  as  far  as  the  coast.  The  day  following  General 
Twiggs  agreed  to  surrender  at  once  all  the  military  jiosts  in  Texas.  The 
accomplishment  of  these  important  objects  without  bloodshed  was  an 
achievement  that  reflected  great  credit  ujion  tho<;e  to  whom  they  had  been 
entrusted. 

The  commissioners  to  the  northwest  frontier  and  to  Rio  Grande 
vallev  were  but  a  few  davs  behind  those  at  San  .Xntonio  in  requesting 
the  surrender  of  the  military  posts  in  their  sections.  Fach  had  regarded 
a  displav  of  a  considerable  militarv  force  as  the  surest  means  of  dis- 
couraging resistance.     For   a  time  it   appeared   th.-it   a  collision  between 


HISTORY  Ol'   TEXAS  403 

till;  Texan  and  United  Stales  forces  on  the  Rio  Cirande  eould  not  be 
avoided,  but  tbc  delay  occasioned  by  sending  for  reinforcements  afforded 
time  for  the  receipt  of  General  'Iwij^gs'  order  directinj;  the  evacuation 
i)f  all  military  posts  in  Texas.  This  order  made  it  possible  to  secure 
without  using  force  all  the  posts  upon  very  nearly  the  same  terms  that 
the  surrender  at  San  Antonio  had  taken  place.  As  the  United  States 
forces  were  withdrawn  the  Texan  volunteers  took  their  places  to  furnish 
protection  to  the  frontier  until  more  permanent  arrangements  could  be 
made. 

The  various  military  movements  conducted  by  the  committee  on 
public  safety,  just  referred  to.  were  made  under  the  T^one  Star  flag. 
Wherever  the  stars  and  stripes  were  lowered  this  flag  was  hoisted  in 
their  place.  After  the  jiassage  of  the  ordinance  of  secession  by  the  con- 
vention : 

"The  Lone  Star  flag,   the   former  emblem  of  our   independence 
as  a  republic,  was  generally  used  all  over  the  .State  in  evidence  of  the 
almost  universal  desire  to  resume  our  State  sovereignty.  There  were 
numbers  in  various  parts  of  the  State,  embracing  many  of  the  early 
settlers,  who  took  active  measures  to  organize  what  was  called  I^one 
.Star  Associations,  advocating  the  reestablishment  of  the  Republic  of 
Texas  in   opposition   to   annexation   to   the    Southern    Confederacy. 
*     *     *     General  Houston  was  understood  to  be  in  favor  of  attempt- 
ing to  maintain  the  separate  independence  of  Texas  in  case  of  her 
secession  from  the  old  Union.     However,  the  members  of  the  ])arty 
were  so  few  that  no  general  organization  of  it  ever  took  place."* 
The  adjourned   session  of  the  convention  reassembled  on   .Saturday. 
March  2d.  but  no  quorum  being  present   the  vote  on  the  ordinance  of 
secession  was  not  counted  until  Monday.     The  total  returns  to  the  con- 
vention showed  46.129  votes  for  secession  and  14.697  against  secession. 
On  the   same   day   the  governor  issued  his  proclamation  declaring  that 
the  result  of  the  vote  as  shown  by  the  returns  to  the  secretary  of  state 
was  "a  large  majority     *     *     *     in  favor  of  secession."     The  assertion 
has  often  been  made  that  the  election  at  which  the  ordinance  of  seces- 
sion was  adopted  was  carried  by  fraud  or  force  and  that  enough  Ihiion 
Tiien    were   kept    from    the   polls   through   intimidation    to    determine    the 
result.     That  such  charges  rest  upon  a  very  insecure  basis   will  appear 
from  the  following  comparison  of  election  returns : 

Vote  for  governfir  in  IR.S? — Runnels,  ?i2.5S2:  Houston.  2.\f(^S.  Tot.il, 
56.180. 

Vote  for  governor  in  1859— Runnels,  27.500;  Ilnu^ton.  M>.Z^7.  Total. 
6.^.757. 

Vote  for  ])residential  electors  in  1860 — R>reckinridge.  47.34S ;  I'.ill. 
15.463.    Total.  63,011. 

Vote  on  ordinance  of  secession  in  1861 — For,  4().li'':  against,  14,097. 
Total,  60,826. 

Each  of  these  elections  aroused  more  than  ordinar\  public  interest 
:ind  resulted  in  a  full  poll.  The  vote  for  Breckinridge  and  Rell  was 
determined  by  issues  so  closely  parallel  to  those  presented  hv  the  ordi- 

•Texas  Almanac  for  1862. 


404  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

nance  of  secession  tliat  tlie  almost  identical  poll  of  the  two  is  much  more 
than  a  coincidence  ;  it  shows  that  sentiment  in  November,  1860,  was  almost 
the  same  as  in  February,  1861.  The  proportion  of  enlistments  from 
Texas  in  the  Confederate  service  and  in  the  Union  service  also  go  to 
confirm  this  view. 

The  committee  lu  which  had  been  referred  the  ordinance  in  relation 
to  the  luiion  of  the  state  of  Texas  with  the  Confederate  States  of  America 
reported  on  March  5,  recommending  immediate  action.  The  vote  upon 
the  ordinance  showed  one  hundred  and  nine  in  favor  of  immediate  union 
with  the  Confederacy  and  two  against  it.  This  act  of  the  convention 
was  second  in  importance  only  to  the  act  of  secession ;  it  linked  the  fate 
of  Texas  with  that  of  her  sister  states  of  the  South.  Anticipating  that 
there  would  be  criticism  of  the  convention  for  not  submitting  the  question 
of  union  to  a  vote  of  the  people,  the  committee  in  its  "exposition" 
stated  at  some  length  the  reasons  that  determined  such  action.  "Prompt 
action."  they  said  : 

"Of  course,  would  justify  the  Confederate  government  in  adopt- 
ing more  expensive,  effective  and  permanent  measures  for  the  de- 
fense of  this  State,  especially  its  desolated  frontier,  than  could  be 
expected  before  a  finality.  In  connection  with  the  defense  of  Texas, 
the  appearance  of  uncertainty  as  to  its  political  position  would  em- 
barrass the  pending  arrangements  for  an  alliance  between  the  Con- 
federacy, as  one  party,  and  the  Choctaw.  Chickasaw.  Creek  and 
Cherokee  nations,  in  concert,  as  the  other  party.  Such  hesitation  on 
the  part  of  Texas  would  tend  to  produce  similar  hesitation  in  Arizona 
and  New  Mexico  as  to  their  connection  with  the  Confederacy.  Such 
procrastination  would  ojjerate  unfavorably  on  tlie  neighboring  gov- 
ernment and  people  of  Mexico,  as  to  desirable  negotiations  and  inter- 
course. .\ny  appearance  of  doubt  that  Texas  was  to  be  sustained 
by  connection  with  the  Confederacy  would  stimulate  marauding  and 
incendiary  efforts,  while  it  would  be  fuel  for  faction.  During  such 
suspense  the  po.stal  arrangements  of  Texas  would  be  embarrassed 
and  retarded,  and  so  as  to  the  judiciary  and  revenue.  Delay  would 
])rostrate  trade  and  commerce.  A.  final  connection  with  the  Con- 
federacy, without  delay,  would  give  to  it  addition.il  strength,  and 
jiromote  early  success  in  its  negotiations  as  lo  jjeace  with  the  old 
government — as  to  procurement  of  money — as  to  recognition  by 
other  nations — and  as  to  commercial  relations.  Moreover,  the  prompt 
and  permanent  connection  of  Texas  with  the  Confederacy  could 
not  fail  to  have  a  favorable  influence  on  the  border  states,  as  induce- 
ment for  them  to  abandon  their  eriuivocal  positions  and  connect  them 
selves  with  their  more  .Southern  sisters  and  natural  associations.'" 
The  more  important  acts  of  the  convention  subsequent  to  union  with 
the  Confederacy  are  summarized  in  the  "exposition"  as  follows: 

"Connection  with  the  Confederacy  caused  a  necessity  for  a  change 
in  the  State  constitution  so  that  the  oath  of  ofifice  should  have  'The 
Confederate  States  of  America'  substituted  for  'The  United  States 
of  America.'  One  ordinance  made  this  change,  and  another  pre- 
scribed the  times  and  modes  of  taking  the  oath  bv  all  present  and 
ftitnrr  officers  of  tlic  .State,  flcclarint:  a  vacanc\-  in  c.i^e  of  anv  failure 


IIISTMKV  OI'   TEXAS  ^^05 

lu  lake  llu-  oath  as  required.      Ihc  manner  of  reciuirenient  followed 
the  examples  of  other  States,  where  wilhng  officials  were  not  cap- 
tious     The  lieutenant-governor,  commissioner  of  general  land  ottice 
(who  was  opposed  to  secession),  comptroller,  state  treasurer,  attorney 
general,  all  of  the  supreme  and  district  judges  who  were  in  Austin 
every  memher  of  the  State  senate,  every  member  of  the  house  ot 
representatives,  except  one.  and  many  county  officers   who  were  m 
\ustin  promptly  took   the  oath  prescribed  by   the   amended   const, ^ 
tntion     Of  those  who  thus  took  the  oath  a  considerable  number  hac 
opposed  secession.     Rut  the  governor  and  secretary  of  state  declined 
to  take  the  oath  when  notified  according  to  the  ordinance  therefor, 
rhcreupoii   the   convention   hx   another   ordinance   declared   as   con- 
sequences that  each  office  was  vacant  and  that^the  executive  powers 
devolved  on  the  lieutenant-governor."     */'      ' 

Having  completed  its  labors  about  noon  of  the  25th  March,  the  con- 
vention, in  an  orderly  manner,  adjourned  sdw  die. 


CHAPTER  XXXI 
TEXAS  IN  THE  WAR 

Texas  was  not  prepared  for  war.  The  people  did  not  want  war.  How- 
ever, they  believed  in  the  right  of  secession  ;  and  they  denounced  coercion 
in  the  strongest  terms.  The  legislature  on  l-'ebruary  1  passed  a  joint 
resolution  in  which  it  assured  the  states  of  the  South  that  Texas  would 
"make  coinnion  cause  with  them  in  resisting,  by  all  means  and  to  the  last 
extremity  such  unconstitutional  violence  and  tyrannical  usurpation  of 
power."  It  was  to  forestall  coercion  that  the  committee  on  public  safety 
adopted  prompt  and  energetic  measures  to  rid  Texas  of  the  presence  of 
the  Federal  soldiers  before  the  ordinance  of  secession  was  voted  upon. 
The  ease  with  which  this  object  was  accomplished  induced,  perhaps, 
both  the  convention  and  the  legislature  to  maintain  a  rather  complacent 
view  of  the  situation.  In  its  "exposition"  of  the  acts  and  motives  of  the 
convention  the  committee  said  : 

"It  has  not  been  deemed  necessary  to  speak  particularly  of  the 
question  of  peace  or  war.  The  Convention  acted  with  a  view  to 
either  alternative." 

As  a  matter  of  fact  the  convention  did  every  little  that  can  be  credited 
to  anticipation  of  war.  It  sent  commissioners  to  the  Choctaw,  Chickasaw. 
Creek  and  Cherokee  nations  to  bring  them  into  an  alliance  with  the  Con- 
federacy and  provided  for  raising  a  regiment  of  one  thousand  moimted 
men  to  be  enlisted  for  twelve  months  to  protect  the  frontier.  It  despatched 
an  agent  to  purchase  one  thousand  Colt's  revolvers  and  one  thousand 
Morse  rifles,  notwithstanding  requests  for  arms  from  volunteer  com- 
panies and  the  experience  of  the  coimnittee  on  jniblic  safety  showed 
clearly  that  a  much  larger  number  was  needed.  The  arms  obtained 
from  the  United  States  arsenal  at  San  .Vntonin  numbered  ten  thousand, 
but  did  not  make  up  the  deficiency. 

The  Legislature  continued  in  session  until  .\\n-\l  9tli,  adjourning  three 
days  before  Fort  Sumter  was  fired  upon.  In  a  message  on  February  5. 
Governor  Houston  stated  that  on  January  1^.  1861,  there  existed  a  defici- 
ency in  the  revenue  of  the  state  amounting  to  $817,827.10.  "The  amount 
due  Rangers  alone  for  services  rendered  up  to  this  period  amounts  to  $v3C)0.- 
000."  By  April  the  deficit  exceeded  a  million  dollars.  A  law  was  passed 
providing  for  the  organization  of  companies  of  forty  men  each  to  pro- 
tect the  frontier,  and  $75,000  was  appropriated  for  the  frontier  regiment 
created  by  the  convention.  The  sum  of  $225,000  was  appropriated  to 
pay  the  expenses  incurred  in  frontier  defense  during  1860.  Two  loans 
were  authorized :  a  twelve  months  loan  of  $90,000,  to  pay  the  loan  made 
by  the  committee  on  public  safety,  and  a  loan  nf  .$100,000,  payable  in 
sixteen  years,  to  provide  funds  with  which  to  wipe  out  the  existing  deficit. 
Every  effort  to  negotiate  these  loans  failed.  Nothing  was  done  to  put 
the  state  in  a  proper  condition  for  war.  Governor  Clark  in  his  message 
of  November  1,  1861,  said  in  regard  to  this  matter: 

"The  previous  legislature  did  not  have  a  full  appreciation  of  the 
greatness  of  the  conflict  upon  the  threshold  of  which  we  then  stood. 

406 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  407 

We  could  all  see  the  majestic  and  triumphant  Confederacy  of  States 
down  the  vista  of  the  non-distant  future,  but  all  did  not  realize  a 
sense  of  the  trial  and  struggle  through  which  we  were  to  pass. 
Hence  it  was  ihal  the  honorable  body  to  which  I  allude  made  no 
provision  for  the  contest  into  which  we  are  now  plunged,  and  those 
things  which  have  l)een  accomplished  have  been  done  to  a  great 
extent  without  the  sanction  of  positive  legislation,  and  upon  the 
responsibility  of  the  Executive." 
It  will  be  noted  that  Governor  Clark  did  not  convene  the  legislature 
in  extra  session  to  aid  him. 

News  of  the  attack  upon  Fort  Sumter  reached  Austin  April  17th.  To 
the  non-partisan  these  tidings  were  awe  inspiring.  War  in  any  case  is 
a  calamity,  but  war  between  people  of  the  same  blood  is  abhorrent  to  all 
liic  instincts  of  our  nature.  On  the  other  hand,  there  were  those  who 
brought  forth  cannon  and  made  the  hills  surrounding  the  capital  city 
ring  with  the  echoes  that  to  their  minds  were  to  usher  in  a  new  era. 
Governor  Clark  at  once  adopted  every  measure  at  his  command  to  place 
the  state  in  a  condition  for  defense.  He  appointed  an  adjutant  general 
to  have  charge  of  the  organization,  equipment,  and  instruction  of  volun- 
teer companies  in  every  county  of  the  state.  The  Federal  soldiers, 
who  had  been  stationed  in  Texas,  were  encamped  near  Indianola;  it  was 
reported  that  they  would  not  be  withdrawn  but  would  maintain  a  foot 
iiold  on  the  coast  of  Texas.  The  adjutant-general  was  instructed  to 
cause  their  embarcation.  Lieut-Col.  John  R.  Baylor  proceeded  to  occupy 
the  posts  west  of  San  Antonio  on  the  Rio  Grande  as  far  as  the  Messilla 
X'alley  in  New  Mexico;  he  took  a  large  number  of  prisoners,  who  were 
l>aroled.  Col.  Wm.  C.  Young  raised  a  cavalry  regiment  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Texas  frontier  along  Red  River.  He  captured  Forts 
,\rbuckle,  Washita  and  Cobb,  compelling  the  Federals  to  withdraw  into 
Kansas,  and  secured  the  friendship  of  the  Choctaws  and  Chickasaws. 

The  Governor  caused  to  be  secured  for  the  state  all  the  ammunition 
that  was  carried  in  stock  by  the  merchants ;  but  the  quantity  was  small. 
He  al.so  caused  the  chief  justices  of  the  counties  to  make  inquiry  con 
cerning  the  number  of  arms  in  the  possession  of  private  individuals. 
The  result  showed  about  forty  thou.sand  guns  of  everv  description  in 
private  hands.  He  gathered  information  in  regard  to  the  number  of 
able-bodied  men  in  the  state,  and  concluded  that  there  were  "more  than 
one  hundred  thousand."  Brigadier-generals  were  appointed  in  the  thirty- 
two  districts  of  the  state  and  required  to  organize  the  militia.  "No 
[tracticable  means,"  said  he,  "have  been  left  untried  to  form  into  com- 
panies all  the  able  bodied  men  of  Texas.  The  people  have  been  appealed 
tn  directly  by  the  Executive  and  by  many  individuals  appointed  by  him 
for  that  purpose  to  organize  into  companies  of  some  character,  get  the 
best  arms  they  could  obtain  and  inform  the  authorities  of  the  state  of 
their  localities  and  condition." 

Being  successful  in  ridding  its  own  territorv  of  the  enemy,  Texas 
contributed  with  unstinted  hand  to  the  support  of  the  Confederacy. 
On  April  17th,  Governor  Clark  received  a  requisition  from  the  .Secre- 
tary of  War  for  three  thousand  men  and  on  the  24th  a  requisition  for 
;in  additional  five  thousand.     Altliotigh  tbe-.e  troojis  were  to  he  infantry— 


408  I11ST(  )R^    ()!•■  TKXAS 

a  branch  of  the  service  most  Texans  thoroughly  disHked — the  call  re- 
ceived a  prompt  response.  Early  in  July,  the  Governor  was  called  on  for 
twenty  companies  to  be  sent  to  Virginia,  to  serve  during  the  war.  Thirty- 
two  companies  responded.  They  became  famous  as  Hood's  Texas 
Brigade.  "One  of  the  highest  encomiums  that  can  be  bestowed  upon  the 
soldiers  of  that  brigade."  said  O.  M.  Roberts,  "is  the  fact  that  of  the 
ofticers  who  commanded  them  in  battle  five  were  made  brigadier-generals, 
two  were  made  major-generals,  and  one  a  lieutenant-general." 

In  reviewing  the  situation.  Governor  Clark  in  his  message  Noveiiil)tr 
1,   1861,  .said: 

"Not  regarding  all  the  difficulties  which  have  impeded  the  action 
of  the  state,  and  looking  only  to  those  results  which  have  been  at- 
tained by  the  spontaneous  action  of  the  people  we  have  reason  for 
congratulation  upon  the  past  and  for  additional  self-reliance  in  the 
future.    Twenty  thousand  Texans  are  now  battling  for  the  rights  of 
our  new-born  gigantic  government.     They  are  waiting  to  win  fresh 
laurels  in  heroic  Old  Virginia.     They  are  ready  to  aid  in  lifting  the 
yoke  from  Kentucky's  prostrate  neck  and  are  marshalled  in  defense 
of  the  sovereignty  of  Missouri.     They  have  covered  with  a  brilliant 
glory  the  plains  of  New  Mexico  and  are  formed  in  a  cordon  of  safety 
aroimd  the  border  of  our  own  great  state.     If  such  positive  results 
have  sprung  from  the  spontaneous  action  of  the  people,  what  may  we 
hope  will  not  be  accomplished  when  the  entire  latent  forces  of  the 
state  are  shaped  into  system  and  efficiency."     *     *     * 
An  election  for  governor  would  be  held  in  August,  1861.     An  effort 
was  made  to  hold  a  state  convention  at  Dallas  in  May,  but  so  few  coun- 
ties  sent   delegates   that   no   nominations   were   made.      Governor   Clark, 
F.  R.  Lubbock,  former  lieutenant-governor,  and  T.  J.  Chambers,  chair- 
man of  the   committee  that  drew   up  the   ordinance   of   secession,   were 
candidates.     "I   wished  to  be  the  executive   head  of   Texas,"   sad   Lub- 
bock, "that  1  might  support  the  Confederacy  and  assist  in  the  vigorous 
])rosecution  of  the  war."     This  was  the  main  question  before  the  people ; 
each  of  the  candidates  was  a  supporter  of  the  Confederacy.     The  result 
was  a  very  close  vote;  Lubbock  received  21,854  votes.  Clark  21,730,  and 
Chamber.s'  13,759. 

Francis  Richard  Lubbock  has  been  called  the  war  governor  of  Texas. 
He  had  been  an  ardent  advocate  of  secession.  As  soon  as  he  was  assured 
of  his  election  he  proceeded  to  Richmond  to  confer  with  the  president  in 
order  that  he  might  better  inform  himself  how  as  governor  he  could 
strengthen  the  power  and  insure  the  success  of  the  Confederacy.  He 
never  wavered  in  his  opinion  of  Davis  and  believed  that  he  "was  pre- 
eminently fitted  for  the  high  position  to  which  he  had  been  elevated." 
Governor  Lubbock's  term  extended  over  the  critical  period  of  the  war. 
During  1862  and  1863  the  contest  expanded  with  extraordinary  rapid- 
ity and  assumed  enormous  proportions.  To  have  a  man  in  the  executive 
chair  in  so  important  a  state  as  Texas,  who  was  in  hearty  sympathy  with 
the  Confederate  authorities,  was  of  great  importance.  In  view  of  the 
large  disparity  in  the  numerical  strength  of  the  contending  parties,  he 
recognized  the  fact  early  that  success  depended  on  quick  and  decisive 
action.      He   urged   the   enlistment    of   every    man   capable  of   rendering 


IIISI'ORV  OF  'IKXAS 


40O 


military  service.     1-  his  .nossage  to  the  extra  session  of  the  legislature, 
^^r...y^J^^j:^o^^,  had   furnished  to  the   Confederate 
militm  service  thirtv-three  regiments,  thirteen  battahons.  two  squad- 
r^7ixde  ached  companies    and  one  legion  of  twelve  companies 
o    cava  In'    n  ne  een  regiments,  two  battalions,  one  detached  company 
'  nd  or^    egion  of  two^battalions  of  infantry,  and  ot.e  -SHm-nt  attd 
uelve  light  batteries  of  artillery,  thirty  regmients.  o    which  ( twentv- 
Z-)Sy  and  nine  infantry)  have  been  organued  since  the  requ  - 
s    on  of  February  3,  1862,  for  fifteen  regiments,  being  the  ciuota  re- 
uir  d  of   fSas  to  make  her  quota  equal  to  the  quota  trom  the  other 
ttes    making  62,000  men.   which  -^^h   the   state   troops  m 
service  viz..  6.300  men.  form  an  aggregate  of  68,500  Texans  in  mm 
arv  'ervice    constituting  an  excess  of  4.773  more  than  her  highest 
popular  vot;.  which  was  63.727.     From  the  best  information  within 
reTch  of  thi     Department,  upon  which   to  base  an  es  imate  of 
men  now   remaining  in   the  state  between  the  f  -  « V^^^  ,;""' 
sixty  years,  it  is  thought  that  the  number  will  not  exceed  2/000. 
In  his"creneral  message  to  the  tenth  legislature    November,  1863.  th. 
..oy  rno'recapitulated  the  figures  just  quoted,  and  then  contmued  . 

"Since  that  time  there  have  been  added  one  brigade  and  .several 
resim^ms  t        eVonfederate  forces,  and  several  light  batteries,  which 
wiA  the  state  troops  now   mustered  into  Confederate  service  have 
:^^e  led  the  ^tal  m  niber  of  Texas  troops  who  have  taken  the  he  < 
o  about  QO.OOO  men.  exceeding  the  highest  popular  vote  ever  cast  b 
nan     thousands      In  addition  to  this  roll  so  glorious  to  Texas,  I  an 
OKI   t       ay   that   mmu.e  companies,  composed  of   those  not  habk 
'under  the  present  laws  to  military  duty,  are  daily  forming  with  the 
determination  to  defend  the  state  to  the  last  extremity. 
Texas  was  permitted  to  contribute  such  large  numbers  of  soldiers  for 
,he  pro'ction  S  sister  states  on  account  of  its  favorable  position,  that 
,nadedift^cult  an  invasion  by  a  large  Federal  army:  y    ,  r.rv\ 

••On  our  western  frontier  and  on  the  north  fronting  Indian   1  erri- 
tory  there  were  no  means  of  supplying  a  large  army  for  a  considerable 
di    a  ie  b  for-  reaching  well-iettled  portions  of  the  state,  and  upon 
ou    Gulf  coast  the  sand  bars  at   the  entrance  of  our  ports  were  a 
nrotection  against   the  entry   .^f   large   vessels  or  gunboats.      If   wa. 
es  el    °hoikl   force  an  entrance  to  our  port.s,  there  were  no  large 
h"r     nor    ong  railroads  that  would  enable  the  enemy  to  penetra  e 
;  [ntiLr  of'the  country.     Texas,  therefore,  "-'^.^[l  «"  ^  "cht'ion'; 
tary  forces  as  could  furnish  protection  again.st  Indian  depredations, 
and  expel  from  our  ports  any  portion  of  the  enemy  that  might  force 
an  entrance  into  them."*  , 

There   existed   on   the    frontier   of    Texas   xylial    practically    amounu. 
,o  an  Indian  war  when  the  .slate  seceded.     The  United  States    roops  had 
not  been  successful  in  putting  an  end  to  it.     Texas  had  spen    large  sums 
id      1  se       her  bor<l 'r  ...U-rs.     Nominally  the  duty  o    P|-f-/'"«     '[I 
now    devolved    upon    ,lu-    C  onfederacy.    hut    (.oyernor    l.ubhock    frankh 

HX^l    Roberts  in    •fonfo.Uratc    Military    History."   XI,  65.  (.(.. 


410  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

excused  it  from  this  duty  becau.-e  it  was  itself  engaged  in  a  life  and  death 
struggle.  In  his  inaugural  he  urged  the  legislature  to  make  adequate 
provision  for  the  protection  of  the  frontier.  Another  regiment  for  pro- 
tection against  the  Indians  was  authorized  by  act  of  December  21,  1861. 
It  was  expected  that  the  Confederacy  would  assume  the  cost  of  main- 
lainiiig  these  troops,  but  those  expectations  were  disappointed.  Their 
support  was  a  heavy  burden  upon  the  state  finances,  but  the  fear  that 
they  would  be  removed  if  turned  over  to  the  Confederacy  restrained 
even  Governor  Lubbock. 

"The   frontier  counties  with  their  sparse  population  have  nobly 
responded  to  the  call  of   their  country ;  they   should  be   sustained. 
Unless  protection  be   afforded   them   the   frontier   must   recede  and 
give  way  before  the  inroads  of  the  Indians ;  for  just  so  soon  as  you 
fail  to  keep  up  a  system  of  defense  in  your  outer  counties  will  they 
press   forward  upon  the  interior,  murdering  and   robbing."      (  Lub- 
bock's message  of  February  5.  1863.) 
Besides  the   soldiers   from   the    frontier   in   the   field,   whose    families 
suflfered,  would  desire  to  return  to  afford  them  protection  and  thus  de- 
crease the  effective  force  of  the  Confederacy.     This  regiment  had  a  line 
over  five  hundred  miles  in  length  to  protect ;  arms  and  ammunition 
were  very  scarce ;  but  the  soldiers  were  experienced  in  such  service. 

"I  regret  that  for  several  months  past  the  depredations  upon 
the  frontier  have  been  very  frequent.  Murders  have  been  committed 
and  horses  stolen."* 
The  absence  of  the  husband  in  the  army,  where  he  was  paid  in  de- 
preciated currency  or  not  paid  at  all,  soon  reduced  many  families  to  a 
condition  of  want.  During  1862  the  counties  afforded  such  rehef  as  was 
possible  to  them.  Governor  Lubbock  urged  upon  the  legislature  at  the 
called  session  in  February,  1863,  that  an  appropriation  of  state  funds 
be  made  for  their  relief.  This  was  done ;  $600,000  was  appropriated,  and 
a  joint  resolution  was  adopted  declaring  that  Texas  stood  pledged  to 
its  .soldiers  in  the  field  to  support  their  families.  In  November,  1863, 
the  governor  reported  that  this  relief  had  been  productive  of  much 
good  and  recommended  its  continuance.  "The  soldier  battling  for  his 
country  must  feel  the  conviction  that  his  family  is  well  cared  for ;  he 
will  then  stand  by  his  colors  to  the  bitter  end."  .\t  the  close  of  1864 
the  number  of  dependents  w^as  estimated  by  Governor  Murrah  at  74,000. 
"The  support  of  the  family  of  the  soldier."  he  said,  "is  as  necessary  as 
the  support  of  the  .soldier.     If  his  family  suffers,  he  will  suffer." 

The  blockade  of  the  Gulf  ports  and  the  war  operations  to  the  north 

and  east  of  Te.xas  stopped  trade,  and  the  stocks  of  merchandise,  etc.. 

on   hand  graduallv   diminished   with   no   opportunity   to   replenish   them. 

"So  that  by  the  first  of  1862  the  people  in  most  parts  of  the  state 

set  about  providing  themselves  with  the  necessaries  of  life.     From 

that  time  to  the  end  of  the  war  a  person  traveling  past  houses  on  the 

road  could  hear  the  sound  of  the  .spinning  wheel  and  the  looms  at 

which  the  women  were  at  work  to  supply  clothing  for  their  families 

and  for  their  husbands  and  sons  in  the  army.     Thus  while  the  men 


*Lubbock's  message  of  Xovcmber,  1863. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  411 

were  struggling  valiantly  with  all  their  martial  efforts  in  camp  and 
in  battle,  the  work  of  the  women  was  no  less  heroic  and  patriotic  in 
their  homes.  Nor  was  that  kind  of  employment  all;  for  many  a  wife 
or  daughter  of  a  soldier  went  out  on  the  farm  and  bravely  did  the 
work  with  plow  and  hoe  to  make  provisions  for  herself  and  little 
children.  Shops  were  established  extensively  to  manufacture  do- 
mestic imjilements.  Wheat  and  other  cereals  were  produced  where 
practicable,  in  large  i|uantities;  bogs  and  cattle  were  raised  more 
generally;  and  before  the  passage  over  the  Mississippi  was  closed 
by  the  Federal  gunboats,  droves  of  beef-cattle  and  numerous  wagon 
loads  of  bacon  and  flour  were  almost  constantly  passing  across  that 
river    from   Texas  to    feed   the   soldiers   of   the   Confederate    army. 

*  *     * 

"An  almost  universally  huni;inc  feeling  insi)ired  ])eople  of  wealth 
as  well  as  those  in  moderale  circumstances  to  hel])  the  indigent 
families  of  .soldiers  in  the  field  and  the  women  wlio  had  lost  their 
husbands  and  .sons  by  sickness  or  in  battle.  There  were  numerous 
slave-holders  who  had  only  a  few  slaves,  such  as  had  been  raised  by 
themselves  or  by  their  parents  as  part  of  the  family,  and  so  regarded 
themselves.     In  the  absence  of  the  husband  in  the  service,  the  wife 

*  *  *  assumed  the  management  of  the  farm  and  the  control 
of  the  negroes  on  it.  It  was  a  subject  of  general  remark  that  the 
negroes  were  more  docile  and  manageable  during  the  war  than  at 
any  other  period,  and  for  this  they  deserve  the  lasting  gratitude  of 
their  owners  in  the  army.     *     *     * 

"At  most  of  the  towns  there  were  posts  established  with  officers 
for  the  collection  of  the  tithes  of  farm  products  under  an  act  of 
congress  for  the  use  of  the  army,  and  wagons  were  used  continually 
for  their  transportations  to  different  places  where  the  soldiers  were 
in  service.  In  addition,  wagons  under  private  control  were  constanth- 
running  from  Texas  to  .Xrkansas  to  Lousiana  loaded  with  clothing, 
hats  and  .shoes,  contributed  by  families  for  their  relatives  in  the 
army  in  those  states.  Indeed,  by  this  patriotic  method  the  greater 
part  of  the  Texas  troops  in  those  states  were  supplied  with  clothing 
of  all  kinds. 

"Salt  being  a  ])rime  necessity  for  family  use,  salt  works  were 
established  in  eastern  Texas  in  Cherokee  and  Smith  counties,  and  at 
Crand  Saline  in  Van  Zandt  county  *  *  *  In  the  west  salt  was 
furnished  from  the  salt  lakes.  Iron  works  were  established  for 
making  plows  and  cooking  vessels  near  Jefferson,  Ru.sk  and  Austin. 

*  *  *  .\t  jug  factories  in  Rusk  and  Henderson  counties  were 
made  rude  earthenware  dishes,  plates,  cups.  *  *  *  At  other 
shops  wagons  were  made  and  repaired,  and  in  small  domestic  fac- 
tories chairs,  tables  and  other  furnitiuT  was  made.  Shoe-shops  and 
tailor  shops  were  kept  busy  all  over  the  country.  Substitutes  for 
sugar  and  coffee  were  partiallv   adopted,  hut  without  much  success. 

*  *     * 

"The  iienitentiary  at  Huntsville,  under  the  control  of  the  state 
government,  was  bttsicd  in  manufacturing  cotton  and  woolen  cloth, 
and  made  each  vear  over  a  million  and  a  half  vards  of  cloth,  which 


412  lllSTOKV  OF  TEXAS 

under  the-  direction  of  the  government  was  distributed  tirst  to  supply 
the  soldiers  in  the  army,  second,  to  tlie  soldiers'  families  and  their 
actual  consumers.     *     *     *"  * 
A  military  board,  composed  of  the  governor,  comptroller  and  treas- 
urer,  was  established   by   act   of   January    11,    1862.      It    imported   from 
Europe  over  40,000   pairs  of  cotton   and   wool  cards,   which   were  dis- 
tributed to  families  in  Texas  for  home  use  at  cost.      Ihrough  its  agents 
it  purchased  cotton  which  was  exported  to  Mexico,  the  ])roceeds  used  to 
buy  arms,  munitions  of  war.  machinery,  etc.     The  board  established  a  gun 
factory  and  a  cap  factory  ai   Austin  and  encouraged  the  establishment 
of  other  factories.     It  also  made  contracts  with  private  persons  where- 
by   they    were   permitted   to   transport   cotton   to    Mexico    in   return    for 
stipulated  benefits  to  be  rendered  to  the  board  for  the  state.     The  amounts 
received  and  disbursed  by  the  board  were  estimated  at  ,*'!2,000,000. 

No  attempt  was  made  to  hold  a  state  convention  in  186,^.  Governor 
Lubbock  declined  to  seek  re-election.  Pendelton  Murrah  and  T.  J. 
Chambers  were  candidates;  both  were  supjjorters  of  the  Confederacy. 
Owing  to  the  absence  of  so  many  Texans  in  the  field,  the  vote  was  very 
small;  Murrah  received  17,511  votes.  Chambers  12,455.  and  1,070  were 
scattering,  l-'arly  in  1864  Lubbock  traveled  across  the  country  from 
Houston  to  Shreveport.  "The  country  along  the  roads,"  he  said,  ''wore 
an  air  of  desolation.  Old  men,  boys,  women,  children,  and  a  few  crip- 
ples were  occasionally  met  with,  but  no  able-bodied  men."  The  buoyant 
and  hopeful  spirit  that  prevailed  among  the  people  during  the  first  two 
years  of  the  war,  as  well  as  the  resources  of  the  country,  were  about  ex- 
hausted. The  military  authorities  had  constantly  encroached  upon  the 
powers  of  government ;  the  civil  authorities  were  respected  in  so  far  as 
they  contributed  to  the  success  of  the  war.  Governor  Murrah  had  been 
schooled  in  the  doctrine  of  state  rights ;  he  was  a  lawyer  by  profession. 
Although  ready  to  aid  the  Confederacy,  he  was  mindful  of  his  oath  of 
office  and  deemed  it  his  duty  to  resist  the  encroachments  upon  the  rights 
of  the  state  by  the  military  and  b\-  acts  of  the  Confederacy.  Confusion 
resulted  from  these  ditTerences.  which  added  to  the  hardships  of  an 
expo.sed  frontier  and  was  seized  upon  by  certain  lawless  elements  to  com- 
mit robberies  and  outrages  in  other  sections. 

"Governor  Murrah's  administration  covered  the  last  sixteen 
months  of  the  Confederacy,  when  the  clouds  of  disaster  were  hover- 
ing over  the  coiuitrv.  .Suffering  from  consumption  (of  which  he 
died  in  1865)  and  impoverished  as  the  country  was,  it  was  not  in 
his  power  or  that  of  any  liuman  agencv  to  meet  and  fulfill  the  desires 
of  the  public  mind."t 

"The  total  net  expenditures  |of  Texas  during  the  war)  amovmted 
to  $4,863,790,  of  which  probably  not  less  than  S.1591,075  were  of 
a  military  character.  Recei])ts  were  mainly  in  dejjreciated  Confed- 
erate notes  and  state  treasury  warrants  and  amounted  net  to  $8,149.- 
913.  Approximately  forty  per  cent,  of  receipts  was  from  taxes, 
eight  per  cent,   from  the  sale  of  bonds,  thirty-eight  per  cent,   from 


*0.  M.  Roberts  in  "Confederate  Military  History."'  \[.   112-118  f'tissini. 
tBrown,  "History  of  Texas,"  II,  423. 


HISTORY  Ol^  TEXAS  41.> 

the  sale  of  pruducls  luainilacluicci  at  iIk-  pciiiuiiliary.  and  fourU'cn 
per  cent,  from  miscellaneous  sources.  The  ad  valorem  rate  of  the 
state  tax  was  one-half  of  one  per  cent,  in  1863  and  1864.  but  the 
arrearages  of  this  ta.\  were  large.  The  innovations  in  taxation  were 
a  tax  on  occupations  on  the  basis  of  gross  receipts  and  a  tax  on 
salaries  and  prt)fessional  incomes.  The  laws  levying  these  taxes  were 
laxly  drawn,  were  evaded  and  except  during  the  last  year  of  th<- 
war  produced  little.  Taxes  collected  in  the  state  on  account  of  the 
Confederate  government  amounted  to  $26,904  in  specie  and  $37,459,- 
950  in  Confederate  notes.  Confederate  and  state  taxation  together. 
1  here  fore,  constituted  a  heavy  burden. 

"On  October  30,  1865,  the  public  debt  |of  Texas]  was  estimated 
at  $7,989,897.  Of  this  amount  $981,140  was  funded,  $2,208,047  was 
in  the  form  of  outstanding  treasurv  warrants  and  cotton  certificates. 
$1,455,914  was  due  the  school  and  other  special  funds  for  loans  and 
for  evidences  of  state  debt  held  by  them,  $3,150,000  was  estimated 
as  due  to  soldiers  and  for  supplies,  and  the  balance  was  miscellaneous. 
The  cash  balance  at  the  close  of  the  war  was  $3,3r)8,510,  but  of  this 
amount  only  $15,397  was  specie.  The  remainder  was  valueless  Con- 
federate notes  and  state  pajier.  In  addition  to  the  above  balance  there 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  Militarv  Board  $129,975  in  L'nited  States 
bonds  and  interest  coupons."* 

In  this  brief  survey  of  the  history  of  Texas  during  the  war  little 
need  be  said  of  the  military  operations  within  its  borders.  There  were 
a  number  of  minor  engagements  and  a  few  brilliant  fights  like  the  re- 
capture of  Galveston  and  the  defen.se  of  Sabine  Pass.  But  Texas  lay 
i>utside  of  the  path  of  the  teritfic  storm  that  laid  waste  her  sister  states 
\\  hile  it  was  necessary  to  keep  sufficient  troo])s  at  home  to  meet  any 
emergency,  the  enem\'  never  a|)peared  in  great  numbers  and  no  decisive 
battles  were  fought. 

"Yet  those  who  euflured  the  privations  of  the  camp  and  tlie  march, 
without  being  in  battle,  rendered  good  .service  by  being  ])art  of  the 
state  guard,  armed  and  ec|ui])j)ed,  and  ready  to  resist  any  aggression 
of  the  enemy.  Such  readiness,  with  the  forCe  at  command,  securefl 
our  protection."! 

"In  taking  a  survey  of  the  o]>erations  of  tlie  Texas  troojjs  in  the 
numerous  battles  in  which  thev  engaged  in  Louisiana,  Mississi])pi, 
Arkansas,  Mis.souri,  Kentucky,  Tennessee  and  N'irginia,  the  large 
muuber  of  ]ironiotions  for  meritorious  conduct  in  them  will  attract 
attention  as  a  remarkable  result.  Major  John  Henry  Brown,  who 
was  an  officer  in  the  arm\'  from  nearlv  the  first  to  the  last  *  *  * 
reported  that  of  Texans  in  the  army,  one  became  a  general,  AlixTl 
.Sidney  Johnston,  the  highest  rank  :  one  a  lieutenant-general.  John  1!. 
Hood;  three  major-generals.  .Samuel  I!.  Maxey,  John  .\,  Wharton 
and  Thomas  (ireen:  thirty-two  brigadier-generals,  ninety-seven 
colonels  and  fifteen  commanders  of  battalions.  Nearly  all  of  those 
officers  attained  the  ranks  nieiilioiied  from  lower  r:inks  by  their 
valor  in  battle. 

•E.  T.  Miller,  in  "The  .South  in   tin-   HuildiiiH  of  the  Nation,"  W  .S.iS-.W. 
tR'ilurts,  in  "Confederate  Militnrv   Mi-itory  "  XI,  6S. 


414  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

"The  ofticers  are  representatives  of  the  soldiers  commanded  by 
them,  who  are  too  numerous  to  be  sej^arately  named  in  the  history 
of  a  great  war.     What,  then,  is  to  be  said  generally  of  the  Texas 
soldiers?     It  is  not  proper  to  state  that  they  have  been  more  distin- 
guished in  battles  than  their  brother  soldiers  of  the  other  states.     It 
is  enough  to  assert  that  they  have  stood  equal  to  the  most  distin- 
guished in  every  battle  where  they  fired  a  gun  or  made  a  charge. 
A   common    spirit  of   chivalric   valor   inspired   them    as   soldiers   of 
Texas     *     *     *     Whoever  led  them   in  two  or  three  hard   fought 
battles  secured  promotion,  so  that  the   advancement   of   their  com- 
manders was  a  public   compliment   to   the  Texas   soldiers'   prowess 
in  arms."* 
Although  secession  carried  by  a  large  majority  in  Te.xas,  there  were 
many  who   favored  ttie  Union — some   of   them   men   of   great   influence 
like  Sam  Houston,  E.  ^L  Pease.  John  Hancock,  .'\.  J.  Hamilton,  J.  W. 
Throckmorton  and  E.  J.  Davis.     When  war  was  declared  most  of  the 
Union  men  voluntarily  gave  their  allegiance  to  Texas.     Those  who  wav- 
ered were  either  coerced  or  obliged  to  leave  the  state.     Those  who  at- 
tempted to  remain,   with  some  exceptions,   were  exposed  to  the  malice 
of   their   enemies,   and   some   who   attempted   to   emigrate   were   waylaid 
and  slain. 

"The    official    records     *     *     *     ^how    that    there    were    1,920. 
claiming  to  be  from  Texas,  enrolled  in  the  Federal  army  during  the 
war.    They  constituted  two  regiments,  whose  service  was  confined  to 
Louisiana.    Of  one  Edmund  J,  Davis  was  colonel ;  of  the  other  John 
L.  Haynes  was  colonel.    They  were  organized  at  or  near  ]\Iatamoras 
*     *     *     proceeded  bv  water  to  New  Orleans,   and   thence   to   the 
army  of  Louisiana.     On  several  occasions  they  met  the  Texas  Con- 
federates in  battle,  and  there  is  abundant  evidence  that  they   were 
good  soldiers.     Colonel  Davis  was  promoted  to  brigadier-general. "f 
Within  six   weeks  after   the   surrender  of   General   Lee,   Texas   and 
those  ])arts  of  the  adjoim'ng  states  which  had  successfully  resisted   in- 
vasion  throughout   the    war.    "presented    a    scene    of   universal    disorder 
and  confusion     *     *     *     ,-ind  that,  too,  without  the  advance  of  a  single 
Federal    soldier."      Soldiers    who    had    given    proof    of    their    obedience 
and  courage  during  the  hardships  and  privations  of  several  winters  in 
camp  and  on  numerous  battlefields,  now  refused  to   heed  the   patriotic 
appeals  as  well  as  the  orders  of  their  officers.     Seeing  that  success  for 
the   cause    in    which   they   had   enlisted   was   utterly   hopeless,    they   lost 
their    fighting   s]:)irit,   became    difficult    to   manage,    and    were    no   longer 
dependable.     Having  received  no  pay  for  months  they  demanded  a  divi- 
sion  of   the   Confederate   propertv  before   setting  out    for   their   homes. 
Confusion   ensued.     Confederate   property   was   seized   wherever    found, 
and    stale    propertv    in    some    instances    was    also   taken.      The    country 
swarmed  with  men  out  of  funds  and  out  of  employment.     The  civil  au- 
thorities were  helpless  to  deal  with  the  situation  that  confronted  them. 
Lawlessness  began  to  increase,   for  jayhawkers,  guerillas  and  highway- 


♦Roberts.  Ibid..  142.  144-45. 

fBrown,  "llivtory  of  Texas,"  TI.  441-42. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  415 

nun  usfd  the  opportunity  to  gratify  tlu-ir  desires.     An  attempt  to  roij  the 

penitentiary  at   Hnntsville  was  made,  and  the  State  Treasury  at  Austin 

was  looted. 

One  June  2  General  IC.  Kirhy  .Smith  went  on  board  a  war  ship  at  (ja) 

veston  and   formally   signed  the  terms  of  the   surrender  of   the   Tran; 

Mississi])pi  Department.     With  this  act  the  last  vestige  of  Confederat- 

military  authority  vanished. 

"Wild  rumors  were  afloat  (jf  dire  punishments  to  be  inflicted  upon 
prominent  rebels  by  the  victorious  Yankees.  Trials  for  treason 
i)cfore  military  commissions  and  wholesale  confiscation  of  property 
were  to  be  expected.  A  sort  of  panic  seized  upon  many  of  those 
who  had  held  office  under  the  Confederacy.  Others  declared  they 
could  not  live  under  the  odious  rule  of  their  enemies  and  prepared 
to  emigrate.  A  lively  exodus  to  Mexico  ensued.  Among  those  to  go 
were  the  highest  officials  in  the  state.  Generals  Smith  and  Magruder 
and  Governors  Clark  and  MmTah."* 


*C.  VV.  Ranisdcll.  in  Tr.vas  lllslorical  Quarterly,  XI.  209-10. 


CHAPTER  XXXII 
RECONSTRUCTION* 

The  exodus  of  the  i)rincipal  State  and  Confederate  officials  in  May 
1865  left  Texas  without  a  government.  Several  weeks  ela])sed  before 
Federal  troops  arrived.  This  interregnum  did  not  improve  conditions. 
General  Sheridan  was  appointed  to  command  the  Military  Division  of  the 
Southwe.st  with  headquarters  at  New  Orleans.  On  June  10  he  ordered 
(jen.  Gordon  Granger  with  eighteen  hundred  men  to  Galveston.  The 
troops  were  detailed  to  occupy  various  points  on  the  coast  and  in  the 
interior,  but  their  number  was  far  from  sufficient  to  give  protection  to  the 
frontier  or  to  restore  order  out  of  the  general  confusion  that  existed.  Im- 
mediately after  arriving  at  Galveston,  General  Granger,  on  June  19,  by 
proclamation  declared  the  slaves  to  be  free,  all  laws  enacted  since  seces- 
sion to  be  illegal,  called  upon  all  Confederate  officers  and  soldiers  to 
repair  to  certain  points  to  be  paroled,  and  instructed  all  who  had  in 
their  possession  State  or  Confederate  property  to  turn  it  over  to  officers 
of  the  United  States. 

On  May  29  President  Johnson  issued  a  proclamation  granting  am- 
nesty, with  certain  exceptions,  to  persons  who  had  been  engaged  in  the 
war,  on  condition  of  their  taking  a  prescribed  oath,  and  on  June  17  he 
appointed  .'\.  J.  Hamilton  provisional  governor  of  Texas.  Hamilton  was 
a  native  of  Alabama  who  had  emigrated  to  Texas  in  1847  and  had  occu- 
pied several  high  offices  before  the  war.  A  staunch  Union  man,  he  was 
obliged  to  abandon  Texas  in  1862.  His  appointment  was  acceptable  to 
Union  men,  but  was  received  with  misgivings  by  .some  of  the  Con- 
federates. He  had  instructions  at  the  earliest  practicable  period  to  pre- 
scribe rules  and  regulations  for  holding  a  convention,  and  to  assist  in 
the  restoration  of  civil  government,  and  the  reestablishment  of  the  con- 
stitutional relations  between  the  state  and  the  nation. 

Governor  Hamilton  landed  at  Galveston  in  July.  In  a  proclama- 
tion issued  at  that  place  on  the  25th,  he  outlined  his  policy  and  invited 
loyal  men  from  every  part  of  the  state  to  visit  him  at  the  capital  and 
confer  with  him  upon  the  condition  of  the  state.  Deputations  from 
many  counties  responded,  and  the  governor  as  rapidly  as  possible  filled 
all  vacancies  in  county,  district  and  state  offices  by  provisional  appoint- 
ments. The  courts  were  directed  to  proceed  under  the  laws  existing 
[)rior  to  1861.  except  tho.se  relating  to  negroes.  There,  were  some  com- 
plaints from  loyalists,  but  in  general  the  governor's  [)olicv  was  sat- 
isfactory to  the  people.  On  August  19  he  issued  a  proclamation  jirn 
viding  for  the  registration  of  voters.  The  oath  of  amnesty  was  to  be 
administered  to  all  who  applied,  both  to  those  who  sought  registration 
as  voters  and  to  those,  who  being  within  the  exceptions  to  the  general 
amnesty,  took  it  as  a  preliminary  step  toward  special  pardon.  Separate 
rolls  were  to  be  kept  of  those  two  classes.  Registration  progressed  verv 
slowly. 

♦This  chapter  is  based  upon  Dr.  Charles  W.  Ramsdcll '^  cxcelleiif  volunu  hi 
"RecniTitnirtinn   in  Texas." 

416 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  417 

With  the  restoration  of  peace  came  the  return  of  the  Union  refugees. 
Some  of  them  were  very  bitter  toward  the  Confederates.  They  made 
no  secret  of  their  opinions  that  no  one  should  hold  office  except  Union 
men,  and  associations  were  formed  to  promote  their  plans.  They  as- 
serted that  if  the  Confederates  were  given  a  share  in  the  government 
it  would  not  be  long  before  they  would  control  it.  Texas  was  a  frontier 
State ;  even  during  times  of  peace  the  general  order  suffered  through 
the  presence  of  many  turbulent  characters.  The  confusion  following 
the  break  up  of  the  war  afforded  an  opportunity  for  these  lawless  in- 
dividuals to  rob  and  murder.  Confederates,  Union  men  and  negroes 
suffered  indiscriminately,  yet  for  political  reasons  these  acts  in  numerous 
instances  were  attributed  to  the  spirit  of  disloyalty  of  the  Confederates 
and  furnished  the  political  thunder  for  the  radicals  in  Congress,  who 
opposed  the  president's  policy  of  reconstruction. 

On  November  15  Governor  Hamilton  ordered  an  election  of  delegates 
for  January  8,  1866,  to  a  convention  to  meet  at  Austin  on  February  7th. 
The  number  and  distribution  of  the  delegates  corresponded  to  that  of 
the  house  of  representatives  in  1860.  The  campaign  that  followed  aroused 
little  interest,  although  there  was  some  discussion  of  the  subjects  to  come 
before  the  convention.  The  vote  was  light,  and  not  till  after  the  con- 
vention assembled  was  it  possible  to  ascertain  the  character  of  its  compon- 
ent elements.  There  were  Unionists  like  I.  A.  Paschal,  E.  Degener.  John 
Hancock,  J.  W.  Throckmorton,  E.  J.  Davis  and  J.  W.  Flanagan,  former 
secessionists  like  O.  M.  Roberts,  H.  R.  Runnels.  John  Ireland,  D.  C.  (bid- 
dings, J.  W.  Henderson  and  T.  N.  Waul,  and  enough  conservatives  to  hold 
the  balance  of  power.  Throckmorton  was  selected  president  of  the  con- 
vention. He  was  an  original  Union  man,  but  had  served  the  Confederacy 
on  the  Indian  frontier  of  Texas.  In  his  address  to  the  convention  upon 
accepting  the  presidency  he  said : 

"Let  us  by  our  action  strengthen  the  hands  of  the  executive  of 
the   nation,   and  by  a   ready   and   willing  compliance   with  his   sug- 
gestions show  our  national  brethren  that  we  are  in  good  faith  dis- 
posed to  renew  our  allegiance  to  the  general  government." 
These  sentiments  were  shared  by  the  great  body  of  the  people  of  Texas. 
Governor   Hamilton   sent  a  message  to  the   convention   in  which   he 
briefly   outlined   the   work    before   it   and   expressed   the    hope   that   the 
mistakes  made  by  the  conventions  of  some  of  the  other  Southern  states 
would  be  avoided.     It  would  be  necessary  to  make  such  changes  in  the 
constitution  of  Texas  as  would  make  it  conform  in  spirit  and  in  principle 
to  the  actual  changes  wrought  by  the  war.     First,  the  convention  should 
make  a  clear  and  specific  denial  of  the  right  of  secession.     Second,  it 
should  signify  its  acquiescence  in  the  abolition  of  slavery.     Third,  the 
debt  incurred  in  sujiport  of  the  war  should  be  repudiated.     Finally,   it 
would   be  necessary   to   determine   the  civil   and   political   status   of   the 
freedmen.     He  said  that  he  did  not  believe  that  the  mass  of  freedmen 
were  qualified  by  their  intelligence  to  vote,  yet  he  deemed  it  wise  to  reg- 
ulate  the  qualifications  of   all    who  are   to  become   voters   hereafter   bv 
rules  of  universal  application  ;  for  any  system  of  laws  intended  to  deprive 
freedmen  of  the  actual  fruits  of  liberty  would  meet  with  the  resist;ince 
of    congress.      Governor    Hamilton's    residence    in    the    North    until    the 

VOL.  1—27 


418  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

close  of  the  war  had  enabled  him  better  to  understand  the  determination 
of  the  Northern  people  in  regard  to  what  political  and  civil  rights  should 
be  granted  the  negro  than  did  the  members  of  the  convention  or  the 
people  of  the  state,  as  subsequent  events  illustrated. 

A  vigorous  contest  resulted  over  the  adoption  of  an  ordinance  deal- 
ing with  the  right  of  secession.  The  Union  men  were  determined  to 
declare  the  act  of  secession  "null  and  void,  ab  initio."  The  ex-Con- 
federates with  equal  determination  opposed  a  measure  that  would  brand 
them  as  traitors.  They  were  joined  by  a  sufficient  number  of  conserv- 
atives to  pass  an  ordinance  which  declared  the  act  of  secession  null  and 
void  without  direct  reference  to  its  initial  status,  and  distinctly  re- 
nounced the  right  previously  claimed  by  Texas  to  secede  from  the  Union. 
The  radical  Union  men  declared  that  such  a  measure  would  never  satisfy 
the  North,  and  for  a  time  threatened  to  withdraw  from  the  convention. 

The  question  of  the  public  debt  also  presented  difficulties.  There 
was  no  hesitation  in  repudiating  the  war  debt,  but  the  ordinance  adopted 
repudiated  also  the  entire  civil  debt  incurred  between  January  28,  1861, 
and  August  5.  1865.  Some  of  the  newspapers  bitterly  denounced  the 
repudiation  of  the  civil  debt,  pointing  out  that  the  debt  had  been  incurred 
for  purely  civil  service  and  defence  of  the  Indian  frontier,  that  it  was 
not  demanded  by  the  Federal  government  and  that  the  other  states  of 
the  South  that  had  suffered  worse  during  the  war  than  had  Texas  had 
not  resorted  to  such  extremes. 

The  most  important  subject  before  the  convention,  however,  was  the 
legislation  dealing  with  the  negro.  There  was  practical  unanimity  in  re- 
gard to  the  abolition  of  slavery.  It  was  agreed  that  the  negro  should 
be  secure  in  person  and  property.  There  was  considerable  debate  over 
the  question  of  negro  testimony  in  the  courts.  They  were  at  once  placed 
on  an  equalitj'  with  whites  in  cases  where  the  crime  was  against  the 
property  or  person  of  one  of  their  own  race,  and  the  legislature  was 
authorized  to  regulate  their  testimony  in  other  cases.  The  idea  of  negro 
suffrage  found  little  favor  on  any  side.  Governor  Hamilton's  recom- 
mendations upon  this  subject  were  not  followed. 

The  convention  declared  valid  all  laws  and  parts  of  laws  passed 
since  February  1,  1861,  w-hich  were  not  in  conflict  with  the  constitution 
and  law-s  of  the  United  States,  or  those  of  Texas  in  effect  prior  to  that 
date.  All  acts  of  the  secession  convention  were  annulled.  The  acts 
of  the  provisional  government  were  declared  valid.  The  constitution  of 
1845,  as  in  force  on  the  28th  of  January.  1861,  was  amended  by  lengthen- 
ing the  terms  of  most  state  officers  to  four  years  and  increasing  their 
salaries.  .Some  changes  were  made  in  the  form  and  jurisdiction  of  the 
courts  with  a  view  to  greater  efficiency.  The  governor  v^-as  requested  to 
petition  the  president  for  more  adequate  frontier  protection,  .^n  ordi- 
nance relating  to  the  division  of  Texas  also  passed. 

During  the  session  of  the  convention  two  parties,  radical  and  con- 
servative, had  gradually  formed.  The  acts  of  the  convention  were  looked 
upon  as  being  chiefly  the  work  of  the  conservatives,  and  were  conse- 
quently attacked  by  the  radical  newspapers.  Before  the  convention 
adjourned  each  party  began  to  prepare  for  the  election  in  June.  Caucuses 
were  held  and  candidates  nominated.     The  radicals  chose  E.  M.   Pease 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  419 

as  their  standard  bearer  and  published  a  phitforni  in  which  they  called 
upon  all  men  who  love  the  Union  "without  respect  to  past  differences" 
to  unite  in  the  following  declaration  of  principles :  That  the  act  of 
secession  was  null  and  void  ab  initio;  that  no  part  of  the  Confederate 
war  debt  be  paid,  but  the  debt  of  the  United  States  should  be  paid  in 
full :  that  they  have  full  confidence  in  the  president  and  congress ;  and 
that  they  were  ready  to  accord  the  negro  all  rights  and  privileges  that 
were  then  or  might  thereafter  be  secured  them  by  law.  They  feared  thac 
there  were  still  many  in  Texas  "who  propose  to  pursue  such  a  course  in 
the  future  as  will  justify  what  has  been  done  in  the  past." 

The  "conservative  Union  men"  of  the  state  selected  J.  W.  Throck- 
morton for  their  candidate,  and  gave  expression  to  their  views  in  a  letter 
tendering  him  their  support :  it  was  opposition  to  the  radicalism  of  the 
day ;  opposition  to  negro  suffrage  and  the  hasty  elevation  of  the  freed- 
men  to  political  eqtiality ;  faith  in  the  people  of  Texas,  their  loyalty  to 
the  general  government  and  their  endorsement  of  President  Johnson 
and  his  policy  of  restoration.  Attention  was  called  to  "the  radical 
branch  of  the  Republican  party  of  the  North  who  closed  the  door  of 
Congress  against  Southern  representatives,  who  have  declared  their  in- 
tention to  reduce  us  to  a  condition  of  territorial  vassalage  and  to  place 
us  below  the  level  of  those  who  were  once  our  slaves,"  and  it  was  asserted 
that  this  party  had  adherents  in  Texas  w^ho  were  "determined  to  aid 
and  abet  Stevens,  Sumner  and  Phillips  in  their  opposition  to  the  policy 
of  the  president,  in  their  raids  against  constitutional  liberty." 

From  the  outset  the  campaign  was  bitter.  It  aroused  the  people 
from  the  general  apathetic  condition  into  which  they  had  fallen.  The 
con.servatives  defended  the  acts  of  the  convention  and  supported  the 
policy  of  President  Johnson.  The  radicals  asserted  that  their  opponents 
were  seeking  to  obtain  control  of  the  state  government  and  to  work 
themselves  once  more  into  control  of  the  national  government  in  order 
thus  to  perpetuate  the  principles  overthrown  in  the  recent  war.  Denottnc- 
ing  the  president's  policy,  they  put  themselves  secretly  into  communi- 
cation with  the  radicals  in  congress  and  urged  prolonging  the  period  of 
provisional  government.  They  were  overwhelmingly  defeated  :  Throck- 
morton received  49,277  votes  and  Pease  12.168. 

The  eleventh  legislature  assembled  .\ugust  (rth.  Throckmorton  was 
inaugurated  on  the  9th.  The  military  in  the  state  received  orders  to 
render  the  same  aid  to  the  newly  installed  authorities  as  had  been  afforded 
to  the  provisional  government.  And  on  August  20th  President  Johnson 
issued  a  proclamation  declaring  that  the  insurrection  in  Texas  was  at 
an  end,  and  that  peace,  order,  tranquillity  and  civil  authority  existed 
throughout  the  whole  of  the  United  States. 

The  joint  resolutions  of  congress  proposing  the  13th  and  14th  amend- 
ments to  the  constitution  were  submitted  to  the  legislature.  .Since  the 
former  had  already  been  adopted  by  the  number  of  states  required  tc 
make  it  law,  and  since  the  convention  of  Texas  had  acknowledged  the 
supremacy  of  the  constitution,  action  upon  it  was  deemed  imnecessary. 
As  regards  the  14th  amendment.  Governor  Throckmorton  expressed 
his  unqualified  disapproval  of  it  and  recommended  its  rejectimi.  It 
was  rejected. 


420  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

The  most  important  legislation  to  be  enacted  was  that  deahng  with 
freedmen  and  labor.  Laws  were  passed  on  the  subjects  of  apprentice- 
ship, vagrancy,  labor  contracts  and  the  enticing  away  of  laborers ;  and 
although  no  apparent  distinction  was  made  in  their  application  as  to 
whites  and  blacks,  it  is  clear  enough  that  they  were  intended  solely 
for  the  regulation  of  negroes  and  negro  labor.  Texas  had  now  passed 
through  a  second  crop  season,  and  despite  the  eiTorts  of  the  Freedmen's 
Bureau  to  keep  the  negroes  at  work,  great  losses  were  sustained  because 
the  negroes  would  not  work  or  quit  their  employers  when  they  were 
most  needed.  The  freedmen  were  granted  all  rights  not  prohibited  by 
the  constitution,  except  intermarriage  with  whites,  voting,  holding  pub- 
lic office,  serving  on  juries,  and  testifying  in  cases  in  which  negroes  were 
not  concerned. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  legislature  was  to  elect  O.  i\I.  Roberts 
and  David  G.  Burnet  United  States  senators,  and  to  provide  for  the 
election  of  congressmen.  When  the  senators  and  congressmen  from 
Texas  arrived  at  W^ashington,  they  found  Hamilton,  Pease  and  other 
radicals  in  conference  with  the  opponents  of  the  president  in  congress 
and  working  to  defeat  the  recognition  of  the  new  state  government. 
The  Texas  delegates  were  denied  their  seats.  On  January  10,  1867, 
they  issued  an  "Address  to  the  Congress  and  People  of  the  United 
States"  which  forms  one  of  the  notable  documents  of  that  period.  In 
it  they  set  forth  with  great  clearness  the  arbitrary  and  unwarranted 
action  of  congress  in  excluding  the  representatives  of  Texas.  The  per- 
fidy involved  in  the  plan  of  the  radicals  for  setting  aside  the  state  gov- 
ernments in  the  South  was  exposed  and  pointed  out  to  be  more  revolu- 
tionary in  principle  and  more  dangerous  to  republican  government  than 
secession  itself. 

The  administration  of  Governor  Throckmorton  was  hampered  on 
all  sides  by  the  open  hostility  of  the  radicals,  the  suspicion  of  the  mili- 
tary officials  and  the  thinly  veiled  antagonism  of  the  old  secession  wing 
of  his  own  party.  He  showed  his  character  as  a  man  and  ability  as  an 
officer  by  accomplishing  a  large  measure  of  success,  by  pursuing  a  stead- 
fast policy  toward  restoring  order,  inculcating  respect  for  law,  and  thus 
eliminating  interference  on  the  part  of  the  military. 

Thus  far  the  radicals  in  Texas  had  failed  to  establish  their  ascend- 
ancy. The  radicals  in  congress,  on  the  other  hand,  were  successful  in 
the  fall  elections  of  1866.  Their  influence  was  soon  to  be  felt  in  the 
South.  The  work  of  reconstruction,  which  had  been  completed  in  each 
of  the  Southern  States  in  accordance  with  the  President's  plan,  was 
set  aside,  because  "adequate  protection  for  life  or  property"  did  not 
exist.  A  new  and  more  •  drastic  plan  was  prepared  by  congress  and 
embodied  in  the  acts  of  March  2  and  2,5,  1867.  The  first  act  divided 
the  South  into  military  districts;  Texas  and  Louisana  formed  the  fifth. 
The  military  commander  in  charge  of  each  district  was  clothed  with 
almost  dictatorial  power.  The  existing  state  governments  were  made 
provisional  only.  The  right  to  vote  should  be  governed  by  the  provi- 
sions of  the  14th  amendment  which  had  not  yet  been  adopted.  The 
second  act  directed  that  the  military  commander  of  each  district  should 
cause  a  registration  to  be  made  of  the  qualified  voters  in  each  county. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  421 

and  that  each  person  so  registering  should  take  an  oath  that  he  was 
not  disqualified  hy  law.  At  some  subsequent  date  to  be  designated  bv 
the  military  commander  the  voters  should  vote  for  or  against  holding 
a  convention  and  to  choose  delegates  to  the  same.  This  convention 
should  meet  at  a  place  and  time  fixed  by  the  military  commander  and 
its  acts  were  to  be  submitted  to  the  people  for  ratification.  If  ratified 
and  approved  by  congress,  the  state  should  be  declared  entitled  to  rep- 
resentation. These  acts  were  passed  at  a  time  when  the  organization 
of  the  state  government  was  as  complete  as  it  ever  was  before  the  war, 
in  full  harmony  with  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States, 
and  commanding  the  respect,  confidence  and  obedience  of  the  grea' 
bod\-  of  people.  The  laws  of  the  United  States  were  being  executpd 
within  the  limits  of  Texas  without  hindrance  or  resistance  from  ihe 
people  or  state  authorities.  The  Federal  army  was  on  the  frontier  for 
protection ;  the  Federal  judiciary  was  performing  its  functions ;  the 
United  States  mails  were  being  carried  all  over  the  state ;  the  navy  was 
protecting  Texan  commerce :  the  ofificers  of  customs  and  internal  reve- 
nue were  doing  their  duty ;  and  the  people  were  paying  taxes  as  in  other 
states.  (Address  to  the  Congress  and  People  of  the  United  States.) 
What  were  the  motives  for  such  extraordinary  legislation? 

"The  purpose  and  efifect  of  these  two  acts  was  to  paralyze  the 

stale  governments  that  had  been  restored  since  the  war,  to  place  the 

whole  South  under  potential  martial  law,  to  disfranchise  the  leading 

whites,  and  to  enfranchise  the  blacks.    It  was  expected  by  the  framers 

and  advocates  of  these  measures  that  the  negroes  and  their  white 

radical    friends    would    cnntm]    the    states,    thereby    ensuring   'loyal' 

governments." 

While  the  people  of  the  South  acknowledged  their  defeat  in  a  military 

sense,  they  could  not  consent  to  submit  without  a  contest  to  this  effort  of 

Northern  radicals  to  control  them  in  a  political  sense.  To  them  it  was 

a  challenge  to  fight,  and  for  the  next  six  or  seven  years  there  was  waged 

a  political  war  in  Texas  which  for  bitterness  has  never  been  excelled. 

On  March  19,  General  Sheridan  was  made  commander  of  the  Fifth 
Military  District  with  headquarters  at  New  Orleans,  and  General 
Charles  Griffin  was  made  commander  of  the  District  of  Texas,  with 
headquarters  at  Galveston.  Both  these  men  approached  their  task  with 
the  prejudices  of  the  radicals ;  .Sheridan  entertained  a  hearty  dislike 
for  the  people  of  Texas.  Only  a  high  sense  of  duty  restrained  Governor 
Throckmorton  from  resigning  at  once  after  such  a  radical  change  in 
the  policy  to  be  carried  out  in  Texas.  He  struggled  on  manfully  in  an 
effort  to  administer  the  government  in  the  interest  of  the  ])eoi)le  of 
Texas  and  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  military;  but  the  undertaking  was 
foredoomed  to  failure.  As  early  as  March  28th  General  Griffin  wrote 
to  Sheridan  that  none  of  the  civil  ofificers  of  Texas  could  be  trusted,  that 
they  submitted  to  the  laws  because  they  could  not  do  otherwise,  that 
secretly  they  regarded  them  oppressive  and  unjust  and  therefore  fa- 
vored carrying  them  out  in  the  spirit  and  not  the  letter.  He  charged 
that  the  governor  had  allowed  outrages  upon  loyal  whites  and  blacks  to 
go  unpunished,  and  advised  that  his  removal  was  absolutely  necessary. 
On  April   ISlh  General   Griffin  issued  an  order  in  regard  to  the  quali- 


422  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

fications  of  jurors  in  civil  courts  which  practically  disqualified  every 
white  man,  and  thus  suspended  the  operation  of  these  courts.  The 
order  was  justified  by  General  Griffin  as  being  "an  attempt  to  open  the 
courts  of  Texas  to  loyal  jurors  for  the  protection  of  all  good  citizens." 

For  the  registration  of  voters  the  state  was  divided  into  fifteen 
districts,  comprising  from  six  to  eleven  counties  each  ;  and  over  each 
district  were  placed  two  supervisors.  In  each  sub-district,  usually  a 
county,  was  a  board  of  three  registrars.  Negroes  as  well  as  whites  were 
appointed  on  these  boards.  The  negroes  were  eager  to  register,  while  the 
white  conservatives  rather  held  back.  The  indications  were  that  the 
radicals  and  negroes  would  easily  command  a  majority.  The  governor 
and  the  conservative  press  urged  upon  all  white  voters  their  duty  to 
register. 

The  provision  for  the  registration  of  negroes  as  voters  was  the 
signal  for  active  organization  in  the  radical  camp  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  the  freedmen  into  line  and  teaching  them  their  duties  and 
obligations  to  the  party  that  had  done  so  much  for  them.  Union  Leagues 
were  formed  wherever  there  were  negroes  to  vote  and  "loyalists"  to  lead 
them.  On  July  4,  1867,  a  convention  of  "the  loyal  men  of  Texas,  with- 
out distinction  of  race  or  color,"  met  at  Houston  and  declared  that  they 
"recognized  the  National  Republican  Party  as  the  means  under  Provi- 
dence of  saving  our  country  and  government  from  the  calamity  of  suc- 
cessful rebellion."  and  that  they  would  now  take  their  place  in  its  ranks. 
They  declared  their  hearty  support  of  the  reconstruction  acts  of  March 
2d  and  23d  ;  thanked  Generals  Sheridan  and  Griffin  for  extending  pro- 
tection to  the  lives  and  property  of  the  people  of  Texas ;  declared  that 
they  were  not  inclined  "to  conciliate  the  enemies  of  the  national  govern- 
ment," and  expressed  it  as  their  opinion  that  "the  continuance  in  the 
civil  offices  of  the  state  of  those  who  actively  participated  in  the  late 
rebellion,  and  who  are  hostile  to  the  reconstruction  acts  passed  by  congress, 
*  *  *  constituted  an  impediment  to  the  execution  of  those  acts  in 
their  true  spirit  and  intent."  On  July  19,  congress  passed  an  act  clothing 
the  military  commanders  with  full  power  to  remove  and  appoint  at  will. 
On  July  .^0  Sheridan  issued  an  order  removing  Governor  Throckmorton, 
alleging  that  he  was  an  "impediment  to  the  reconstruction"  of  Texas. 

Seemingly  the  radicals  or  Republicans  had  now  succeeded  in  remov- 
ing the  last  obstacle  to  their  plans  in  Texas.  E.  M.  Pease,  who  was 
chairman  of  the  recent  convention  at  Houston,  was  appointed  governor. 
Changes  in  the  other  state  officials  and  in  the  district  and  county  of- 
ficers followed.  The  prime  consideration  apjieared  to  be  to  get  men 
who  were  heartily  in  sympathy  with  the  reconstruction  acts  of  congress. 

It  was  very  fortunate  for  Texas  that  E.  M.  Pease  was  appointed 
governor  at  this  crisis.  He  had  been  a  resident  of  the  state  since  1835, 
served  two  terms  as  governor,  and  was  a  man  of  strong  character  and 
unquestioned  honesty.  He  possessed  the  confidence  of  the  command- 
ing general,  was  supported  by  many  of  the  more  conservative  of  the 
Republicans,  and  was  careful  in  his  recommendations  for  office.  He 
followed  the  course  of  Governor  Hamilton  in  assuming  that  all  state 
laws  not  in  contravention  of  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
States,  and  not  specificallv   annulled   by   the   military   commander,  were 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  423 

in  force.  The  ultra-radicals,  whu  had  chanipioiied  the  ab  initio  view 
of  secession,  took  exception  to  this  view  and  under  the  leadership  of 
M.  C.  Hamilton  appealed  to  the  military  commander  to  sustain  their 
contention.  General  Mower,  who  had  succeeded  Sheridan,  however, 
supported  the  view  of  Cjovernor  Pease,  and  the  latter  was  ably  seconded 
by  A.  J.  Hamilton,  associate  justice  of  the  state  supreme  court. 

A  more  important  check  to  radical  rule  was  the  removal  of  Cieneral 
Sheridan  and  the  appointment  of  Gen.  W.  S.  Hancock.  Hancock 
was  a  Democrat,  a  warm  supporter  of  the  President  and  thoroughly 
disliked  the  ])rogram  of  the  radicals.  He  believed  that  the  white  people 
of  the  South  should  carry  through  the  process  of  reconstruction  with 
as  little  interference  on  the  part  of  the  military  as  possible,  and  felt 
confident  that  the  civil  authorities  were  competent  to  deal  with  the  sit- 
uation. On  November  29,  1867,  he  embodied  these  views  in  "General 
Order  No.  40."  In  eiTect  this  order  was  a  recognition  of  the  exist- 
ence of  "adequate  protection  for  life  and  property."  Fearing  the  with- 
drawal of  military  .support,  and  knowing  that  it  would  mean  the  defeat  of 
their  plans,  the  radicals  charged  that  the  course  of  the  commander  tended 
to  the  increase  of  crime  and  a  manifestation  of  hostile  feeling  toward 
the  government.  General  Hancock  demanded  proof  of  these  assertions, 
and  showed  up  the  purely  factional  character  of  the  charge.  But  this 
did  not  disqualify  the  general  as  an  object  of  violent  denunciation,  and 
there  was  no  way  for  him  to  challenge  the  misstatements  of  the  radical 
press  either  in  Texas  or  in  the  North. 

The  conservative  leaders  requested  General  Hancock  to  set  aside 
the  registration  in  Texas  because  of  alleged  errors  of  the  board  of  reg- 
istrars. This  he  refused,  nor  did  he  order  any  change  in  the  boards, 
but  he  did  set  aside  the  interpretation  given  by  General  Sheridan  to 
the  disqualifving  clauses  of  the  reconstruction  acts  and  directed  the 
boards  to  be  governed  by  the  laws  alone.  On  December  18  he  ordered 
an  election  to  be  held  at  each  county  seat.  February  10  to  14,  1868, 
to  determine  whether  a  constitutional  convention  should  be  held  and 
to  select  delegates  to  the  same ;  and  in  accordance  with  the  law  he  also 
ordered  that  the  registry  lists  should  be  reopened  and  revised  during 
the  last  five  days  of  January.  Voters  who  had  neglected  to  register  in 
the  previous  summer  were  thus  given  a  last  ojijiortunity  to  do  so.  The 
total  registration  aggregated  109,1.^0:  the  number  of  whites  ai)])roximated 
very  closely  to  the  vote  polled  for  Throckmorton  and  Pease  in  1866; 
the  number  of  negroes  was  excessive. 

The  leaders  of  the  conservatives  were  undecided  as  to  the  course 
their  party  should  pursue.  There  was  a  general  disposition  among  their 
followers  not  to  vote,  for  unless  a  majoritv  of  the  registered  vote  was 
cast  no  convention  would  be  held.  .^  conference  was  held  at  Houston, 
Januarv  20th. '  Resolutions  were  adopted  which  appealed  to  all  who 
opposed  the  .Africanization  of  Texas  to  go  to  the  polls  and  to  vote 
against  a  convention  and  for  delegates  who  o[)posed  negro  suffrage.  In 
a  public  address  it  was  pointed  out  that  under  the  terms  of  the  recon- 
struction acts  the  people  had  three  chances  to  save  them.selves  and  their 
children  from  African  donn'nation ;  first,  by  voting  solidly  against  a 
convention ;    second,   by    voting   only    for    delegates    who    opposed    negro 


424  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

suffrage;  and  third,  by  rejecting  the  constitution  if  it  embodied  negro 
suffrage.  Mihtary  rule  was  much  to  be  preferred  to  reconstruction 
that  was  conditioned  upon  negro  suffrage.  The  resuh  of  the  election 
showed  an  overwhelming  victory  for  the  radicals ;  for  the  convention, 
44,689  votes  (7.757  whites,  36,932  blacks)  ;  against  the  convention;  11.440 
votes  (10,622  whites,  818  blacks).  Almost  half  of  the  registered  voters, 
52,964  (41,234  whites,  11,730  blacks),  failed  to  vote. 

The  convention  assembled  at  Austin  on  June  1,  1868.  Of  the  ninety 
delegates  only  twelve  were  conservatives.  The  radicals  had  elected  a 
number  of  their  prominent  men.  Nearly  all  were  bona  fide  residents 
of  Texas ;  only  six  or  eight  were  of  the  true  carpet-bag  variety,  and  none 
of  these  became  leaders.  There  were  nine  negro  delegates.  The  general 
character  of  the  convention  was  shown  in  the  election  of  E.  J.  Davis 
as  president  by  a  vote  of  45  to  33  over  Judge  C.  Caldwell,  a  moderate. 

The  purpose  of  the  convention  was  similar  to  that  of  its  predecessor 
in  1866.  That  body  was  in  session  fifty-five  days  and  spent  $70,000.  It 
soon  became  apparent,  however,  that  its  lawful  functions  were  by  no 
means  regarded  as  the  most  important  duties  of  the  present  convention. 
The  delegates  endeavored  to  so  shape  affairs  that  the  supremacy  of  the 
republican  party  would  be  ensured  when  readmission  was  accomplished. 
These  motives  colored  many  of  its  acts  and  lent  importance  to  the  dis- 
sentions  that  characterized  the  proceedings.  Before  it  finally  adjourned 
it  had  been  in  session  five  months  and  had  spent  $200,000. 

Among  the  first  acts  of  the  convention  was  the  appointment  of  a 
committee  to  report  on  the  conditions  of  lawlessness  and  violence  in  the 
state.  A  resolution  was  adopted  requesting  congress  to  allow  the  con- 
vention to  organize  a  militia  force  in  each  county  to  act  in  conjunction 
with  and  under  the  direction  of  the  military  commander.  Some  of  the 
conservatives  protested  against  the  resolution  on  the  ground  that  the 
rumors  of  lawlessness  were  greatly  exaggerated,  that  such  a  force  was 
unnecessary  and  that  its  employment  by  "a  political  party  would  only 
tend  to  exasperate  the  public  mind  and  in  all  probability  have  the  effect  to 
produce  conflicts  of  races."  The  committee's  report  represented  that 
lawlessness  prevailed  to  an  alarming  extent  in  this  state,  and  that  its 
chief  cause  was  discovered  in  "the  hostility  entertained  by  the  ex-rebels 
toward  loyal  men  of  both  races."  The  large  proportion  of  negroes  among 
the  killed  was  pointed  to  as  indisputable  proof  of  this  assertion.  That 
the  pernicious  activity-  of  the  Loyal  League  and  the  political  war  waged 
upon  democrats  were  responsible  for  many  of  the  excesses  complained 
of  was  not  indicated.  Another  committee  was  at  once  despatched  to 
Washington  to  lay  the  report  before  congress  and  to  urge  the  necessity- 
of  filling  all  state  provisional  offices  with  loyal  men,  and  the  organiza- 
tion of  a  loyal  militia  to  aid  the  loyal  officers  in  the  discharge  of  their 
duties.  The  Houston  Telegraph  so  severely  denounced  the  sinister 
objects  of  these  proceedings  that  the  convention  requested  the  editor's 
arrest. 

Much  time  was  wasted  on  the  question  of  dividing  the  state.  The 
radicals  were  particularly  bent  on  accomplishinsf  this  measure,  and  finally 
secured  the  adoption  of  a  resolution  that  provided  for  the  election  of  six 
commissioners   to   urge   the   matter   upon   congress.     .Although   outvoted 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  425 

on  this  question,  ihe  moderates  carried  tlieir  opposition  before  congress 
also.  These  efforts  to  dismember  Texas  gave  rise  to  a  counter-move- 
ment which  expressed  itself  in  the  organization  of  the  Texas  \'eterans' 
Association  in  May,  1873,  to  preserve  the  unity  of  Texas. 

A  breach  in  the  ranks  of  the  delegates  occurred  early  over  the  ah 
initio  question.  The  radicals  maintained  that  every  ordinance,  act,  re.so- 
lution,  etc.,  enacted  since  Texas  seceded  was  null  and  void  ab  initio. 
The  moderates  refused  to  sub.scribe  to  so  sweeping  a  statement  and 
determined  to  except  such  acts,  resolutions,  etc.,  passed  since  secession, 
"which  were  not  in  violation  of  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
States,  or  in  aid  of  the  rebellion."     Their  views  prevailed. 

This  division  of  the  re])ubiicans  continued  during  the  whole  term  of 
the  convention,  and  since  the  radicals  were  usually  in  the  minority  it 
saved  the  people  of  Texas  at  the  most  critical  period  from  the  worst 
extremes  of  radicalism.  In  his  message  to  the  convention  (jovernor 
Pease  conceded  the  necessity  of  disfranchising  a  sufficient  number  of  the 
secessionists  to  ensure  the  supremacy  of  loyal  men.  When  the  conven- 
tion reached  this  question.  .\.  J.  Hamilton,  leader  of  the  moderates,  set 
him.self  squarely  against  all  efforts  to  disfranchise  Confederates  further 
than  was  already  done  by  the  fourteenth  amendment.  Desjiite  the  efforts 
of  the  radicals  to  carry  through  their  measures  of  ])roscription,  they  were 
defeated.  In  commenting  on  Tiovernor  Hamilton's  course  ui)on  this 
subject,  the  Houston  Telegraiih,  a  Democratic  newspaper,  said : 

"If  we  reflect  that  he  labored  to  give  the  ballot  to  those  who  had 
bitterly  opposed  him,  that  he  placed  himself  in  opposition  to  extreme 
members  of  his  own  party,     *     *     *     that  he  labored  for  a  people 
who   he   believed   had    wronged   him,     *     *     *     ^i^^j   j^p   clothed   us 
with  the  ballot  at  the  inmiinent  risk  of  having  it  used  against  him- 
self, and  that  all  jiassion  and  even  jjroniise  pointed  out  to  him  the 
opposite  course  as  the  one  most   for  his  interest,  then  indeed  does 
he  stand  before  us  a  patriot,  firm,  tried  and  true." 
Other  provisions  of  the  constitution  increased   salaries,   and   length- 
ened the  governor's  term  of  office  to  four  years,  that  of  senators  to  six 
years,  of  district  judges  to  eight   vears  and  of  supreme  court  judges  to 
nine  years.     The  attorncv  general  was  made  an  appointive  office.     The 
sessions  of  the  legislature  were  made   annual.      .\n  elaborate   system  of 
free  schools  was  outlined  and  provision  made  for  increasing  the  |)crnia- 
nent  and  available  school  funds.     'I'lie  income  from  the  permanent  school 
fund,  one-fourth  of  the  state  taxes  and  an  annual  jwU  tax  of  $1,  pro- 
vided  for  maintenance.     To  encotirage  immigration  a  bureau  of  immi- 
gration was  created.     The  first   legislature  to  assemble  after  the  adop- 
tion of  the  constitution  was  conim;inde(l  to  ratify  the  thirteenth  and  four- 
teenth amendments  to  the  constitiuion  of  the  United  .States. 

The  convention  did  a  great  deal  of  work  that  properly  belonged  to  its 
successor — the  legislature.  "They  have  assumed  to  erect  new  comities ;  on 
the  faith  of  their  action,  court  houses  have  been  built ;  thev  have  author- 
ized the  levy  and  collection  of  taxes  under  which  interests  have  grown 
up :  they  have  chartered  railways  and  immigration  companies,  in  which 
large  amounts  of  capital  have  been,  or  soon  will  be  invested.  In  a  hundred 
ways  they  have  put  under  pledge  tn   s\ipport  anv  constitution  they   may 

VOL.   I— 2S 


426  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

]>resent  powerful  interests."  An  election  was  ordered  to  he  held 
early  in  July  to  vote  on  the  constitution  and  to  choose  members  of  the 
legislature,  state,  district,  and  covmtv  officers.  The  convention  adjourned 
about  February  8.  1869. 

The  adjournment  of  the  convention  marked  no  cessation  in  the  con- 
troversies Ijetween  the  two  factions.  The  radicals  confidently  expected 
the  commission,  which  had  been  sent  to  \\ashington  to  urge  division  of 
the  state,  not  only  to  accomplish  that  object  but  also  to  recoup  some  of 
the  reverses  they  had  sustained  in  the  convention.  In  their  memorial  to 
congress,  therefore,  the  constitution  was  denounced  as  entirely  too  con- 
ciliatory toward  the  former  rebels.  The  blame  that  it  did  so  was  heaped 
upon  the  moderates,  who  "did  not  in  their  actions  come  uji  to  that  firm- 
ness for  republican  principles  which  their  constituents  had  a  right  to 
expect."  The  moderates  replied  in  a  straightforward  manner  that  their 
acts  had  been  determined  by  a  just  regard  for  the  best  interests  of  Texas 
and  that  any  other  course  would  "produce  only  the  bitter  fruit  of  settled 
and  implacable  hate."  Congress  took  no  action  in  regard  to  these  matters 
other  than  to  pass  an  act  authorizing  the  president  to  order  an  election 
at  such  time  as  he  should  deem  proper  for  voting  upon  the  constitution 
and  electing  officers  thereunder. 

Certainty  that  the  constitution  would  be  submitted  for  ratification 
and  state  officers  elected  caused  interest  to  center  in  the  formation  of 
state  tickets.  The  democrats,  profiting  by  their  experience  in  1866,  de- 
cided to  keep  out  of  the  race  for  state  office,  since  their  success  might 
further  delay  the  readmission  of  Texas.  The  moderate  republicans 
placed  .at  the  head  of  their  ticket  A.  J.  Hamilton,  but  were  slow  in  filling 
the  rest  of  the  places.  They  were  confronted  by  two  rather  perplexing 
questions :  .should  they  join  forces  with  the  democrats,  and  should  a  state 
convention  be  held  ?  Fusion  was  rejected  and  the  holding  of  a  conven- 
tion abandoned  on  the  ground  that  an  attendance  sufficiently  large  to 
make  that  body  representative  could  not  be  obtained  at  that  time.  The 
radicals  had  met  defeat  so  often  that  they  were  at  the  outset  not  re- 
garded as  formidable  opponents.  Conditions,  however,  were  soon  to 
change,  .\fter  their  defeat  at  home  in  1866.  they  had  found  ready  allies 
in  congres.s  and  were  given  the  upper  hand  by  the  reconstruction  acts. 
Now,  that  they  were  threatened  with  defeat  by  the  moderate  republicans, 
they  again  turned  to  \\'ashington  and  their  appeal  was  not  in  vain.  The 
radicals  called  a  convention  of  the  republicans  to  meet  at  Galveston  on 
Mav  10.  The  attendance  was  small  and  nothing  was  done.  .Another 
convention,  however,  was  called  to  meet  at  Houston  on  June  7.  This 
convention  also  was  poorly  attended,  but  it  proceeded  to  adopt  a  plat- 
form, choose  candidates  and  perfect  its  i)arty  organization.  The  plat- 
form differed  little  from  the  one  adopted  by  their  opponents  in  1868, 
but  was  remarkable  in  that  it  showed  a  complete  reversal  of  their  own 
policy  and  principles  by  the  radicals.  The  constitution  which  up  to  this 
time  had  been  denounced  by  them  on  every  occasion  was  now  recom- 
mended for  adoption.  E.  J,  Davis  headed  the  ticket  as  candidate  for 
governor. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  427 

■  Thecanipaig;n  was  characterized  by  hitter  personalities.  The  moder- 
ates were  charged  with  having  sold  out  to  the  democrats,  while  the 
radicals  were  taunted  with  their  recent  conversion,  charged  with  lack  of 
political  princii)Ic  and  stigmatized  as  a  negro-supremacy  and  carpet-bag 
party.  About  this  time  General  Reynolds  was  again  assigned  to  com- 
mand the  district  of  Texas.  He  showed  an  ambition  to  be  elected  United 
States  senator,  and  ;i])|jroaclu'd  the  moderates  to  obtain  pledges  of  their 
support.  Hamilton  not  only  repulsed  him  but  denounced  him  openl\ . 
Reynolds  then  turned  to  the  Davis  supporters  and  several  events  of 
political  importance  occurred  in  quick  succession.  On  July  7  the  Davis 
republicans  were  recognized  by  the  national  republican  executive  com- 
mittee as  the  regular  organization  in  Texas.  On  July  15  President  Grant 
issued  a  proclamation  fixing  the  date  of  the  election  in  Texas  on  Novem- 
ber 30,  thus  granting  a  postponement  for  which  the  radicals  had  long 
been  clamoring.  Having  been  recognized  as  the  regular  republicans  in 
Texas,  the  administration  at  Washington  began  to  fill  the  federal  offices 
with  Davis  men.  General  Reynolds  pursued  a  like  policy  in  displacing 
Hamilton  men  in  state  offices. 

These  changes  gave  im|)idsi-  tn  the  campaigns  on  both  sides.  Gov- 
ernor Pease  resigned  September  30  and  used  the  weight  of  his  influence 
for  Hamilton.  The  radicals  gave  ])articular  attention  to  the  negro  voters. 
On  October  1  General  Reynolds  issued  orders  for  revising  the  registra- 
tion lists  and  for  holding  the  general  election.  In  the  appointment  of 
registrars  he  selected  principall\-  Davis  partisans,  and  when  registration 
began  many  wh<i  attempted  to  register  were  rejected  and  complaints  of 
unfair  treatment  were  plentiful.  Detachments  of  soldiers  were  stationed 
in  counties  where  disturbances  were  feared.  These  elaborate  prepara- 
tions w^ere  far  from  reassuring  the  public  that  there  would  be  a  fair 
election.  The  course  ])ursued  bv  the  district  commander  immediately 
after  the  election  deepened  the  imjiression  that  the  candidates  of  the 
Hamilton  i)arty  would  be  counted  out  if  that  were  necessary  to  their 
defeat.  Tliey  protested  to  President  Grant,  but  it  availed  nothing.  On 
January  S,  1870,  General  Reynolds  issued  an  order  declaring  that  the 
radical  ticket  had  been  elected.  The  constitution  was  adopted  bv  a  vote 
..f  72,466  to  4,928. 

A  list  of  the  members  elect  of  the  legislature  was  ])ublished  by  Gen- 
eral Reynolds  on  January  11,  and  that  body  was  ordered  to  assemble  on 
February  8  for  a  provisional  session.  To  ensure  a  majority  of  the 
radicals  in  that  body  extreme  tests  were  prescribed  for  qualification. 
The  immediate  business  of  this  session  was  to  ratify  the  fourteenth  and 
fifteenth  amendments  to  the  constitution  of  the  Ignited  States  and  the 
election  of  two  Ignited  States  senators.  Congressmen  had  been  chosen  al 
the  state  election.  The  amendments  were  ratified  on  February  14,  and 
M.  C.  Hamilton  and  J.  W.  Flanagan  were  elected  senators  on  the  22nd. 
Thereupon  the  legislature  adjourned  to  be  convened  in  regular  session 
when  the  Texas  delegation  should  be  seated  by  congress.  The  latter 
were  admitted  to  their  seats  by  an  act  approved  March  .W.  and  were 
■■worn    in    at    once.      On    .\pril    U)   General    Reynolds    issued    .i    |iri>clnma- 


428  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

tion  remitting  all  civil  authority  in  the  state  "to  the  officers  elected  by 

the  people." 

"Legally  the  reconstruction  of  Texas  was  now  complete,  .\fter 
nine  years,  tumultuous  with  political  and  social  revolution,  she  was 
back  again  in  the  Union  with  her  sister  states.  *  *  *  free  to  work 
out  the  new  problems  that  confronted  her.  The  first  of  these  was 
to  endure  as  best  she  could  the  rule  of  a  minority,  the  most  ignorant 
and  incapable  of  her  population  under  the  domination  of  reckless 
leaders,  until  time  should  overthrow  it.  Reconstruction  had  left  the 
pyramid  upon  its  apex  ;  it  must  be  placed  upon  its  base  again."* 

*Ramsdell  "Reconstruction  in  Texas."  292. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII 
RADICAL  RULE  AND  ITS  OVERTHROW 

The  conditions  existing  in  Texas  at  the  beginning  of  1870  would 
have  made  it  difficult  for  any  administration  to  give  general  satisfaction. 
Reconstruction  under  the  congressional  plan  had  outraged  the  sense  of 
right  of  the  majority  of  the  people  of  Texas,  and  had  brought  to  ma- 
turity a  harvest  of  political  factions.  Military  rule  and  the  enfranchise- 
ment of  the  negro  gave  the  radicals  of  the  republican  party  an  artificial 
advantage,  which  had  no  basis  in  the  will  of  the  people.  To  the  majority 
of  Texans  the  readmission  of  this  .state  to  the  Union  signified  the  return 
of  peace,  the  cessation  of  military  rule,  the  restoration  of  the  govern- 
ment to  the  people  and  a  return  to  simple  democratic  administration  of 
the  laws  such  as  existed  prior  to  the  war.  There  was  a  general  demand 
for  the  encouragement  of  railroads,  factories,  immigration  and  education. 
The  heritage  of  military  rule,  however,  was  an  administration  which 
regarded  these  matters  from  an  entirely  different  viewpoint.  Governor 
Davis  in  his  inaugural  address  reviewed  the  changes  wrought  by  the  war. 
It  had  taught  us  new  lessons  in  government.  The  powers  formerly  exer- 
cised by  the  state  had  proved  a  menace  to  freedom  of  thought  and  speech. 
But  now  this  had  all  been  swept  away,  and.  "while  local  self-government 
still  remains,  it  is  within  the  just  hounds  that  there  is  a  supervisory  power 
over  all,  *  *  *  which  will  temper  state  action.  *  *  *  'Yh'is  will 
prove  the  better  government.  *  *  *  J,-,  thj^  faith  let  us  enter  upon 
the  great  work  before  us  of  reorganization." 

Edmund  J.  Davis  was  born  at  St.  Augustine,  Florida,  October  2, 
1827.  He  settled  in  Texas  about  1848,  served  as  deputy  collector  of 
customs  on  the  Rio  Grande  from  1850  to  1852,  as  district  attorney  in 
1853  and  as  district  judge  from  1855  to  1860.  His  course  during  the 
war  has  already  been  outlined.  He  was  a  delegate  to  both  reconstruc- 
tion conventions,  and  was  elected  president  of  the  second  in  18('>8.  He  was 
a  Southerner  and  a  Texan ;  he  was  experienced  in  public  affairs ;  he  was 
brave  and  fearless  according  to  his  convictions ;  his  honesty  and  integrity 
were  not  questioned,  although  he  was  the  head  and  front  of  an  admin- 
istration which  has  not  been  able  to  clear  itself  of  the  taint  of  dis- 
honesty and  corruption.  "He  was  a  political  martinet;  strong  in  his 
prejudices  and  almost  remorseless  in  carrying  out  his  purposes  ;  blind 
alike  to  the  good  qualities  of  his  enemies  anfl  to  the  bad  cjualities  of  his 
friends."  Very  early  in  his  term  he  lost  the  confidence  and  support  of 
the  conservatives  through  the  radical  measures  that  he  advocated.  He 
became  the  object  of  criticism  not  only  for  his  own  acts  but  also  those 
of  his  appointees.  At  the  first  op])i)rtunity  to  obtain  a  popular  expres- 
sion, he  was  defeated  ;  but  he  retained  the  confidence  of  his  party,  in 
whose  councils  he  remained  a  prominent  figure  until  his  death  at  .Austin, 
February  7,  1883.  In  private  life  he  was  esteemed  bv  all  who  knew  him 
as  a  cultured  gentleman,  distinguished  for  his  noble  and  generous 
impulses. 

He  introduced  his  first  general  message  with  these  words :  "So  long 
time  has  elapsed  since  the  session,  within  this  state,  of  a  body  competent 

429 


430  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

to  legislate,  that  your  duties  must  be  many.  *  *  *  In  addition  to 
ordinary  matters  of  legislation,  you  will  find  it  incumbent  upon  you  to 
remodel  to  a  great  extent  the  general  statutes  and  to  accommodate  them 
to  the  new  order  of  things,  and  to  the  radical  changes  engrafted  on  our 
institutions  by  the  constitution  lately  adopted."  Through  the  arbitrary 
tests  prescribed  for  qualifications,  the  radicals  controlled  a  safe  majority 
in  the  house  of  representatives,  and  violence  was  used  to  defeat  the 
opposition  of  conservatives  in  the  senate.  The  twelfth  legislature  was 
the  first  to  contain  any  considerable  number  of  colored  members ;  there- 
were  ten.  Many  of  the  members  were  little  known  and  totally  inex- 
perienced in  legislative  affairs.  Their  acts  were  marked  by  an  alarming 
disregard  of  the  constitution  and  complete  subserviency  to  the  will  of 
the  governor.  In  his  opinion  the  matter  of  primary  importance  was  the 
adoption  of  measures  for  the  punishment  or  repression  of  crime  and  the 
establishment  of  law  and  order  throughout  the  state.  For  this  purpose 
he  recommended  the  organization  of  all  able-bodied  men  between  the  ages 
of  eighteen  and  forty-five  into  a  state  militia.  A  smaller  body,  known 
as  the  state  guard,  to  be  composed  of  picked  volunteer  companies,  should 
receive  aid  from  the  state.  Exemption  from  military  duty  should  be 
granted  on  payment  of  a  tax.  In  order  that  the  governor  might  have  a 
free  hand  to  deal  with  combinations  of  lawless  men.  he  requested  that  he 
be  invested  with  authority  to  declare  martial  law.  The  legislature  re- 
sponded with  an  act  which  is  remarkable  for  its  violations  of  the  con- 
stitution, but  which  met  every  demand  of  the  governor.  To  force  the 
militia  bill  through  the  senate  it  was  necessary  to  arrest  and  keep  in 
prison  a  number  of  those  who  opposed  the  measure.  Sections  26  and  27 
authorized  the  governor  to  declare  martial  law  in  any  count)-  or  counties 
wherever  in  his  opinion  the  enforcement  of  law  was  obstructed  by  com- 
binations of  men  too  strong  for  the  control  of  the  civil  authorities ;  he 
was  invested  with  power  to  employ  as  many  of  the  state  police,  the  state 
guard  or  the  militia  as  he  deemed  necessary  to  restore  order.  The  ex- 
pense of  maintaining  the  forces  called  out  for  this  purpose  he  could  assess 
upon  the  county  or  counties  placed  under  martial  law.  and  for  the  trial 
and  punishment  of  offenders  he  had  the  power  to  form  military  commis- 
sions. That  there  was  need  for  .such  drastic  legislation  was  generally 
denied,  nevertheless  the  governor  found  occasion  to  exercise  his  arbi- 
trary powers  by  declaring  martial  law  in  Marion.  Hill,  Limestone.  Free- 
stone, and  Walker  counties.  To  enforce  his  mandates  in  Limestone 
County,  he  ordered  a  company  of  negro  troops  to  Groesbeck.  .\nd  in 
the  face  of  the  express  constitutional  guarantee  of  trial  by  jury  to  every 
man,  .several  persons  were  sentenced  to  the  penitentiary  by  military 
commissions. 

The  governor  also  recommended  the  creation  of  a  state  police,  em- 
bracing under  one  head  this  new  organization  and  the  police  of  the  dif- 
ferent cities,  sheriffs,  deputy  sheriffs  and  constables,  in  order  that  they. 
might  all  act  in  concert.  A  state  police  was  provided  for  bv  an  act 
which  fixed  its  strength  at  about  250  men,  exclusive  of  sheriffs,  etc.,  to 
be  under  the  control  of  the  adjutant  general.  That  such  a  body  might 
have  served  a  useful  purpose  in  a  frontier  state  like  Texas  is  clear.  But 
the  provisions  of  the  act  showed  that  its  principal  object  was  to  enable 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  431 

the  governur  lu  cany  out  his  arbitrary  will.  The  employment  of  negroes 
and  the  enlistment  of  vagabonds  in  the  service  made  it  all  the  more 
obnoxious.  The  state  police  became  a  terror  to  sections  where  it  was 
stationed.  It  made  arrests,  .seized  property  and  searched  private  houses 
without  cause  or  warrant  and  extorted  sums  of  money  as  the  terms  of 
release.  That  such  conduci  was  the  exception  and  not  the  rule  did  not 
save  the  governor  or  the  state  police  from  public  denunciation.  Finally, 
the  adjutant  general,  who  was  chief  of  the  state  police,  absconded  with 
S.^0.000  of  public  m.jni). 

Governor  Uavis  had  resided  for  many  years  on  the  Rio  Grande 
frontier.  He  spoke  from  per.sonal  knowledge  when  he  urged  the  neces- 
sity of  making  greater  jirovision  for  the  protection  of  the  frontier  so 
long  as  the  United  States  government  failed  in  doing  its  duty  in  this 
respect.  He  was.  iherefore.  authorized  to  organize  twenty  companies 
of  Rangers,  and  to  sell  $750,000  of  state  bonds  bearing  .seven  per  cent 
interest  to  raise  the  funds  for  their  .support.  To  the  universal  habit  of 
bearing  arms,  the  governor  attributed  largely  the  frequency  of  homi- 
cides in  Texas,  and  he  urged  restriction  of  this  privilege.  An  act  was 
passed  prescribing  severe  penalties  for  keeping  and  bearing  deadly 
weapons. 

Attention  was  called  by  the  governor  to  the  mandate  of  the  consti- 
tution to  provide  for  the  edtication  of  all  children  of  .scholastic  age.  The 
office  of  superintendent  of  ])ublic  instruction  was  created,  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  an  elaborate  system  of  public  free  schools  outlined.  The 
radicals,  however,  did  not  venture  to  order  separate  schools  for  whites 
and  negroes.  In  reviewing  the  school  legislation  of  this  period,  State 
Superintendent  Baker  said :  "When  the  war  clo.sed,  and  before  the 
people  had  begun  to  recover  from  its  dreadful  ravages,  a  school  system 
was  launched  upon  them  whicln,  to  say  the  least,  was  better  fitted  for  an 
older  and  richer  state.  C"o])ied  from  older,  richer  and  more  thickly 
poi)ulated  states,  that  system  for  a  coimtry  prepared  for  its  reception 
was  comparatively  without  a  fault.  But  the  immense  sums  of  money 
necessary  to  sujiport  it  were  cxtoited  from  a  poor  and  unwillmg  peo]:)le. 
The  schools,  though  ojien  to  ;ill.  soon  became  exceedingly  unpopular  with 
a  large  majority  of  the  ])eople.  both  because  of  the  unnecessary  expenses 
incident  to  them  and  the  manner  in  which  they  were  conducted.  It  is 
not  a  matter  of  surprise  that  the  system  was  overthrown,  but  it  is  to  be 
regretted  that  its  healthy  features  were  not  preserved  and  grafted  into 
the  new  one  which  took  its  place.  *  *  *  The  bitter  prejudices  born 
of  the  old  law  created  among  the  people  a  strong  distaste  to  taxation  for 
educational  jmrposes  and  indeed  to  free  schools."  (Biennial  Report  of 
the  State  Superintendent  of   Public  Instruction,  1885-1886,  p.  Cx) 

Upon  the  question  of  internal  improvements  the  governor  referred 
to  the  general  desire  for  better  railroad  facilities,  and  recommended  that 
something  be  done  to  meet  this  demand,  particularly  with  respect  to  a 
road  extending  frfim  the  northeastern  portion  of  the  state  to  the  Rio 
Grande.  In  regard  lo  the  new  enterprises  ttiat  clamored  for  state  aid. 
the  governor  was  of  the  opinion  that  nothing  otUside  of  a  liberal  charter 
and  the  right  of  way  should  be  granted,  and  even  then  a  careful  scrutiny 
should  be  made  of  the  ability  of  the  company  to   fulfill   its  agreement. 


432  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

He  warned  against  plunging  tlic  state  into  debt  for  the  purpose  of  grant- 
ing subsidies.  A  large  number  of  railroad  measures  were  introduced, 
but  only  two  of  importance  were  passed.  The  constitution  of  1869  pro- 
hibited the  granting  of  lands  to  encourage  the  building  of  railroads  so 
the  legislature  resorted  to  grants  of  state  bonds.  The  International 
Railwaj-  Company  was  promised  $10,000  in  state  bonds  for  each  mile 
constructed.  In  November,  1871.  the  company  reported  the  completion 
of  fifty-two  miles  and  made  formal  application  for  $500,000  of  the  bonds. 
The  bonds  were  prepared,  signed  by  the  governor  and  treasurer,  but  the 
comptroller,  whose  signature  also  was  required,  refused  to  sign  them,  on 
the  ground  that  the  law  was  unconstitutional,  and  the  supreme  court  of 
Texas  sustained  him.  The  matter  was  finally  settled  in  1875  when  the 
railway  company  was  offered  twenty  sections  of  land  per  mile  of  road 
constructed  under  the  act  of  1870,  with  an  exemption  from  taxation  on 
same  for  twenty-five  years  in  lieu  of  the  state  bonds.  The  offer  was 
accepted.  The  other  act  granted  aid  to  the  amount  of  $6,000,000  to  the 
Texas  and  Pacific  Railroad  Com])any  on  condition  that  it  construct  a  road 
from  Long^'iew  to  Dallas  and  thence  westward  through  the  state.  The 
right  was  reserved  to  commute  the  state  bonds  for  land  at  the  rate  of 
twenty-four  sections  per  mile  in  case  the  constitution  was  amended  so 
that  this  were  possible,  (iovernor  Davis  disapproved  this  act,  but  it  was 
passed  over  his  veto  May  24,  1871.  "The  passage  of  this  measure,  along 
with  the  International  Railroad  bond  muddle,  provoked  an  outburst  of 
[jopular  disapproval  and  charges  of  fraud  and  corruption  were  freely 
bandied  about.  Governor  Coke  in  his  second  annual  message  to  the 
legislature,  in  1875.  says  that  the  original  International  bond  act,  'bv  com- 
mon consent,  and  admission  was  carried  through  the  twelfth  legislature 
by  the  most  unblushing  bribery."  As  a  result  of  this  agitation  an  amend- 
ment to  the  constitution  was  adopted  [1874],  allowing  the  legislature  to 
make  grants  of  land  to  railway  companies,  provided  that  not  more  than 
twenty  sections  per  mile  should  be  so  granted.  To  the  Texas  and  Pacific 
Company  *  *  *  ^-as  granted  twenty  sections  of  land  per  mile  of 
road  instead  of  the  bonds  of  the  state.  *  *  *  Thus  terminated  this 
form  of  state  aid.  Fortunately  the  .state  escaped  without  anv  bonded 
indebtedness  resulting  from  the  reckless  attempts  to  lend  the  state's 
credit,  though  bonds  to  the  amount  of  twelve  or  fourteen  millions  had  been 
voted  by  the  legi.slature."* 

The  governor  favored  immigration,  recommended  a  geological  sur- 
vey of  the  state,  improvement  and  repair  of  the  public  buildings,  state 
institutions  and  the  penitentiary,  which  were  all  in  a  dilapidated  condi- 
tion. He  hoped  that  every  species  of  manufacture  and  industry  would 
be  encouraged  by  the  passage  of  laws  affording  ample  protection  to 
their  property  and  granting  exemption  from  taxes  for  a  short  term  of 
years.  He  called  attention  to  the  sad  plight  of  the  stockraisers  and 
urged  that  this  important  interest  be  given  relief  through  appropriate 
legislation. 

Other  subjects  that  required  immediate  attention  "as  essential  to  com- 
plete the  reorganization  of  the  state  government"  were : 


♦Pott's  "Railway  Transportation  in  Texas,"  95. 


HISTOKY  OF  TEXAS  433 

"The  organization  and  appointment  of  boards  of  registry,  and 
of  judges  of  elections ;  the  ajipointnient  of  officers  to  fill  vacancies 
Where  the  law  or  constitution  does  not  now  provide  therefor;  to 
provide  for  removals  and  appointments  to  municipal  offices  until 
elections  can  be  held  in  the  respective  cities  and  towns ;  to  provide  for 
and  fix  time  and  manner  of  elections  for  such  officers  as  are  made  elec- 
tive ;  to  provide  for  the  "trial.  ])unishment  and  removal  from  office'  of 
the  class  of  officers  referred  to  in  section  6,  article  VIIl,  and  to  divide 
the  state  into  convenient  judicial  districts,  so  that  the  appointment 
of  district  judges  ma\-  be  made." 

The  registration  and  election  laws  required  all  voting  to  be  done  at 
the  county  seat,  and  the  governor  was  given  complete  control  of  the 
election.  Man>-  of  the  whites  considered  the  restrictions  impo.sed  on 
the  voter  so  onerous  thai  they  refused  to  go  to  the  polls.  The  subject 
of  filling  vacancies  as  well  as  of  new  offices  was  disposed  of  by  an 
"enabling  act"  which  authorized  the  governor  to  fill  them  all  by  ap- 
pointment. In  the  case  of  the  elective  officers  the  appointments  were  to 
hold  until  the  first  general  election.  This  policy  was  carried  to  the 
extreme  of  including  municipal  oflicers.  By  an  act  approved  August 
15,  1870,  the  date  of  the  first  general  election  was  fixed  on  the  first 
Tuesday  after  the  first  Monday  in  November,  1872.  By  this  extraordi- 
nary act  the  legislature,  which  had  been  chosen  for  a  period  of  two 
years  in  November.  I860,  attempted  to  lengthen  its  own  term  for  one 
year,  and  that  of  each  of  the  governor's  appointees  as  well.  It  prac- 
tically legislated  a  vacancy  in  the  Texas  delegation  in  congress.  The  act 
was  such  a  i)alpal)le  violation  of  the  constitution  that  a  movement  was 
started  during  the  following  session  of  the  legislature  to  have  it  repealed 
but  the  extremists  resisted  the  effort  and  ousted  the  speaker  of  the  house 
of  representatives  from  his  oft'ice  for  favoring  such  repeal.  The  Demo- 
cratic press  charged  that  the  rigid  election  law  took  away  the  last  excuse 
for  the  enabling  act  and  that  fear  of  the  result  of  a  popular  vote  was 
the  motive  for  tlie  postjionement  of  the  election. 

The  forty-first  congress  terminated  March  ?i.  1871,  and  with  it  the 
terms  of  the'  Texas  congressmen.  Through  the  juggling  of  the  election 
law  referred  to  above.  Texas  was  deprived  of  membership  in  the  house 
of  representatives  during  the  first  session  of  the  forty-second  congress. 
On  May  2,  1871,  a  special  election  for  congressmen  was  ordered  to  be 
held  October  3  to  6  following.  Democratic  candidates  entered  the  lists 
against  the  Republicans.  Exercising  the  extraordinary  powers  conferred 
upon  him  by  the  election  laws,  the  governor  issued  a  circular  on  August 
9th,  supplertiented  by  another  on  .September  6th.  placing  the  most  galling 
restrictions  upon  the  voters  during  the  election,  patterned  in  every 
respect  after  the  election  held  under  military  rule. 

"The  people,  at  a  glance,  saw  through  both  these  proclamations. 
They  knew  that  the  only  hope  for  the  governor  and  his  party  was  to 
obtain  a  pretext  to  throw  out  the  votes,  and  that  he  had  resorted  to 
these  flaming,  unconstitutional,  illegal,  unwarranted,  unnecessary  and 
uncalled-for  proclamations  as  a  pretext  to  enable  him  to  accomplish 
his  tyrannical  purpo.se."* 

•Pearre's  "Review  of  tlit  laws  of  tlic  Twelfth  Legislature"     .     .     .     and  the 
"Oppressions  of  Governor  F,   J.   Davis'  administration,"  107. 


434  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

The  polling  places  were  guarded  by  state  police  or  militia,  and  the 
voters  were  obliged  to  pass  in  single  file  between  Davis'  soldiers  to  deposit 
their  ballots.  Nevertheless  the  Democratic  candidates  were  elected.  Gov- 
ernor Davis  issued  his  certificate  of  election  to  W.  T.  Clark  instead  of 

D.  C.  Giddings  on  the  ground  of  irregularities  in  the  election,  but  the 
house  of  representatives  seated  Giddings. 

The  last  subject  to  be  considered  in  the  governor's  message  was  the 
financial  conditions  of  the  state.  He  stated  that  there  was  a  balance  of 
approximately  $375,000  currency  in  the  treasury  which  about  equalled 
the  public  debt.  He  did  not  think  it  possible  to  make  an  estimate  of  the 
state's  expenses  in  the  future,  but  felt  certain  that  it  would  be  much 
larger  than  formerly  even  if  the  most  rigid  economy  were  observed. 
The  various  measures  recommended,  such  as  the  school  system,  the  in- 
creased judiciary,  the  immigration  bureau,  state  police,  etc.,  would  require 
at  least  $1,500,000  annually.  The  taxable  values  for  1869  amounted  to 
$149,665,386.  The  whole  .system  of  collecting  taxes  must  be  revised  and 
made  more  efficient.  The  legislature  readily  responded  with  various 
acts,  but  found  it  impossible  to  make  receipts  equal  the  expenditures.  In 
1870  an  issue  of  $750,000  state  bonds  had  been  authorized  to  raise  the 
funds  for  frontier  defense.  In  May,  1871,  $400,000  state  bonds  bearing 
ten  per  cent  were  appropriated  to  wipe  out  deficiencies  in  the  state's 
revenue,  and  in  December  of  the  same  year  an  additional  issue  of  $2,000,- 
000  state  bonds  was  authorized  for  the  same  purpose.  The  various  local 
officers  were  quite  as  lavish  in  the  expenditure  of  county  funds  as  the 
legislature  was  in  the  appropriation  of  state  funds.  The  rate  of  taxation 
advanced  by  leaps  and  bounds;  in  September,  1871,  it  was  about,  $2.17j<2 
on  the  hundred  dollars  valuation,  besides  poll,  occupation  and  license 
taxes. 

The  opposition  to  these  radical  measures  was  widespread,  and  did 
not  long  delay  to  find  expression  in  organized  action.  Even  before  the 
called  session  of  the  legislature  adjourned,  a  group  of  prominent  men, 
including  several  legislators,  met  at  Austin  in  July,  1870.  A  "Petition  of 
the  people  of  Texas  to  Congress  to  guarantee  to  the  people  a  republican 
form  of  government"  was  drafted  and  extensively  circulated.  It  con- 
tained a  synopsis  of  the  militia  act.  the  state  police  act,  the  enabling  act. 
the  registration  and  election  laws  and  of  other  laws  dangerous  to  the 
liberties  of  the  people,  and  concluded  with  an  appeal  to  congress  and  to 
public  opinion  for  relief.  The  .statement  made  by  Governor  Davis  that 
"a  slow  civil  war  has  been  going  on  in  the  state  ever  since  the  sur- 
render of  the  Confederate  armies"  was  branded  as  a  falsehood.  The 
petition  bore  the  signatures  of  A.  J.  Hamilton,  j.  ^^^  Throckmorton  and 

E.  M.  Pease,  the  governors  of  Texas  since  1865,  and  of  other  prominent 
Hamilton  Republicans,  as  well  as  those  of  Democrats.  In  January,  1871, 
a  Democratic  state  convention  was  held  at  Austin.  The  platform  stated 
the  essentials  of  self-government,  enumerated  and  denounced  the  uncon- 
stitutional and  oppressive  acts  of  the  radical  state  administration,  and  ex- 
tended an  invitation  to  all  good  irien,  whatever  mav  have  been  their  past 
poHtical  preferences  to  unite  with  the  Democratic  party  in  removing  from 
place  and  power  those  who  now  control  the  state  government,  in  order 
to  release  the  people  from  oppressive  revenue  and  unequal  taxation,  to 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  435 

insure  an  honest  administration  of  the  laws,  and  an  honest  and  economical 
expenditures  of  the  ])uhlic  moneys,  and  to  throw  the  aegis  of  justice  and 
protection  over  the  j)erson  and  property  of  every  individual  whatsoever  in 
the  state  of  Texas."  I'lans  were  made  for  a  thorough  organization  of  the 
party,  and  for  the  establishment  in  Austin  of  a  central  party  organ.  The 
Democratic  Statesman  made  its  a])pearance  in  July.  The  campaign  waged 
during  the  summer  by  the  Democratic  candidates  for  congress  afforded 
an  excellent  op])ortunity  for  discussing  the  abuses  of  the  administration 
and  for  rekindling  interest  in  |)ublic  affairs  in  many  who  through  apathy 
or  disgust  had  hitherto  neglected  to  register  as  voters.  .Some  of  the 
men,  who  had  drafted  the  jietition  to  congress,  now  issued  a  call  for  a 
taxpayers  convention  to  meet  at  .•\ustin,  September  22,  "for  the  pur- 
pose of  expressing  their  opinion  in  regard  to  the  exorbitant  expenditures 
and  enormous  taxes  to  which  we  are  subjected."  The  call  was  well- 
timed.  Meetings  of  tax-payers  were  held  in  many  places ;  ninety-five 
counties  were  represented  in  the  convention.  Governor  Pease  was  elected 
president.  .\  committee  of  twenty-one  reported  on  the  violation  of  the 
constitution  and  laws,  and  on  taxes.  "The  violations  of  constitutions 
and  disregard  of  law  have  been  very  frequent  and  are  very  numerous," 
read  the  report,  "hut  frequent  as  they  have  been  and  nuinerous  as  they 
are,  we  have  been  unable  to  find  a  single  one  of  either  class  based  on  an 
honest  de.sire  to  accomplish  good  for  the  people  of  the  state,  or  to  secure 
prosperity  to  the  country.  On  the  contrary,  their  ajiparent  cause  seems 
uniformly  to  spring  from  one  grand  purpose,  viz:  to  concentrate  power 
in  the  hands  of  one  man,  and  to  emasculate  the  strength  of  the  citizens  of 
Texas  as  a  free  people."  A  long  list  of  violations  of  the  laws  and  un- 
constitutional acts  formed  part  of  the  report.  The  report  on  taxation  set 
forth  the  enormous  increase  in  the  public  expenditures,  the  burdensome 
character  of  the  taxes  and  the  extravagance  of  the  administration.  A 
committee  was  ajjpointed  to  ask  the  legislature  for  redress  of  the  griev- 
ances. Another  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  an  address  advis- 
ing the  people  how  to  resist  through  the  courts  the  collection  of  such 
taxes  as  were  deemed  illegal.  In  case  the  petition  of  the  convention  was 
neglected  and  no  election  held  at  an  early  date  for  a  new  Igislature,  an 
appeal  should  be  made  to  the  general  government,  "praying  that  the 
people  of  Texas  be  protected  in  the  right  guaranteed  by  the  constitution 
of  the  state  in  the  election  of  members  of  the  legislature,  under  a  just 
apportionment,  as  well  as  an  eli-ction  of  state  and  county  officers."  The 
legislature  granted  no  relief. 

Although  Governor  Davis  had  given  his  approval  to  the  act  fixing 
the  dale  of  the  first  general  election  under  the  new  constitution  in  No- 
vember, 1872,  he  soon  found  it  a  stumbling  block.  The  constitution 
clearly  demanded  that  the  governor  be  chosen  at  the  time  that  members 
of  the  legislature  are  elected.  Davis  claimed  that  his  term  would  expire 
four  years  from  A])ril  28,  1870,  which  would  be  prior  to  the  general 
election  in  November,  1874.  'I'lie  (|uestion,  therefore,  arose  whether 
the  governor,  too,  ought  not  to  be  elected  at  the  November  election  in 
1872.  A  popular  election  held  such  terrifying  possibilities  for  the  gov- 
ernor that  he  put  an  end  to  the  matter  by  a  proclamation: 


436  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

"It  is  my  understanding  of  the  tenure  of  office  of  the  legislature 
to  be  elected  in  November  next,  that  it  expires  on  the  2nd  day  of 
December  of  the  year   1873,  being  two  years  from  the  2nd  day  of 
December,    1871,   on    which    last    mentioned    day,    according   to    the 
opinion  of  the  attorney-general  and,  I  believe,  of  most  lawyers  of 
the  state,  the  legislature  elected  in  the  fall  of  1869  expired.     It  will, 
then,  be  the  duty  of  the  legislature  to  be  elected  on  the  5th  of  No- 
vember   [1872]    to   provide    for   the  election  of   their   successors   in 
November,  1873,  and  at  the  same  time  of  governor,  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor, comptroller,  treasurer,  commissioner  of  the  general  land  office, 
etc.,   also   sheriffs,   district   clerks,   justices   of   the   peace   and  other 
county   officers.     *     *     *     j^  conclusion   and   to   relieve   all   doubt, 
if  any  exists  in  the  public  mind  on  this  subject,  I  will  say  that  no 
election   for  governor  and  other  state  or  county  officers,  except  to 
fill  vacancies,  will  be  held  at  the  election  in  November  next." 
In  this  opinion  the  governor  reached  the  climax  in  his  efforts  to  have 
all  the  powers  of  the  government  converge  in  his  office.     The  legislature 
had  complied  with  his  numerous  suggestions.     It  postponed  the  election 
one  year  beyond   the   proper   date.      Now,   in   turn   the   legislature   was 
informed  that  its  term  had  expired  and  that  the  governor  could  manage 
affairs   without    its   assistance.      The    constitution   expressly    stated    that 
sessions  of  the  legislature  shall  be  annual,  but  then  the  legislature  had 
held  two  sessions  during   1871.     So   far  as  the  people  were  concerned, 
they  were  ready  to  dispen.se  with  the  .services  of  the  twelfth  legislature ; 
it  was  economy  to  do  so ;  but  they  claimed  for  themselves  the  right  to 
turn  them  out  by  choosing  their  successors. 

The  approaching  national  and  state  elections  infused  new  life  into 
parly  politics.  The  Republicans  held  their  convention  at  Houston  in 
May.  Their  platform  approved  the  administrations  of  Grant  and  of 
Governor  Davis,  promi-sed  economy  and  honesty  in  administration  and 
declared  that  the  "Democratic  party,  with  its  prejudices  against  the 
equal  rights  of  men  and  again.st  popular  education,"  cannot  safely  be 
intrusted  with  the  powers  of  government.  The  Democrats  met  in  con- 
vention at  Corsicana  in  June,  reaffirmed  the  ])latform  of  1871  with  its 
severe  arraignment  of  the  Davis  administration,  declared  the  national 
administration  to  be  "destructive  of  the  rights  of  the  states  and  of  the 
liberties  of  the  people."  and  endorsed  the  action  of  the  liberal  Repub- 
licans. The  election  included  presidential  electors,  members  of  congress, 
members  of  the  legislature,  and  the  location  of  the  seat  of  government. 
( ireeley  received  a  majority  of  19.020  over  Grant ;  six  Democratic  con- 
gressmen were  chosen  ;  a  majority  in  the  house  of  representatives  was 
captured  by  the  Democrats,  and  Austin  remained  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment. The  result  clearly  showed  that  the  days  of  radical  rule  were 
numbered. 

The  thirteenth  legislature  convened  January  14,  1873.  The  house  was 
organized  by  the  Democrats.  The  senate  presented  a  problem.  Webster 
Flanagan  was  elected  president  of  the  senate  during  the  twelfth  legisla- 
ture. Some  contended  that  he  was  the  president  of  the  thirteenth  legis- 
lature. The  Democrats  did  not  command  sufficient  votes  to  force  a 
reorganization.     To  promote  harmony.   Senator   Flanagan   resigned   and 


HISTORY"  OF>^  TEXAS  ^S7 

subsequently  co-operated  with  the  Democrats  in  repeahng  or  modify- 
ing the  radical  legislation  of  the  twelfth  legislature.  (Governor  Davis' 
message  was  conciliatory :  he  counseled  moderation.  "When  1  com- 
menced the  performance  of  the  duties  of  governor,"  he  said : 

"I   proposed  to  myself  these  main  purposes:     On  the  one  hand 
to  restrain  that  tendency  to  extravagant  squandering  of  public  nioney 
and  running  into  debt,  which  has  disgraced  many  of  the  governments 
and  legislatures  of  the  so-called  reconstructed  states.     *     *     *     Qn 
the  other  hand,  to  restrain  that  lawlessness  which  alway>  vmfavorably 
distinguished  our  people,  hut  had  become  shockingly   intensified  by 
the  habits  taught  our  young  men  in  military  camjjs." 
He  defended  the  militia  and  police  acts  and  the  extraordinary  powers 
they  conferred  ujwn  the  governor  by  insisting  that  the  moderate  use  of 
such  powers  had  exerted  a  salutary  influence  in  restraining  lawlessness 
and  preserving  peace,  and  had  thus  "prevented  disturbances  hurtful  to  the 
prosperity  of  our  state,  and  averted  the  interference  of  the  United  States 
government,  which  nearly  all  of  the  reconstructed  states  have  been  sub- 
jected to."    The  legislature  immediately  began  the  work  of  reform.     The 
enabling  act  and  the  state  police  act  were  repealed.     The  militia  law  was 
amended  so  as  to  prune  it  of  the  extraordinary  powers  it  vested  in  the 
governor.     The   law   regulating  the  assessment  and  collection   of  taxes, 
the  law  relating  to  public  free  schools,  the  public  printing  law,  and  the 
registration  and  election  laws  were  remodeled.     Elections  were  to  be  held 
in  the  various  precincts  and  to  continue   for  one  day  only.     Other  im- 
portant legislation  included  the  act  appropriating  one-half  of  the  ptiblic 
domain  to  the  permanent   school   fund,  the  act   reapjmrtioning  the  state 
into  senatorial  and  representative  districts  and  the  act  fixing  the  time  of 
holding  an  election   for  members  of  the  fourteenth  legislature,  all  state 
officers,  countv  officers,  etc.,  on  the  first  Tuesday  in  December,  1873. 

The  act  fixing  the  date  for  the  next  general  election  as  well  as 
the  remodeled  registration  and  election  laws  received  the  approval  of 
Governor  Davis.  Each  party,  therefore,  entered  the  campaign  under 
conditions  presumably  mutually  satisfactory.  The  Republicans  met  in 
convention  at  Dallas  in  August,  and  renominated  Governor  Davis.  The 
platform  criticised  the  thirteenth  legislature  and  demanded  a  long  list 
of  reforms.  The  Democratic  convention  was  held  at  Austin  in  September. 
Richard  Coke  was  nominated  for  governor,  and  a  complete  state  ticket 
placed  in  the  field.  The  platform  pointed  with  pride  to  the  work  of 
the  Democrats  in  the  thirteenth  legislature,  and  pledged  the  party  to  ad- 
minister the  government,  which  would  certainly  be  entrusted  to  their 
hands,  in  the  interest  and  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  people.  It  favored 
the  calling  of  a  constitutional  convention  by  the  next  legislature.  The  con- 
test aroused  the  highest  political  excitement  and  neither  party  asked 
nor  gave  quarter.  Intimidation  and  fraud  were  used  on  both  sides. 
The  vote  polled  was  large  and  decisive :  Coke  received  85.549  votes, 
Davis  42,633.  The  Democratic  candidates  for  the  several  state  offices 
were  successful,  and  a  majoritv  in  each  branch  of  the  legislature  also 
belonged  to  that  party. 

The  radicals  made  a  last  desperate  effort  to  prolong  minority  rule. 
The  validity  of  the  law.  under  which  (he  recent  election  had  been  held. 


438  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 

was  attacked  because  the  voting  had  been  limited  to  one  day  instead  of 
four.  The  supreme  court  of  Texas,  on  January  5,  1874.  upheld  this 
view  and  declared  the  law  unconstitutional.  Acting  upon  the  assump- 
tion that  under  this  decision  the  election,  too,  was  void,  and  that  the 
successful  candidates  were  not  entitled  to  administer  the  offices  to  which 
they  had  been  elected.  Governor  Davis,  on  January  12,  issued  following 
proclamation,     .\fter  referring  to  the  decision  of  the  court,  he  said: 

"\\'hereas.  Great  public  injury  and  further  dangerous  complica- 
tions of  public  affairs  are  likely  to  result  from  any  attempt  on  the  part 
of  those  claiming  to  have  been  chosen  as  members  of  the  legislature 
and  other  ofificers  at  said  election,  to  assume  the  positions  they  claim, 
therefore,  for  these  and  other  reasons  which  it  is  not  necessary  to 
incorporate  herein,  it  is  deemed  advisable,  and  it  is  so  ordered,  that 
those  who  have  been  chosen  as  legislators  and  other  ofificers  shall  not 
attempt  to  assume  the  positions  they  claim  unless  by  further  action 
of  adequate  authority." 
Knowing  very  well  that  his  proclamation  would  be  disregarded,  the 
governor  applied  to  the  president  of  the  United  States  for  federal  troops 
to  prevent  apprehended  violence.    On  January  12th  Grant  replied  that  he 
could  not  furnish  aid,  and  made  following  suggestion : 

"The  act  of  the  legislature  of  Texas  providing  for  the  recent 
election  having  received  your  approval,  and  both  political  parties 
having  made  nominations  and  having  conducted  a  political  campaign 
under  its  provisions,  would  it  not  be  prudent,  as  well  as  right,  to 
yield  to  the  verdict  of  the  people  as  expressed  by  their  ballots?" 
Governor  Davis,  however,  did  not  sit  idly  by  awaiting  Grant's  decision  : 
he  believed  in  helping  himself,  and  the  president's  reply  did  not  change 
his  program.  The  newly  elected  state  officers  and  members  of  the  legis- 
lature held  a  conference  the  evening  preceding  the  day  fixed  for  the  meet- 
ing of  the  legislature.  January  1,^.  1874.  No  one  knew  what  Davis 
planned  to  do.  but  that  opposition  to  the  inauguration  of  the  new  adminis- 
tration would  be  made  was  anticipated.  It  was  decided  to  proceed  in  the 
most  peaceable  and  prudent  manner  possible  and  to  avoid  any  illegal 
action.  It  was  discovered  that  Davis  had  filled  the  lower  part  of  the 
capitol  with  armed  men.  mostly  negroes,  and  that  he  planned  to  take 
possession  of  the  legislative  halls  in  the  morning.  The  Democrats,  there- 
fore, secured  the  halls  during  the  night  and  thus  gained  an  important 
strategic  point.  Organization  of  the  legislature  was  perfected  withoul 
opposition.  However,  on  the  same  day  a  portion  of  the  thirteenth  legis- 
lature met  in  the  basement  of  the  capitol.  The  governor  informed  the 
committees  from  the  fourteenth  legislature  that  he  would  not  recognize 
it.  as  its  validity  was  placed  in  doubt  bv  the  decision  of  the  supreme 
court  and  was  protested  by  its  predecessor.  For  a  time  the  secretary  of 
state  refused  to  deliver  to  the  legislature  the  election  returns,  but  later 
allowed  them  to  be  taken  over  his  protest.  The  returns  for  governor  and 
lieutenant-governor  were  canvassed,  and  Coke  and  Hubbard  declared  to 
be  duly  elected.  Governor  Davis  issued  an  order  to  the  local  militia  com- 
pany, the  Travis  Rifles,  to  report  at  once  for  duty  "fully  armed  and 
equipped."  On  their  way  to  the  capitol  the  sheriflF  summoned  the  captain 
and  his  men  as  a  posse  to  keep  the  peace :  they  were  marched  to  the 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS  439 

second  story  uf  the  capitol  and  stood  guard  during  the  inauguration  of 
the  new  governor  late  at  night  of  the  15th.  The  next  day  another  appeal 
was  made  to  Grant : 

"The  newly  elected  govenior  (Coke)  was  inaugurated  last  night. 
Armed  men  are  guarding  the  approaches  to  the  offices  at  the  capi- 
tol.    Other  armed  men  have  possession  of  the  legislative  halls.     .V 
conflict  seems  inevitable." 
Again  aid  was  refused.     But  Davis  still  held  on. 

"During  the  16th  and  until  late  in  the  afternoon  of  the  17th  there 
prevailed  the  most  intense  excitement,  both  in  the  lower  and  upper 
story  of  the  capitol,  and  there  were  during  that  time  several  narrow 
escapes  from  hostile  conflict,  which  was  only  prevented  by  the  con- 
tinual watchfulness  and  care  of  those  who  were  relied  upon  to  avoid 
a  conflict  if  possible." 
In  the  afternoon  of  the  17ih  a  third  refusal  oi  aid  was  received  from 
the  president,  through  ihe  attorney  general,  saying  that  the  president  "is 
of  the  opinion  your  right  to  the  office  of  governor  at  this  time  is  at  least 
so  doubtful  that  he  does  not  feel  warranted  in  furnishing  United  States 
troops."    Thereupon  Davis  quit  the  executive  office  without  taking  formal 
leave,  and  radical  rule  was  at  an  end. 

"The  adniim'stration  of  Davis  was  responsible  for  more  of  the  bit- 
terness with  which  the  people  of  Texas  have  remembered  the  recon- 
struction era  than  all  that  happened  from  the  close  of  the  war  to 
1870.  In  fact,  the  word  reconstruction  recalls  to  most  peo])le  first  of 
all  the  arbitrary  rule  of  this  radical  governor.  *  *  *  In  niany 
respects  he  was  the  best  of  the  faction  that  nominated  him  for  gov- 
ernor in  1869 ;  but  no  man  could  have  been  worse  fitted  by  temper- 
ament for  the  delicate  task  before  the  local  Republicans  at  that  time. 
When  circumstances  demanded  the  most  painstaking  moderation  in 
order  to  overcome  the  effects  of  the  congressional  policy,  E.  J.  Davis 
and  his  radical  associates  succeeded  onK-  in  |)Umging  the  Republican 
party  in  Texas  into  irretrievable  ruin."* 


*Ramsdell,  "Reconstruction  in  Texas,"  317. 


P3 


X  IIMJ     J_.XXJXVrl.EVX 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

Santa  Barbara 
Goleta,  California 


THIS  BOOK  IS  DUE  ON  THE  LAST  DATE 
STAMPED  BELOW. 


51966J 


INTPPIJBRARY  LOAN 
UNiVERStTY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
SANTA  BARBARA,  CA   931  » 


RET'D  JUL  11 2001 5C 


'\ 


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